CORN: 


.*,  Jr, 


University  of  California  •  Berkeley 

Bequest      of 
LOUISIANA    SCOTT    SHUMAN 


/ 

' 


ooiira  TO  WVISK  SEKVICK  IN  THE  TIMES  OF  THK  EARLY  INDIAN  WARS. 


INDIAN  BATTLES, 


CAPTIVITIES, 


AND 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  PERIOD  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 

• 


EDITED  BY  JOHN  FROST,  LL.D. 


WITH  MANY  ILLUSTRATIONS, 


NEW  YORK: 
DERBY   &   JACKSON,   498    BROADWAY. 

1860. 


.   * 


TKE  EA'NCROI  T   I  IRRARY 


CONTENTS. 


DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS, 6 

LANDING  OP  OUR  FOREFATHERS  AT  PLYMOUTH, 13 

COMMENCEMENT  OF  HOSTILITIES  WITH  THE  NATIVES, 24 

WASHINGTON'S  EXPEDITION  IN  1753,  AND  DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL 

BRADDOCK  BY  THE  INDIANS  IN  1755, 83 

EXPEDITION  AND  DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  HARMER  BY  THE  INDIANS, 

1790 89 

EXPEDITIONS  OF  GENERALS  SCOTT  AND  WILKINSON  IN  MAY  AND 

AUGUST,  1791, „ '.  ....  & 94 

DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  GLAIR  BY  THE  INDIANS,  1791, 109 

DEPREDATIONS  OF  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  FRONTIERS  IN  1791,  1792, 

AND  1793,....' 118 

DEFEAT  OF  THE  INDIANS  BY  GEN.  WAYNE,  AUGUST  20,  1794, 122 

A  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  CAPTIVITY  OF  MRS.  JOHNSON,  ;  128 

BURNING  OFROYALTON,. /.  183 

CAPTIVITY  OF  ZADOCK  STE&LE, ' 209 

EVENTS  ON  THE  NORTH  WESTERN  FRONTIER  FROM  1794  TO  1811,  277 

TIPPECANOE  WAR, 284 

SURRENDER  OF  DETROIT,.. 290 

DEFENCE  OF  FORT  HARRISON, 297 

EVENTS  OF  NORTH  WESTERN  FRONTIER  DURING  1813, 303 

THE  CREEK  WAR, 315 

THR  BLACK  HAWK  WAR, *. 359 

THB  FLORIDA  WAR, 365 

INCIDENTS  IN  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  INDIANS, 378 

RECENT  INCIDENTS  IN  THE  TEXAS  AND  MEXICAN  BORDER  WARS,..  392 
* 


5.MT 


INDIAN   NAERATIVES. 


DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  CHRISTOPHER 
COLUMBUS. 

MANKIND  owe  the  discovery  of  the  western  world  to  the 
gold,  the  silver,  the  precious  stones,  the  spices,  silks,  and  costly 
manufactures  of  the  East ;  and  even  those  incentives  were  for 
a  considerable  time  insufficient  to  prompt  to  the  undertaking, 
although  the  most  skilful  navigator  of  the  age  proffered  to 
risk  his  life  in  the  attempt. 

Christopher  Columbus,  who  was  destined  to  the  high  honor 
of  revealing  a  new  hemisphere  to  Europeans,  was  by  birth  a 
Genoese,  who  had  been  early  trained  to  a  seafaring  life,  and, 
having  acquired  every  branch  of  knowledge  connected  with 
that  profession,  was  no  less  distinguished  by  his  skill  and  abil 
ities  than  for  his  intrepid  and  persevering  spirit.  This  man, 
when  about  forty  years  of  age,  had  formed  the  great  idea  of 
reaching  the  East  Indies  by  sailing  westward ;  but  as  his  for 
tune  was  very  small,  and  the  attempt  required  very  effectual 
patronage,  desirous  that  his  native  country  should  profit  by 
his  success,  he  laid  his  plait  before  the  senate  of  Genoa ;  but 
the  scheme  appearing  chimerical,  it  was  rejected. ,  He  then 
repaired  to  the  court  of  Portugal ;  and  although  the  Portu 
guese  were  at  that  time  distinguished  for  their  commercial 
spirit,  and  John  II.,  who  then  reigned,  was  a  discerning  and 
enterprising  prince,  yet  the  prepossessions  of  the  great  men 
1*  (fi) 


6.  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

in  his  court,  to  whom  the  matter  was  referred,  caused  Coluin- 
bus  finally  to  fail  in  his  attempt  there  also.  He  next  applied 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  King  and  Queen  of  Arragon  and 
Castile,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  his  brother  Bartholomew 
(who  followed  the  same  profession,  and  who  was  well  qualified 
to  fill  the  immediate  place  under  such  a  leader)  to  England, 
to  lay  the  proposal  before  Henry  VII.,  which  likewise,  very 
fortunately  for  the  future  well  being  of  the  country,  met  with 
m>  success.  Many  were  the  years  which  Christopher  Colmn- 
buS'Spent  in  ineffe«tual  attendance  at  the  Castilian  court;  the 
impoverished  state  into  which  the  finances  of  the  united  king 
doms  were  reduced,  the  war  with  Grenada,  repressing  every 
disposition  to  attempt  to  great  designs ;  but  the  war  being  at 
length  terminated,  the  powerful  mind  of  Isabella  broke  through 
all  obstacles :  she  declared  herself  the  patroness  of  Columbus  ; 
whilst  her  husband,  Ferdinand,  declining  to  partake  as  an  ad 
venturer  in  the  voyage,  only  gave  it  the  sanction  of  his  name. 
Thus  did  the  superior  genius  of  a  woman  effect  the  discovery 
of  one  half  of  the  globe. 

The  ship's  sent  on  this  important  search  were  only  three  in 
number,  two  of  them  very  small ;  they  had  ninety  men  on 
board.  Although  the  expense  of  the  expedition  had  long  re 
mained  the  sole  obstacle  to  its  being  undertaken,  yet,  when 
every  thing  was  provided,  the  cost  did  not  amount  to  more 
than  seventeen  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty  dollars,  and 
there  were  twelve  months'  provision  put  on  board. 

Columbus  set  sail  from  Port  Palos,  in  the  Province  of  An 
dalusia,  on  the  2d  of  August,  1492 :  he  proceeded  to  the  Ca 
nary  Islands,  and  from  thence  directed  his  course  due  west, 
in  the  latitude  of  about  28  north.  In  this  course  he  continued 
for  two  months  without  falling  in  with  any  land,  which  caused 
such  a  spirit  of  discontent  and  mutiny  to  arise  as  the  superior 
address  and  management  of  the  commander  became  unequal 
to  suppress,  although  for  these  qualities  he  was  eminently 
distinguished.  He  was  at  length  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 


DISCOVERT    OF   AMERICA   BY    COLUMBUS.  7 

r 

entering  into  a  solemn  engagement  to  abandon  the  enterprise 
and  return  home  if  land  did  not  appear  in  three  days.  Prob 
ably  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  retain  his  people  so  long 
from  acts  of  violence  and  outrage,  in  pursuing  so  untried  and 
dreary  a  course,  had  thej  not  been  sensible  that  their  safety 
in  returning  home  depended  very  much  on  his  skill  as  a  nav 
igator  in  conducting  the  vessel. 

At  length  the  appearance  of  land  changed  their  despond 
ency  to  the  most  exulting  rapture.  It  was  an  island  abound 
ing  with  inhabitants,  both  sexes  of  which  were  quite  naked, 
their  manners  kind,  gentle,  and  unsuspecting.  Columbus 
named  it  San  Salvador ;  it  is  one  of  the  cluster  which  bears 
the  general  name  of  Bahama ;  it  was  only  3°  30'  latitude  to 
the  south  of  the  Island  of  Gomora,  one  of  the  Canaries,  from 
whence  he  took  his  departure.  This  navigator  was  still  so 
confirmed  in  the  opinion  which  he  had  formed  before  he  un 
dertook  the  voyage  that  he  believed  himself  then  to  be  on  an 
island  which  was  situated  adjacent  to  the  Indies.  Proceeding 
to  the  south,  he  saw  three  other  islands,  which  he  named  St. 
Mary  of  the  Conception,  Ferdinand,  and  Isabella.  -At  length 
he  arrived  at  a  very  large  island ;  and  as  he  had  taken  seven 
of  the  natives  of  San  Salvador  on  board,  he  learned  from 
them  it  was  called  Cuba ;  but  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Juanna. 
He  next  proceeded  to  an  island  which  he  called  Espagniola, 
in  honor  of  the  kingdom  by  which  he  was  employed ;  and  it 
still  bears  the  name  of  Hispaniola.  Here  he  built  a  fort  and 
formed  a  small  settlement ;  he  then  returned  home,  having  on 
board  some  of  the  natives  whom  he  had  taken  from  the  differ 
ent  islands.  Steering  a  more  southern  course,  he  fell  in  with 
some  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  and  Arrived  at  the  port  of  Palos 
on  the  15th  of  March,  1493,  having  been  seven  months  and 
eleven  days  on  this  most  important  voyage. 

On  his  arrival  letters  patent  were  issued  by  the  king  and 
queen,  confirming  to  Columbus  and  to  his  heirs  all  the  privi* 


8  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

leges  contained  in  a  capitulation  whicli  had  been  executed 
before  his  departure,  and  his  family  was  ennobled. 

Not  only  the  Spaniards,  but  the  other  nations  of  Europe, 
seem  to  have  adopted  the  opinion  of  Columbus,  in  considering 
the  countries  which  he  had  discovered  as  a  part  of  India  — 
whence  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  gave  them  the  name  "  Indies," 
in  the  ratification  of  their  former  agreement  with  Columbus. 
Even  after  the  error  was  detected  the  name  was  retained ; 
and  the  appellation  of  "  West  Indies "  is  now  given  by  all 
Europe  to  this  country,  and  that  of  Indians  to  the  inhabitants. 
•  Nothing  could  possibly  tend  more  effectually  to  rouse  every 
active  principle  of  human  nature  than  the  discoveries  which 
Columbus  had  made ;  no  time  was  therefore  lost,  no  expense 
spared,  in  preparing  a  fleet  of  ships  with  which  this  great 
man  should  revisit  the  countries  he  had  made  known.  Sev 
enteen  ships  were  got  ready  in  six  months,  and  fifteen  hun 
dred  persons  embarked  on  board  them,  among  whom  were 
many  of  noble  families  and  who  had  filled  honorable  stations. 
These  engaged  in  the  enterprise  from  the  expectation  that 
&e  new-discovered  country  was  either  the  Cipango  of  Marco 
Paulo,  or  the  Ophir  from  which  Solomon  obtained  his  gold 
and  precious  merchandise.  Ferdinand,  now  desirous  of  se 
curing  what  he  had  before  been  unwilling  to  venture  for  the 
obtaining,  applied  to  the  pope  to  be  invested  with  a  right  in 
these  new-discovered  countries,  as  well  as  to  all  future  dis 
coveries  in  that  direction ;  but  as  it  was  necessary  that  there 
should  be  some  favor  of  religion  in  the  business,  he  founded 
his  plea  on  a  desire  of  converting  the  savage  natives  to  the 
Romish  faith,  which  plan  had  its  desired  effect. 

Alexander  VI.,  who  then  filled  the  Papal  chair,  it  ought  to 
be  mentioned,  was  the  most  profligate  and  abandoned  of  men. 
Being  a  native  of  Arragon,  and  desirous  of  conciliating  the 
favor  of  Ferdinand  for  the  purpose  of  aggrandizing  his  fam 
ily,  he  readily  granted  a  request  which,  at  no  expense  or  risk, 


DISCOVERY    OF   AMERICA   BY    COLUMBUS.  9 

tended  to  extend  the  consequence  and  authority  of  the  Pa 
pacy  ;  he  therefore  bestowed  on  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  "  all 
the  countries  inhabited  by  infidels  which  they  had  discovered." 
But  as  it  was  necessary  to  prevent  this  grant  from  interfering 
with  one  not  long  before  made  to  the  crown  of  Portugal,  he 
appointed  that  a  line,  supposed  to  be  drawn  from  pole  to  pole, 
one  hundred  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  Azores,  should 
serve  as  a  limit  between  them ;  and  in  the  plenitude  of  his 
power  conferred  all  to  the  east  of  this  imaginary  line  upon 
the  Portuguese,  and  all  to  the  west  of  it  upon  the  Spaniards, 

Columbus  set  sail  on  his  voyage  from  the  Port  of  Cadiz  on 
the  25th  of  September,  1493  :  when  he  arrived  at  St.  Espag- 
niola,  he  had  the  affliction  to  find  that  all  the  Spaniards  whom 
he  had  left  there,  amounting  to  thirty-six  in  number,  had  been 
put  to  death  by  the  natives,  in  revenge  for  the  insults  and 
outrages  which  they  had  committed.  After  having  traced 
out  the  plan  of  a  town  in  a  large  plain  near  a  spacious  bay, 
and  given  it  the  name  of  Isabella  in  honor  of  his  patroness 
the  Queen  of  Castile,  and  appointed  his  brother  Don  Diego 
to  preside  as  deputy  governor  in  his  absence,  Columbus,  on 
the  24th  of  April,  1494,  sailed  with  one  ship  and  two  small 
barks  to  make  further  discoveries  in  those  seas.  In  this 
voyage  he  was  employed  five  months,  and  fell  in  with  many 
small  islands  on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  but  with  none  of  any  im 
portance  except  the  Island  of  JamaAca. 

Soon  after  his  return  to*  Hispaniola  he  resolved  to  make 
war  with  the  Indians,  who,  according  to  the  Spanish  histori 
ans,  amounted  to  one  hundred  thousand  men ;  these,  having 
experienced  every  lawless  act  of  violence  from  their  invaders, 
were  rendered  extremely  .inveterate,  and  thirsted  for  revenge, 
a  disposition  which  appears  to  have  been  foreign  from  their 
natures.  Having  collected  his  full  force,  he  attacked  ftiem  by 
night  whilst  they  were  assembled  on  a  wide  plain,  and  ob 
tained  a  most  decisive  victory,  without  the  loss  of  one  man  on 
his  part.  Besides  the  effect  of  cannon  and  firearms,  the  noise 


10  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

of  which  was  appalling,  and  their  effect  against  a  numerous 
body  of  Indians,  closely  drawn  together,  in  the  highest  degree 
destructive,  Columbus  had  brought  over  with  him  a  small  body 
of  cavalry.  The  Indians,  who  had  never  before  seen  such  a 
creature,  imagined  the  Spanish  horses  to  be  rational  beings, 
and  that  each,  with  its  rider,  formed  but  one  animal :  they 
were  astonished  at  their  speed,  and  considered  their  impetu 
osity  and  strength  as  irresistible.  In  this  onset  they  had,  be 
side,  another  formidable  enemy  to  terrify  and  destroy  them  : 
a  great  number  of  the  largest  and  fiercest  species  of  dogs 
which  were  then  bred  in  Europe  had  been  brought  hither, 
which,  set  on  by  their  weapons,  without  attempting  resistance, 
they  fled  with  all  the  speed  which  terror  could  excite.  Num 
bers  were  slain,  and  more  made  prisoners,  who  were  imme 
diately  consigned  to  slavery. 

The  character  of  Columbus  stands  very  high  in  the  esti 
mation  of  mankind ;  he  is  venerated  not  only  as  a  man  pos 
sessing  superior  fortitude,  and  such  a  steady  perseverance  as 
no  impediment,  dangers,  or  sufferings  could  shake,  but  as 
equally  distinguished  for  piety  and  virtue.  His  second  son, 
Ferdinand,  who  wrote  the  Life  of  his  father,  apologizes  for  this 
severity  towards  the  natives  on  account  of  the  distressed  state 
into  which  the  colony  was  brought:  the  change  of  climate, 
and  the  indispensable  labors  which  were  required  of  men  un 
accustomed  to  any  exertions,  had  swept  away  great  numbers 
of  the  new  settlers,  and  the  survrvors  were  declining  daily ; 
whilst  such  was  the  irreconcilable  enmity  of  the  natives,  that 
the  most  kind  and  circumspect  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
Spaniards  would  not  have  been  effectual  to  regain  their  good 
will.  This  apology  seems  to  have Jbeen  generally  admitted ; 
for  all  modern  writers  have  bestowed  upon  the  discoverer  of 
the  new  world  the  warmest  commendations  unmixed  with 
censure.  It  is  an  unpleasant  task  to  derogate  from  exalted 
merit,  and  to  impute  a  deliberate  plan  of  cruelty  and  extir 
pation  to  a  man  revered  for  moral  worth  ;  but  although  a  pert 


DISCOVERY    OF   AMERICA    BY    COLUMBUS.  11 

affectation  of  novel  opinions  could  only  originate  in  weak 
minds,  and  can  be  countenanced  only  by  such,  yet  a  free  and 
unreserved  scrutiny  of  facts  can  alone  separate  truth  from 
error,  and  apportion  the  just  and  intrinsic  degree  of  merit 
belonging  to  any  character.  That  Columbus  had  formed  the 
design  of  waging  offensive  war  against  the  Indians,  and  re 
ducing  them  to  slavery,  before  he  entered  upon  his  second 
voyage,  and,  consequently,  before  he  was  apprised  of  the  de 
struction  of  the  people  which  he  had  left  upon  the  Island  of 
Hispaniola,  may  be  inferred  from  his  proceeding  himself  with 
such  a  number  of  fierce  and  powerful  dogs. 

Having  found  the  natives  peaceable  and  well  disposed,  he 
had  no  reason  to  apprehend  that  they  would  commence  un 
provoked  hostilities :  the  cavalry  which  he  took  over,  whilst 
it  tended  to  impress  ^those  people  writh  the  deepest  awe  and 
veneration,  was  fully  sufficient  for  the  security  of  the  new 
colony,  if  the  friendship  of  the  natives  had  been  sincerely 
meant  t6  be  cultivated  by  a  kind  and  equitable  deportment; 
but  to  treat  them  as  a  free  people  was  inconsistent  with  the 
views  which  led  to  planting  a  colony  ;  for  as  the  grand  incen 
tive  to  undertake  the  distant  voyages  was  the  hope  of  acquir 
ing  gold,  so,  as  Columbus  had  seen  some  worn  as  ornaments 
by  the  natives,  and  had  been  informed  that  the  mountainous 
parts  of  the  country  yielded  that  precious  metal,  he  had  ex 
cited  expectations  in  his  employers,  and  in  the  nation  at  large, 
which  both  his  interest  and  ambition  compelled  him  as  far  as 
possible  to  realize.  The  Spaniards  could  not  obtain  gold  with 
out  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  and  those  were  so  constitu 
tionally  indolent  that  no  allurements  of  presents  or  gratifica 
tions  could  excite  them  to  labor.  To  rescue  himself  therefore 
from  disgrace,  and  to  secure-  further  support,  he  seems  delib 
erately  to  have  devoted  a  harmless  race  of  men  to  slaughter 
and  slavery.  Such  as  survived  the  massacre  of  that  dreadful 
day  and  preserved  their  freedom  fled  into  the  mountains  and 
inaccessible  parts  of  the  island,  which  not  yielding  them 


12  INDIAN   NARRATIYES. 

sufficient  means  of  resistance,  they  were  compelled  to  obtain 
a  portion  of  food  from  their  cruel  pursuers  by  obtaining  gold 
dust  in  order  to  support  life ;  a  tribute  being  imposed  upon 
them  which  was  rigorously  exacted.  These  wretched  re 
mains  of  a  free  .people,  thus  driven  from  fruitfulness  and 
amenity,  compelled  to  labor  for  the  support  of  life,  a  prey  to 
despondency,  which  the  recollection  of  their  former  happiness 
sharpened,  and  which  their  hopeless  situation  rendered  insup 
portable,  died  in  great  numbers,  the  innocent  but  unrevenged 
victims  of  European  avarice.  Such  are  the  facts  which  have 
ever  been  admitted ;  yet,  strange  contradiction !  Columbus  is 
celebrated  for  his  humanity  and  goodness.  But  should  he  not 
rather  be  considered  as  a  most  consummate  dissembler,  pro 
fessing  moderation  while  he  meditated  subversion,  and,  like 
most  of  the  heroes  and  conquerors  whom  history  records,  re 
nouncing  every  principle  of  justice  and  humanity  when  they 
stopped  the  career  of  his  ambition  ?  Ferdinand  Columbus, 
his  son  and  biographer,  has  with  great  address  covered  the 
shame  of  his  father ;  whilst  the  admiring  world  has  been  little 
disposed  to  censure  a  man  the  splendor  of  whose  actions  BO 
powerfully  fascinates  and  dazzles. 


LANDING   OF   OUR  FOREFATHERS   AT 
PLYMOUTH. 

THE  English,  conducted  by  John  Cabot,  in  the  year  1497, 
found  the  way  to  North  America  soon  after  Columbus  had 
successfully  crossed  the  Atlantic ;  but  as  the  torrents  in  that 
country  brought  down  no  gold,  and  the  Indians  were  not  be 
decked  with  any  costly  ornaments,  no  attempts  were  made 
to  explore  the  country  for  near  a  century  after  its  discovery. 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  traversed  the  whole  circumference 
of  the  globe  in  one  voyage  and  in  one  ship,  which  had  never 
been  achieved  before,  when  afterwards  annoying  the  Span 
iards  in  the  West  Indies  and  on  the  main,  gained  some  knowl 
edge  of  the  eastern  shore  of  the  northern  continent,  as  he 
had  before  of  the  western  parts  about  the  same  parallel. 
Sir  Walter  Ealeigh,  however,  was  the  first  navigator  who 
explored  the  coast,  bestowed  on  it  a  name,  and  attempted  to 
settle  a  colony. 

At  that  time  colonization  made  no  part  of  the  system  of 
government,  so  that  there  were  few  stimulants  to  abandon  a 
native  soil  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  possession  in  another 
hemisphere.  At  length  a  powerful  incentive  arose,  stronger 
than  the  influence  of  kings,  than  the  love  of  ease,  than  the 
dread  of  misery.  Religion,  which  had  long  been  convert 
ed  into  the  most  powerful  engine  which  human  subtlety  ever 
made  use  of  to  subjugate  the  mass  of  mankind,  no  sooner 
ceased  to  be  so  perverted  than  by  its  own  proper  force  it 
compelled  large  bodies  of  people  to  renounce  every  present 
enjoyment,  the  instinctive  love  of  a  native  soil,  rooted  habits, 
2  (13) 


1 4  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

nnd  dearest  connections,  and  to  settle  in  the  dreary  wilds  of 
a  far-distant  continent. 

When  England,  by  a  very  singular  concurrence  of  circum 
stances,  threw  off  the  Papal  yoke,  state  policy  so  predominated 
in  the  measure  that  the  consciences  of  men  were  still  re 
quired  to  bend  to  the  discipline,  conform  to  the  ceremonials, 
and  assent  to  the  doctrines  which  the  governing  powers  estab 
lished.  Although  a  dissent  from  the  church  of  Rome  was 
considered  as  meritorious,  yet  a  dissent  from  the  church  of 
England  was  held  to  be  heretical,  and  an  offence  to  be  pun 
ished  by  the  civil  magistrate.  The  human  mind,  somewhat 
awakened  from  a  long  suspension  of  its  powers  by  a  Wick- 
liffe,  further  enlightened  by  an  Erasmus  and  Melancthon,  and 
at  length  called,  forth  into  energy  by  the  collusion  of  those 
two  ardent  and  daring  spirits,  Luther  and  Calvin,  then  began 
to  bend  all  its  attention  towards  religious  inquiries,  and  exer 
cised  all  its  powers  in  such  pursuits.  Hence  arose  a  vast 
diversity  of  opinions,  which  gave  rise  to  numerous  sects  arid 
denominations  of  Christians ;  but  as  the  Protestant  establish 
ment  in  England  held  it  essential  to  preserve  a  unity  of 
faith,  those  novel  opinions  obtained  no  more  quarter  there 
than  under  Papal  power. 

In  the  year  1610  a  company  of  persecuted  religionists, 
composing  the  church  of  a  Mr.  Robinson,  having  previously 
determined  to  remove  to  a  country  where  they  might  be 
enabled  to  worship  God  agreeably  to  the  dictates  of  their 
consciences,  emigrated  to  Holland,  and  settled  in  the  city  of 
Leyden,  where  they  continued  to  reside  until  the  year  1620. 
Although  the  ecclesiastical  laws  of  Holland  did  not  at  this 
time  sanction  or  condemn  the  principles  of  any  particular 
sect  of  Christians,  yet  great  were  the  disadvantages  under 
which  the  emigrants  labored ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  Dutch 
gave  them  a  welcome  reception,  and  manifested  a  disposition 
to  treat  them  with  great  respect,  they  never  could  be  pre 
vailed  upon  by  the  former  to  conform  to  their  mode  of  wor 


LANDING  OF  OUR  FOREFATHERS  AT  PLYMOUTH.    15 

ship,  or  to  renounce  principles  which  the  English  conceived 
destructive  to  moral  society ;  nor  did  the  emigrants  here 
succeed  in  other  respects  agreeable  to  their  views.  So  far 
from  increasing  the\r  little  flock,  they  found  that,  in  the  course 
of  ten  years,  they  had  experienced  a  diminution  of  more  than 
one  half  their  original  number ;  many,  in  consequence  of  the 
impoverished  state  of  the  country,  had  spent  their  estates  and 
returned  to  England.  Hence  it  was  that  the  remaining  few 
formed  the  determination  of  attempting  once  more  to  seek  a 
country  better  adapted  to  their  pious  purposes,  and  such  as 
would  promise  a  more  fruitful  abode  to  their  offspring.  By 
some  the  unexplored  parts  of  ^nerica  were  proposed ;  and 
after  a  day  set  apart  for  solemn  humiliation  and  praise  to 
Almighty  God,  it  was  resolved  that  a  part  of  the  church 
should  first  emigrate  to  America,  and,  if  there  meeting  with 
a  favorable  reception,  should  prepare  an  abode  for  the  re 
mainder. 

They  easily  obtained  a  royal  grant  of  a  very  extensive 
tract  of  land  now  called  New  England,  whither  they  in 
tended  to  repair,  not  to  amass  wealth  or  to  exterminate  the 
inhabitants,  but  to  subsist  by  industry,  to  purchase  security 
by  honorable  intercourse  with  the  natives,  and  to  acquire 
strength  under  the  auspices  of  freedom. 

They  made  a  purchase  of  two  small  ships,  and  on  the  5th  of 
August,  1620,  having  repaired  to  Plymouth,  England,  for  the 
purpose,  were  in  readiness  to  embark ;  previous  to  which 
they  were  very  affectionately  addressed  by  their  pious  pastor, 
Dr.  Robinson,  who,  in  fervent  prayer,  commended  them  to 
the  holy  keeping  of  Him  who  rules  the  destinies  of  all  men. 

At  1 1  A.  M.,  with  a  fair  wind,  they  set  sail,  and  bade  adieu 
forever  to  their  native  country.  Nothing  material  occurred 
to  obstruct  their  passage  until  the  20th,  when  they  experienced 
a  tremendous  gale,  which  threatened  them  with  instant  de 
struction.  For  three  days  successively  they  were  tossed 
about  at  the  mercy  of  the  waves :  the  ships  were,  however 


16  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

enabled  to  keep  company  until  the  storm  had  somewhat 
abated,  when  those  on  board  one  of  them,  conceiving  their 
vessel  no  longer  seaworthy,  abandoned  her,  and  were  received 
on  board  the  other. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  they,  to  their  inexpressible  joy, 
discovered  land,  which  proved  to  be  that  of  Cape  Cod,  where 
they  with  much  difficulty  the  day  following  succeeded  m  land 
ing  :  as  soon  as  on  shore,  they  fell  upon  their  knees  and  returned 
thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  enabling  them  to  reach  in  safety 
their  place  of  destination.  But,  although  they  had  thus  far 
succeeded  in  their  views,  although  they  had  been  enabled  to 
flee  from  persecution,  to  qjpss  a  wide  and  boisterous  ocean, 
what  was  their  situation  now  !  Sojourners  in  a  foreign  land, 
—  traversing  the  broken  and  unwrought*  shores  of  a  wild 
and  unexplored  country,  —  they  found  here  no  friends  to 
welcome  them,  or  house  to  shelter  them  from  the  inclemency 
of  an  approaching  winter.  On  one  side  they  beheld  nought 
but  a  hideous  and  desolate  wilderness,  the  habitation  of  wild 
and  ferocious  animals,  and  probably,  the  abode  of  a  race  of 
beings  not  less  wild  and  unmerciful ;  on  the  other  the  briny 
ocean,  foaming  and  with  tremendous  roar  dashing  against  the 
huge  and  projecting  rocks,  which,  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
perceive,  marked  the  sea-beaten  shores. 

After  succeeding  with  much  difficulty  in  discovering  a 
harbor  in  which  their  ship  could  ride  with  safety,  they  made 
choice  of  ten  of  the  most  resolute  of  their  number  to  explore 
the  adjacent  country,  and  discover,  if  possible,  a  more  con 
venient  place  for  their  future  abode;  whoj  on  the  morning 
of  the  16th,  provided  with  a  musket  each,  set  out  for  this 
purpose.  They  had  not  penetrated  the  woods  above  three 
miles  when  they  discovered  five  of  the  natives,  which  were 
the  first  seen  by  them  since  their  arrival.  They  were  clothod 
with  the  skins  of  animals,  and  armed  with  bows  and  arrows. 
The  English,  with  signs  of  friendship,  made  towards  them,  but 
were  no  sooner  discovered  by  the  savages  than  they,  with  a 


LANDING  OF  OUR  FOREFATHERS  AT  PLYMOUTH.   17 

terrible  yell,  fled  with  the  greatest  precipitancy.  Night  ap 
proaching,  the  English  erected  a  small  temporary  encamp 
ment,  and,  after  placing  their  sentinels,  retired  to  rest.  Early 
the  ensuing  morning  they  continued  their  journey,  following 
for  a  considerable  distance  the  tracks  of  the  five  Indians  above 
mentioned,  in  hopes  the/eby  to  discover  their  habitations  and 
obtain  therefrom  a  fresh  supply  of  provision,  of  which  they 
were  in  much  want ;  but  in  this  they  did  not  fully  succeed. 
At  about  noon  they  arrived  at  an  extensive  plat  of  clear 
ground,  near  which  they  discovered  a  pond  of  fresh  water, 
an<^  several  small  hillocks  of  raised  earth,  which  they  con 
jectured  to  be  the  graves  of  the  Indians.  Proceeding  a  little 
farther  west,  they  discovered  a  large  quantity  of  stubble, 
which  they  imagined  to  be  that  of  some  kind  of  Indian  grain 
peculiar  to  the  country ;  they  also  discovered  a  spot  where 
they  suspected  an  Indian  hut  had  recently  stood,  as  they 
found  near  by  some  planks  curiously  wrought  and  a  small 
earthen  pot.  Proceeding  still  farther,  they  discovered  a  num 
ber  more  of  the  little  hillocks  of  broken  ground  as  above 
described,  and  which  they  now  began  to  suspect  to  be  the 
place  of  deposit  of  something  more  than  the  dead.  Curiosi 
ty  leading  them  to  examine  more  closely  one  of  these  what 
they  had  before  supposed  to  be  Indian  sepulchres,  they,  to 
their  great  surprise,  found  it  to  contain  a  large  quantity  of 
the  Indian  grain  (corn)  above  mentioned.  It  was  still  in  the 
ear,  and  excited  to  no  small  degree  the  curiosity  of  the  Eng 
lish,  as  they  had  never  before  seen  any  thing  of  the  kind. 
By  a  few  of  the  company  the  discovery  was  deemed  of  im 
portance  ;  but  by  others,  who  had  attempted  to  eat  of  the  corn 
in  its  raw  state,  it  was  pronounced  indifferent  food,  of  little 
value.  They,  however,  concluded  it  best  to  return  and  make 
known  the  discovery  to  their  brethren. 

Having  succeeded  with   some  difficulty  in   reaching   the 
place  from  which  they  started,  they  were  met  by  those  whom 
2* 


18  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

they  had  left  behind  with  the  most  unspeakable  joy  and  sat 
isfaction  ;  to  whom  they  exhibited  a  specimen  of  the  grain 
which  they  had  found,  and  recommended  the  spot  from  which 
it  was  procured  as  .the  most  convenient  and  suitable  at  which 
to  abide  during  the  approaching  winter.  The  company  ac 
cordingly,  on  the  25th,  proceeded  for,  and  in  safety  reached 
the  place  above  mentioned,  with  which,  being  so  much  pleased, 
they  termed  New  Plymouth,  in  remembrance  of  the  port  at 
which  they  last  embarked  in  Europe.  Here  they  concluded 
to  abide  until  such  time  as  further  discoveries  could  be  made. 
They  erected  a  few  temporary  huts,  sufficient  to  shelter  them 
from  the  weather,  and  soon  after,  by  mutual  consent,  entered 
into  a  solemn  combination  as  a  body  politic  ;  and,  on  the 
10th  of  December,  assembled  to  form  for  themselves  such  a 
government  and  laws  as  they  should  deem  the  most  just  and 
equitable ;  previous  to  which  the  following  instrument  was 
drawn  up,  which,  being  first  read  and  assented  to  by  the  com 
pany,  received  their  signatures,  to  wit :  — 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  amen.  We,  whose  names  are  un 
derwritten,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  -sovereign  King 
James,  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Ireland,  and  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.,  having  under 
taken,  for  the  glory  of  God,  advancement  of  the  Christian 
faith,  and  the  honor  of  our  king  and  country,  a  voyage  to 
plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  America,  do  by 
these  presents  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of 
iGod  and  one  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  to 
gether  into  a  civil  body  politic  for  our  own  convenience  and 
the  preservation  and  support  of  the  ends  aforesaid ;  and  by 
virtue  hereof  do  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and 
equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitution,  and  officers,  from 
time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  mee.t  and  convenient 
for  the  general  good  of  the  colony,  unto  which  we  promise 


LANDING    OF    OUR   FOREFATHERS    AT   PLYMOUTH.        19 


all  due  submission  and  obedience.  In  witness  whereof,  we 
have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names,  at  New  Plymouth,  on 
the  10th  day  of  December,  A.  D.  1620. 


John  Carver, 
William  Bradford, 
Edward  Winslow, 
William  Brewster, 
Isaac  Allerton, 
Miles  Standish, 
Joseph  Fletcher, 
John  Goodman, 
Samuel  Fuller, 
Christopher  Martin, 
William  White, 
Richard  Warren, 
John  Howland, 
Stephen  Hopkins, 
Didgery  Priest, 
Thomas  Williams, 
Gilbert  Winslow, 
Edmund  Morgeson, 
Peter  Brown, 


John  Alden, 
John  Turner, 
Francis  Eaton, 
James  Chilton, 
John  Craxton, 
John  Billington, 
Richard  Bitteridge, 
George  Soule, 
Edward  Tilley, 
John  Tilley, 
Thomas  Rogers, 
Thomas  Tinker, 
John  Ridgdale, 
Edward  Fuller, 
Richard  Clarke, 
Richard  Gardiner, 
John  Allerton, 
Thomas  English, 
Edward  Liester." 


The  company  next  proceeded  by  ballot  to  the  choice  of  a 
governor ;  and,  on  counting  the  votes,  it  appeared  that  John 
Carver  had  the  greatest  number,  and  was  declared  chosen 
for  one  year. 

On  the  19th  of  December,  Mrs.  Susannah  White,  the  wife 
of  William  White,  was  delivered  of  a  son,  which  was  the 
first  born  of  the  English  in  N$w  England. 

On  the  21st  it  was  agreed  by  the  company  to  despatch  a 
second  exploring  party  by  water,  to  make,  if  possible,  further 
discoveries.  The  persons  selected  for  this  purpose  were  Gov 
ernor  Carver,  Messrs.  Bradford,  Winslow,  Standish,  Howland, 
Warren,  Hopkins,  Allerton,  Tilley,  Clarke,  Tinker,  Turner, 


20  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

and  Brown  :  they  embarked  at  10  A.  M.,  with  a  view  of 
circumnavigating  the  deep  bay  of  Cape  Cod.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  23d  they  discovered  a  large  party  of  the  natives 
on  shore,  who  were  employed  in  cutting  up  a  fish  resembling 
a  grampus.  By  order  of  Governor  Carver,  the  English 
made  immediately  for  the  shore ;  but  were  no  sooner  discov 
ered  by  the  Indians  than  they,  with  a  yell  peculiar  to  savages, 
deserted  their  fish  and  fled  with  precipitancy.  The  English 
landed  and  took  possession  of  the  fish,  which,  having  enkindled 
a  fire,  they  cooked,  and  *found  to  be  excellent  food.  They  con 
cluded  to  continue  encamped  here  through  the  night ;  and 
while  employed  a  few  rods  from  their  boat,  in  which  their 
arms  were  deposited,  in  erecting  a  temporary  dwelling  for 
the  purpose,  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  a  large  party 
of  the  natives,  who  discharged  a  shower  of  arrows  among 
them.  The  English,  nearly  panic-struck  at  so  sudden  and 
unexpected  an  onset,  were  on  the  eve  of  retreating  to  their 
boat,  when  they  were  reminded  by  their  governor  (a  brave 
and  experienced  man)  of  the  importance  of  facing  the  enemy 
and  maintaining  their  ground,  as  a  precipitate  flight  might 
prove  their  total  destruction  :  in  the  mean  time  two  or  three 
of  the  company  were  despatched  for  their  arms,  which  having 
obtained,  the  whole  were  ordered  to  form  a  close  body  and 
proceed  with  moderate  pace  for  the  boat,  and,  if  hard  pushed 
by  the  natives,  to  face  about  and  give  them  the  contents  of 
their  muskets.  {The  Indians,  perceiving  the  English  retiring, 
rushed  from  their  strong  coverts,  and  were  on  the  point  of 
attacking  them  in  the  rear  with  clubs,  hatchets,  stones,  &c., 
when  they  received  the  fire  of  the  latter,  which  brought  three 
or  four  of  them  to  the  ground^  The  Indians  halted,  viewed 
for  a  few  moments,  with  marks  of  astonishment  and  surprise, 
their  wounded  brethren,  and  then,  with  one  general,  united 
yell,  which  probably  might  have  been  heard  at  the  distance 
of  three  miles,  fled  in  every  direction.  This  was  the  first 
engagement  between  the  English  and  natives  in  New  England. 


LANDING    OP    OUR   FOREFATHERS    AT   PLYMOUTH.        21 

and  probably  the  first  time  that  the  latter  had  ever  heard  the 
report  of  a  musket. 

The  fenglish  embarked  and  returned  immediately  to  New 
Plymouth,  having  been  absent  four  days  without  making  any 
important  discoveries.  The  company  despairing  of  making 
any  further  discovery  of  importance  during  the  winter,  con 
cluded  to  remain  at  their  winter  quarters  until  the  spring 
ensuing.  The  winter  proved  an  uncommonly  tedious  one, 
during  which  a  great  proportion  of  the  company  sickened 
and  died :  unaccustomed  to  hardship,  and  deprived  of  many 
of  the  necessaries  of  life,  they  fell  victims  to  the  inclemency 
of  the  season.  Being  thus  reduced  to  a  very  small  number, 
they  would  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  the  savages  had  the 
latter  (relying  on  the  superiority  of  their  strength)  attacked 
them ;  but  the  natives  having  by  bitter  experience  learned 
the  effects  of  their  firearms,  although  they  were  daily  seen 
by  the  English  at  a  distance,  not  one  of  them  could  be  pre 
vailed  upon  to  approach  them  within  gunshot  until  about-the 
20th  of  March,  1621,  when,  to  their  great  surprise,  an  Indian 
came  boldly  up  to  them  and  addressed  them  in  broken-  Eng 
lish.  He  informed  them  that  he  belonged  to  an  eastern  part 
of  the  country,  and  was  acquainted  with  a  number  of  tjieir 
countrymen,  who  came  frequently  there  to  procure  fish,  and 
of  whom  he  learned  to  speak  their  language. 

This  Indian  proved  very  serviceable  to  the  company,  in 
supplying  them  with  provision,  in  acquainting  them  with  the 
state  of  the  country,  the  number  and  strength  of  the  natives, 
and  the  name  of  their  chief  sachem,  to  whom  he  said  the 
land  which  they  improved  belonged.  The  Indian  being  dis 
missed  with  many  presents  and  friendly  assurances,  he  the  day 
following  returned,  accompanied  by  the  grand  sachem  (Mas- 
sasoiet)  and  a  number  of  his  chief  men,  to  whom  the  English 
gave  a  welcome  reception,  presenting  them  with  many  trink 
ets  which  the  natives  esteemed  of  great  value.  With  Massa- 
treaty  was  proposed  and  concluded  the  day  following, 


22  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

in  which  it  was  stipulated  that  the  English  and  natives  were, 
to  live  amicably  together,  and  that  the  latter  were  to  furnish 
the  former  with  provision,  and  to  receive  in  pay  therefor  such 
articles  as  the  former  were  willing  to  part  with  ;  to  which 
terms  both  parties  continued  ever  after  faithfully  to  adhere. 

In  May,  1621,  the  English  planted  their  first  corn  in  New 
England.  In  July  following  their  worthy  governor  sickened 
and  died.  His  death  was  greatly  lamented  by  those  of  the 
company  who  survived  him,  and  by  whom  he  was  interred 
with  all  possible  solemnity.  His  loving  consort  survived  him 
but  a  few  weeks.  In  August  the  company  made  choice  of 
Mr.  William  Bradford  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  Governor  Carver. 

New  England  from  this  period  began  to  be  rapidly  peopled 
by  the  Europeans  :  so  great  was  the  emigration  from  the 
mother  country,  that,  in  less  than  six  years  from  the  time  that 
the  first  adventurers  landed  at  New  Plymouth,  there  were 
seven  considerable  towns  built  and  settled  in  Massachusetts 
and  Plymouth  colonies. 

In  the  summer  of  1627  Mr.  Endicot,  one  of  the  original 
planters,  was  sent  over  to  begin  a  plantation  at  Naumkeag, 
(now  Salem.)  The  June  following  about  two  hundred  per 
sons,  furnished  with  four  ministers,  came  over  and  joined 
Mr.  Endicot's  colony  ;  and  the  next  year  they  formed  them 
selves  into  a  regular  church.  This  was  the  first  church  gath 
ered  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  second  in  New  England.  The 
church  at  Plymouth  had  been  gathered  eight  years  before. 
In  1629  a  large  embarkation  was  projected  by  the  company  in 
England :  at  the  request  of  a  number  of  respectable  gentlemen, 
most  of  whom  afterwards  came  over  to  New  England,  the  gen 
eral  consent  of  the  company  was  obtained  that  the  government 
should  be  transferred  and  settled  in  Massachusetts. 

In  ^630  seventeen  ships  from  different  ports  in  England 
arrived  in  Massachusetts  with  more  than  fifteen  hundred 
passengers,  among  whom  were  many  persons  of  distinction. 


LANDING  OP  OUR  FOREFATHERS  AT  PLYMOUTH.   23 

V 

Incredible  were  the  hardships  they  endured :  reduced  to  a 
scanty  pittance  of  provisions,  and  that  of  a  kind  to  which 
they  had  not  been  accustomed,  and  destitute  of  necessary  ac 
commodations,  numbers  sickened  and  died ;  so  that,  before  the 
end  of  the  year,  they  lost  two  hundred  of  their  number. 
About  this  time  settlements  were  made  at  Charlestown,  Bos 
ton,  Dorchester,  Cambridge,  Roxbury,  and  Medford. 

In  the  years  1632  and  1633  great  additions  were  made  to 
the  colony.  Such  was  the  rage  for  emigration  to  New  Eng 
land  that  the  king  and  council  thought  fit  to  issue  an  order, 
February  7,  1633,  to  prevent  it.  The  order,  however,  was 
not  strictly  obeyed. 

In  1635  the  foundation  of  a  new  colony  was  laid  in  Con 
necticut,  adjoining  the  river  which  passes  through  the  state : 
of  this  river  and  the  country  adjacent  Lord  Say  and  Lord 
Brook  were  the  proprietors :  at  the  mouth  of  said  river  a 
fort  by  their  direction  was  built,  which,  in  honor  to  them,  was 
called  Saybrook  Fort.  New  Haven  was  settled  soon  after  the 
building  of  this  fort,  as  was  a  number  of  other  towns  of  con 
siderable  note  in  Connecticut.  Some  difficulty  arising  among 
those  who  first  settled  at  New  Plymouth,  a  part  of  the  inhab 
itants,  to  prevent  any  serious  consequences,  removed  to  a 
pleasant  and  fertile  island  to  the  south-west  of  Cape  Cod,  now 
called  Rhode  Island,  while  others  settled  at  Providence,  War 
wick,  Taunton,  &c.  Thus  it  was  that  in  the  course  of  a  very 
few  years  a  great  part  of  New  England,  which  so  late  was  an 
uncultivated  forest  resounding  with  the  yells  of  savages  and 
beasts  of  prey,  became  the  place  of  abode  of  our  persecuted 
forefathers. 

But  this  newly-settled  country  was  not  to  be  acquired  with 
out  bloodshed.  The  natives,  although  they  at  first  appeared 
harmless  and  well  disposed  towards  the  new  settlers,  from  the 
rapid  increase  and  too  frequent  aggressions  of  the  latter  the 
jealousy  of  the  former 'was  excited,  which  they  soon  began 
more  openly  to  manifest,  as  will  appear  by  what  follows. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  HOSTILITIES  WITH  THE 
NATIVES. 

THERE  was  a  tribe  of  Indians  which  inhabited  the  borders 
of  Connecticut  River,  from  its  mouth  to  within  a  few  miles 
of  Hartford,  called  Pequots,  a  fierce,  cruel,  and  warlike  tribe, 
and  the  inveterate  enemies  of  the  English ;  never  failing  to 
improve  every  opportunity  to  exercise  towards  them  the  most 
wanton  acts  of  barbarity.  In  June,  1634,  they  treacherously 
murdered  a  Captain  Stone  and  a  Captain  Norton,  who  had 
been  long  in  the  habit  of  visiting  them  occasionally  to  trade. 
In  August,  1635,  they  inhumanly  murdered  a  Mr.  Weeks  and 
his  whole  family,  consisting  of  a  wife  and  six  children,  and 
soon  after  murdered  the  wife  and  children  of  a  Mr.  Williams, 
residing  near  Hartford.  Finding,  however,  that  by  their  un 
provoked  acts  of  barbarity  they  had  enkindled  the  resentment 
of  the  English,  (who,  aroused  to  a  sense  of  their  danger,  were 
making  preparation  to  exterminate  this  cruel  tribe,)  the  Pe- 
quots  despatched  messengers  with  gifts  to  the  governor  of  the 
new  colonies  —  the  Hon.  Josiah  Winslow.  He  being,  how 
ever,  "inflexible  in  his  determination  to  revenge  the  deaths  of 
his  friends,  dismissed  these  messengers  without  an  answer. 
The  Pequots  finding  the  English  resolute  and  determined, 
and  fearing  the  consequence  of  their  resentment,  the  second 
time  despatched  messengers  with  a  large  quantity  of  wampum 
(Indian  money)  as  a  present  to  the ,  governor  and  council ; 
with  whom  the  latter  had  a  considerable  conference,  and  at 
length  concluded  a  peace  on  the  following  terms :  — 

CM) 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       25 


ARTICLES. 

I.  The  Pequots  shall  deliver  up  to  the  English  those  of 
their  tribe  that  are  guilty  of  the  deaths  of  their  countrymen. 

II.  The  Pequots  shall  relinquish  to  the  English  all  their 
right  and  title  to  the  lands  lying  within  the  colony  of  Con 
necticut. 

III.  The  English,  if  disposed  to  trade  with  the  Pequots, 
shall  be  treated  as  friends. 

To  these  articles  the  Pequots  readily  agreed  and  promised 
faithfully  to  adhere,  and  at  the  same  time  expressed  a  desire 
to  make  peace  with  the  Narraganset  Indians,  with  whom  they 
were  then  at  war. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  the  Pequots,  the 
English,  to  put  their  fair  promises  to  the  test,  sent  a  small 
boat  into  the  river,  on  the  borders  of  which  they  resided,  with 
the  pretence  of  trade ;  but  so  great  was  the  treachery  of  the 
natives,  that,  after  succeeding  by  fair  promises  in  enticing  the 
crew  of  said  boat  on  shore,  they  were  by  them  inhumanly 
murdered. 

The  Pequots,  despairing  of  again  deceiving  the  English  in 
the  manner  they  had  late  done,  now  threw  off  the  mask  of 
friendship,  and,  avowing  themselves  the  natural  enemies  of 
the  English,  commenced  open  hostilities  against  them,  barba 
rously  murdering  all  that  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into 
their  hands.  A  few  families  were  at  this  time  settled  at  or 
near  Weathersfield,  Connecticut,  the  whole  of  whom  were 
carried  away  captives  by  them.  Two  girls,  the  daughters  of 
a  Mr.  Gibbons,  of  Hartford,  were  in  the  most  brutal  manner 
put  to  death  :  after  gashing  their  flesh  with  their  knives,  the 
Indians  filled  their  wounds  with  hot  embers,  in  the  mean  time 
mimicking  their  dying  groans. 

The  Pequots,  encouraged  by  the  trifling  resistance  made 
by  the  English  to  their  wanton  acts  of  barbarity,  on  the  20th 
3 


26  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

of  June,  1636,  besieged  Fort  Saybrook,  in  which  there  were 
about  twenty  men  stationed :  the  Indians  were  to  the  number 
of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty.  They  surrounded  and  furious 
ly  attacked  the  fort  at  midnight,  horribly  yelling,  and  mimick 
ing  the  dying  groans  of  such  as  had  fallen  victims  to  their 
barbarity ;  but  the  English,  being  fortunately  provided  with  a 
piece  of  cannon  or  two,  caused  their  savage  enemies  to  groan 
in  reality,  who,  after  receiving  two  or  three  deadly  fires  from 
the  besieged,  retreated,  leaving  behind  them  dead  or  mortally 
wounded  about  twenty  of  their  number :  the  English  sustained 
no  loss  in  the  attack. 

The  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts  colony,  alarmed 
at  the  bold  and  daring  conduct  of  the  Pequots,  on  the  20th  of 
August  despatched  Captain  Endicot,  of  Salem,  with  ninety 
men,  to  avenge  the  murders  committed  by  them,  unless  they 
should  consent  to. deliver  up  the  murderers  and  make  repara 
tion  for  the  injuries  which  the  English  had  sustained.  Cap 
tain  Endicot  was  directed  to  proceed  first  to  Block  Island, 
(then  inhabited  by  the  Pequots,)  put  the  men  to  the  sword, 
and  take  possession  of  the  island :  the  women  and  children  were 
to  be  spared.  Thence  he  was  to  proceed  to  the  Pequot  coun 
try,  demand  the  murderers  of  the  English,  a  thousand  fathom 
of  wampum,  and  a  number  of  their  children  as  hostages. 

Captain  Endicot  sailed  from  Boston  on  the  morning  of  the 
20th.  When  he  arrived  at  Block  Island,  about  sixty  Indians 
appeared  on  the  shore  and  opposed  his  landing ;  his  men  soon, 
however,  effected  a  landing,  and  after  a  little  skirmishing  drove 
the  Indians  into  the  woods,  where .  they  could  not  be  found. 
The  English  continued  two  days  on  the  island,  in  which  time 
they  destroyed  one  hundred  wigwams  and  about  fifty  canoes, 
when  they  proceeded  for  the  Pequot  country.  When  they 
arrived  in  Pequot  Harbor,  Captain  Endicot  acquainted  the 
enemy  with  his  designs  and  determination  to  avenge  the  cru 
elties  practised  upon  his  countrymen.  In  a  few  moments 
nearly  five  hundred  of  the  enemy  collected  upon  the  shores ; 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        27 

but  as  soon  as  they  were  made  acquainted  with  the  hostile 
views  of  the  English,  they  hastily  withdrew  and  secreted 
themselves  in  swamps  and  ledges  inaccessible  to  the  troops. 
Captain  Endicot  landed  his  men  on  both  sides  the  harbor, 
burned  their  wigwams  and  destroyed  their  canoes,  killed  an 
Indian  or  two,  and  then  returned  to  Boston.  Enough,  indeed, 
had  been  done  to  exasperate,  but  nothing  to  subdue,  a  haughty 
and  warlike  enemy. 

Sassacus  (chief  sachem  of  the  Pequots)  and  his  captains 
were  men  of  great  and  independent  spirits ;  they  had  con 
quered  and  governed  the  nations  around  them  without  con 
trol  ;  they  viewed  the  English  as  strangers  and  mere  intruders, 
who  had  no  right  to  the  country,  nor  to  control  its  original 
proprietors,  independent  princes  and  sovereigns ;  they  had 
made  settlements  at  Connecticut  without  their  consent,  and 
brought  home  the  Indian  kings  whom  they  had  conquered, 
and  restored  to  them  their  authority  and  lands;  they  had 
built  a  fort,  and  were  making  a  settlement,  without  their  appro 
bation,  in  their  very  neighborhood.  Indeed,  they  had  now 
proceeded  to  attack  and  ravage  the  country.  The  Pequots, 
in  consequence,  breathed  nothing  but  war  and  revenge  ;  they 
were  determined  to  extirpate  or  drive  all  the  English  from 
New  England.  For  this  purpose  they  conceived  "the  plan  of 
uniting  the  Indians  generally  against  them.  They  spared  no 
art  nor  pains  to  make  peace  with  the  Narragansets  and  to 
engage  them  in  the  war  against  the  English,  to  whom  they 
represented  that  the  English,  who  were  merely  foreigners, 
were  overspreading  the  country,  and  depriving  the  original 
inhabitants  of  their  ancient  rights  and  possessions ;  that,  unless 
effectual  measures  were  immediately  taken  to  prevent  it,  they 
would  soon  entirely  dispossess  the  original  proprietors  and 
become  the  lords  of  the  continent.  They  insisted  that,  by  a 
general  combination,  they  could  either  destroy  or  drive  them 
from  the  country ;  that  there  would  be  no  necessity  of  coming 
to  open  battles;  that  by  killing  their  cattle,  firing  their  houses, 


28  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

laying  ambushes  on  the  roads,  in  the  fields,  and  wherever  they 
could  surprise  and  destroy  them,  they  might  accomplish  their 
wishes.  They  represented  that,  if  the  English  should  effect 
the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  they  would  also  soon  destroy 
the  Narragansets.  So  just  and  politic  were  these  represen 
tations,  that  nothing  but  that  thirst  for  revenge  which  inflames 
the  savage  heart  could  have  resisted  their  influence ;  indeed, 
it  is  said  that  for  some  time  the  Narragansets  hesitated. 

The  governor  of  the  colonies,  to  prevent  a  tfnion  between 
these  savage  nations  and  to  strengthen  the  peace  between  the 
Narraganset  Indians  and  the  colonies,  despatched  a  messenger 
to  invite  Miantinomi,  their  chief  sachem,  to  Boston.  The  in 
vitation  was  accepted  by  Miantinomi,  and  while  at  Boston 
with  the  governor  and  council  he  entered  into  a  treaty,  the  sub 
stance  of  which  was  as  follows ;  viz.,  that  there  should  be  a 
firm  peace  maintained  between  the  English  and  Narragansets 
and  their  posterity ;  that  neither  party  should  make  peace 
with  the  Pequots  without  its  being  first  mutually  assented  to ; 
that  the  Narragansets  should  not  harbor  the  enemies  of  the 
English,  but  deliver  up  to  them  such  fugitives  as  should  resort 
to  them  for  safety.  The  English  were  to  give  them  notice 
when  they  went  out  against  the  Pequots,  and  the  Narragan 
sets  were  to  furnish  guides. 

In  February,  1637,  the  English  in  Connecticut  colony  rep 
resented  to  the  governor  and  council  their  desire  to  prosecute 
more  effectually  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  who  yet  continued 
to  exercise. towards  them  the  most  wanton  acts  of  barbarity. 
They  represented  that,  on  the  10th  of  January,  a  boat  contain 
ing  three  of  their  countrymen  was  attacked  by  the  enemy  as  it 
was  proceeding  down  the  river ;  that  the  English  for  some 
time  bravely  defended  themselves,  but  were  at  length  over 
powered  by  numbers ;  that  the  Indians,  when  they  had  suc 
ceeded  in  capturing  the  boat's  crew,  ripped  them  up  from  the 
bottom  of  their  bellies  to  their  throats,  and  in  like  manner 
split  them  down  their  backs,  and,  thus  mangled,  hung  tt.om 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        29 

upon  trees  by  the  river  side.  They  represented  that 'the 
affairs  of  Connecticut  colony  at  this  moment  wore  a  most 
gloomy  aspect ;  that  they  had  sustained  great  losses  in  cattle 
and  goods  the  preceding  years,  but  were  still  more  unfortu 
nate  the  present ;  that  a  most  dreadful  and  insidious  enemy 
were  now  seeking  opportunity  to  destroy  them;  that  they 
could  neither  hunt,  fish,  nor  cultivate  their  fields,  nor  travel  at 
home  or  abroad,  but  at  the  peril  of  their  lives  ;  that  they  were 
obliged  to  keep  a  constant  watch  by  night  and  day ;  to  go 
armed  to  their  daily  labors  and  to  the  houses  of  public  wor 
ship.  And  although  desirous  to  prosecute  the  war  more  ef 
fectually  with  the  common  enemy,  they  were  not  in  a  situa 
tion  to  do  it ;  and  therefore  humbly  prayed  for  assistance. 

The  report  of  the  horrid  and  unprovoked  cruelties  of  the 
Pequots,  practised  upon  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of  Con 
necticut  colony,  roused  the  other  colonies  to  harmonious  and 
spirited  exertions  against  -them.  Massachusetts  determined 
to  send  two  hundred  and  Plymouth  forty  men  to  assist  their 
unfortunate  brethren  in  prosecuting  the  war.  Captain  Patrick, 
with  forty  men,  was  sent  forward  before  the  other  troops,  in 
order  that  he  might  be  enabled  seasonably  to  form  a  junction 
with  the  troops  in  Connecticut,  who,  notwithstanding  their 
weak  and  distressed  state,  had  engaged  to  furnish  ninety  men. 

On  Wednesday,  the  10th  of  May,  the  Connecticut  troops 
proceeded  for  their  fort  at  Saybrook.  They  consisted  of 
ninety  Englishmen  and  seventy  Mohegan  and  river  Indians  — 
the  latter  commanded  by  Uncus,  sachem  of  the  Mohegans, 
and  the  former  by  Captain  John  Mason,  who  was  accompanied 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stone,  of  Hartford,  as  chaplain.  The  Mo 
hegans,  being  detached  from  the  English  on  their  way  to  Say- 
brook,  fell  in  with  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy,  whom 
they  attacked  and  defeated ;  they  killed  twenty-twc,  and  took 
eighteen  of  them  prisoners. 

Among' the  prisoners  there  was  one  who  was  recognized  as 
a  perfidious  villain :  he  had  lived  in  the  fort  with  the  English 
3* 


30 


INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 


some  time  before,  and  well  understood  their  language :  lie  re 
mained  attached  to  their  interest  until  the  commencement  of 
hostilities  with  the  Pequots,  when  he  deserted  the  garrison 
and  joined  the  enemy,  whom  he  served  as  guide,  and  through 
whose  instigation  many  of  the  English  had  been  captured  and 
put  to  death.  Uncus  and  his  men  insisted  upon  executing 
him  according  to  the  custom  of  their  ancestors ;  and  the  Eng 
lish,  in  the  circumstances  in  which  they  then  were,  did  not 
judge  it  prudent  to  interfere.  The  Indians  enkindled  a  fire, 
near  which  they  confined  the  prisoner  to  a  stake,  in  which  sit 
uation  he  remained  until  his  skin  became  parched  with  the 
heat :  the  Mohegans  then  violently  tore  him  limb  from  limb. 
Barbarously  cutting  his  flesh  in  pieces,  they  handed  it  round 
from  one  to  another,  eating  it  while  they  sung  and  danced 
round  the  fire  in  a  manner,  peculiar  to  savages.  The  bones 
and  such  parts  of  the  unfortunate  captive  as  were  not  con 
sumed  in  this  dreadful  repast  were  committed  to  the  flames 
and  consumed  to  ashes. 

On  the  16th  Captain  Mason  and  his  men  proceeded  for 
Narraganset  Bay,  at  which  place  they  safely  arrived  on  the 
21st.  Captain  Mason  marched  immediately  to  the  plantation 
of  Canonicus,  a  Narraganset  sachem,  and  acquainted  him 
with  his  designs,  and  immediately  after  despatched  a  messen 
ger  to  Miantinomi  to  inform  him  likewise  of  the  expedition. 
The  next  day  Miantinomi,  with  his  chief  counsellors  and  war 
riors,  met  the  English.  Captain  Mason  informed  him  that 
the  cause  of  his  entering  his  country  with  an  armed  force 
was  to  avenge  the  injuries  which  the  Pequots  had  done  the 
English,  and  desired  a  free  passage  to  their  forts,  which  they 
intended  to  attack.  After  a  sole'mn  consultation  in  the  Indian 
manner,  Miantinomi  observed  that  "  he  highly  approved  of 
the  expedition,  and  would  send  men  to  assist  the  English,  but 
that  they  were  too  few  in  number  to  fight  the  enemy ;  that 
the  Pequots  were  great  warriors,  and  rather  slighted  the 
English." 


COMMENCEMENT    OP   HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.       31 

Captain  Mason  landed  his  men  and  marched  to  the  planta 
tion  of  Miantinomi,  which,  by  previous  agreement,  was  to  be 
the  place  of  general  rendezvous.  In  the  evening  an  Indian 
runner  arrived  with  information  that  Captain  Patrick,  with 
the  men  under  his  command,  had  arrived  at  the  plantation  of 
Roger  Williams,  in  Providence,  and  was  desirous  that  Cap 
tain  Mason  should  postpone  his  march  until  such  time  as  he 
could  join  him.  Captain- Mason,  after,  mature  deliberation, 
determined,  however,  not  to  wait  his  arrival,  although  a  junc 
tion  was  considered  important.  His  men  had  already  been 
detained  much  longer  than  was  agreeable  to  their,  wishes,  and 
the  Mohegans  apparently  were  impatient  for  battle.  The 
little  army,  therefore,  (consisting  of  ninety  Englishmen,  sixty 
Mohegans  and  river  Indians,  and  about  two  hundred  Narra 
gansets,)  commenced  their  march  on  the  24th,  and  in  the  even 
ing  of  that  day  reached  Nihantiek,  which  bounded  on  the 
country  of  the  Pequots.  Nihantick  was  the  seat  of  a  Narra- 
ganset  sachem,  who  seemed  displeased  with  the  expedition, 
and  would  not  suffer  the  English  to  enter  his  fort.  Captain 
Mason,  suspecting  the  treachery  of  this  fellow,  placed  a  sen 
tinel  at  night  at  the  entrance  of  the  fort,  determined  that,  as 
he  could  not  be  permitted  to  enter,  no  one  should  come  out  to 
advise  the  enemy  of  his  approach. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  Captain  Mason  was  joined  by 
an  additional  number  of  the  Narragansets  and  a  few  of  the 
Nihanticks.  They  -formed  a  circle,  and,  brandishing  their 
scalping  knives,  made  protestations  how  gallantly  they  would 
fight  and  what  numbers  they  would  kill,  &c.  Captain  Mason 
had  now  under  his  command  near  five  hundred  Indians  in 
addition  to  his  former  force,  with  whom  he  early  resumed 
his  march  for  the  head  quarters  of  the  enemy.  The  day 
proved  uncommonly  warm,  and  the  men,  through  excessive 
heat  and  want  of  provision,  were  only  enabled  by  night  to 
reach  Paucatuck  River,  where  the  "Narragansets  began  to 
manifest  great  fear  and  inquire  of  Captain  Mason  his  real 


32  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

designs.  He  assured  them  that  "it  was  to  attack  the  Pe-^ 
quots  in  their  fort;"  at  which  they  appeared  greatly  sur 
prised,  and  exhibited  a  disposition  to  quit  the  English  and 
return  home. 

Wequash,  a  Pequot  sachem  who  had  revolted  from  Sassacus, 
was  the  principal  guide  of  the  English,  and  he  proved  faithful. 
He  gave  such  information  respecting  the  distance  of  the  forts 
of  the  e'nemy  from  each  other,  and  the  distance  they  were 
then  from  that  of  the  chief  sachem's,  as  induced  Captain  Ma 
son  to  determine  to  attack  the  latter,  which  his  guide  repre 
sented  as  situated  at  the  head  of  Mystic  River.  He  found  his 
men  so  much  fatigued  in  marching  through  a  pathless  wilder 
ness,  with  their  provision,  arms,  and  ammunition,  that  this 
resolution  appeared  to  be  absolutely  necessary.  The  little 
army  accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  proceeded 
directly  for  Mystic,  and  at  about  sundown  penetrated  a  thick 
swamp,  where,  imagining  that  they  could  not  be  far  distant 
from  the  fort,  they  pitched  their  little  camp  between  two  large 
rocks,  now  known  by  the  name  of  "  Porter's  Rocks,"  situated 
in  Groton  :  the  sentinels,  who  were  considerably  advanced  in 
front  of  the  main  body  of  the  English,  distinctly  heard  the 
enemy  singing  and  dancing  through  the  night  at  their  fort. 

The  important  day  was  now  approaching  when  the  very 
existence  of  Connecticut  was  to  be  determined  by  the  sword 
in  a  single  action,  and  to  be  decided  by  the  valor  of  less  than 
one  hundred  brave  men.  About  two  hours  before  day  the 
men  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers  by  their  officers,  and, 
after  commending  themselves  and  their  cause  to  the  Almighty, 
proceeded  with  all  possible  despatch  for  the  enemy's  fort. 
When  within  a  few  rods  of  the  fort,  Captain  Mason  sent  for 
Uncus  and  Waquash,  and  desired  them  in  their  Indian  man 
ner  to  harangue  and  prepare  their  men  for  cOmbat.  They 
replied  that  "  their  men  were  much  afraid,  and  could  not  be 
prevailed  upon  to  advance  any  farther."  "  Go,  then,"  said 
Captain  Mason,  "  and  request  them  not  to  retire,  but  to 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        33 

surround  the  fort  at  any  distance  they  please,  and  see  what 
courage  Englishmen  can  display."  The  day  was  now  dawn 
ing,  and  no  time  was  to  be  lost ;  the  fort  was  soon  in  view  ;  the 
soldiers  pressed  forward,  animated  with  the  reflection  that  it 
was  not  for  themselves  alone  they  were  about  to  fight,  but 
for  their  parents,  wives,  children,  and  countrymen.  As  they 
approached  the  fort  within  a  short  distance,  they  were  dis 
covered  by  a  Pequot  sentinel,  who  roared  out,  "  Owanux . 
Owanux ! "  (Englishmen !  Englishmen  !)  The  troops  pressed 
on,  and  as  the  Indians  were  rallying  poured  in  upon  them  the 
contents  of  their  muskets,  and,  instantly  hastening  to  the  prin 
cipal  entrance  of  the  fort,  rushed  in,  sword  in  hand.  An  inv 
portant  moment  this  ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  blaze  and  thun 
der  of  the  arms  of  the  English,  the  Pequots  made  a  manly 
and  desperate  resistance :  sheltered  by  their  wigwams,  and 
rallied  by  their  sachems  and  squaws,  they  defended  them 
selves,  and,  in  some  instances,  attacked  the  English  with  a 
resolution  that  would  have  done  honor  to  Romans.  After  a 
bloody  and  desperate  conflict  of  near  two  hours'  continuance, 
in  which  hundreds  of  the  Indians  were  slain  and  many  of 
the  English  killed  and  wounded,  victory  still  hung  in  suspense. 
In  this  critical  state  of  the  action  Captain  Mason  had  re 
course  to  a  successful  expedient :  rushing  into  a  wigwam 
within  the  -fort,  he  seized  a  brand  of  fire,  and  in  the  mean 
time  crying  out  to  his  men,  "  We  must  burn  them ! "  commu 
nicated  it  to  the  mats  with  which  the  wigwams  were  covered, 
by  which  means  the  whole  fort  was  very  soon  inwrapped  in 
flames  :  as  the  fire  increased,  the  English  retired  and  formed 
a  circle  around  the  fort :  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansets, 
who  had  remained  idle  spectators  to  the  bloody  conflict,  now 
mustered  courage  sufficient  to  form  another  circle  in  the  rear 
of  them.  The  enemy  were  now  in  a  deplorable  situation ; 
death  inevitably  was  their  portion.  Sallying  forth  from  their 
burning  cells,  they  were  shot  or  cut  in  pieces  by  the  English 
many  of  them,  perceiving  it  impossible  to  escape  the  vigi 


34  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

lance  of  the  troops,  threw  themselves  voluntarily  into  the 
flames. 

The  violence  of  the  flames,  the  reflection  of  the  light,  the 
clashing  and  roar  of  arms,  the  shrieks  and  yells  of  the  sav 
ages  in  "the  fort,  and  .the  shoutings  of  the  friendly  Indians 
without,  exhibited  a  grand  and  awful  scene.  In  less  than 
two  hours  from  the  commencement  of  the  bloody  action  the 
English  completed  their  work :  eighty  wigwams  were  burned, 
and  upwards  of  eight  hundred  Indians  destroyed;  parents 
and  children,  the  sannup  and  the  squaw,  the  aged  and  the 
young,  perished  in  promiscuous  ruin  :  the  loss  of  the  English 
was  comparatively  trifling,  not  exceeding  twenty-five  in  killed 
and  wounded. 

After  the  termination  of  this  severe  engagement,  as  the 
English  were  proceeding  to  embark  on  board  their  vessels, 
(which,  fortunately  for  them,  at  this  moment  arrived  in  the 
harbor,)  they  were  attacked  in  the  rear  by  about  three  hundred 
of  the  enemy,  who  had  been  despatched  from  a  neighboring 
fort  to  assist  their  brethren.  The  English  gave  them  so  warm 
a  reception  that  they  soon  gave  way  and  fell  back  to  the  field 
of  action,  where,  viewing  for  a  few  moments,  with  apparent 
marks  of  horror  and  surprise,  the  shocking  scene  which  it 
presented,  they  stamped,  bellowed,  and  with  savage  rage  tore 
their  hair  from  their  heads,  and  then,  with  a  hideous  yell, 
pursued  the  English,  as  if  with  a  determination  to  avenge  the 
deaths  of  their  friends  even  at  the  expense  of  their  lives. 
They  pursued  the  English  nearly  six  miles,  sometimes  shoot 
ing  at  a  distance  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  and  sometimes 
pressing  hard  upon  them  and  hazarding  themselves  in  open 
field.  The  English  killed  numbers  of  them,  but  sustained  no 
loss  on  their  part ;  when  a  Pequot  fell,  the  Mohegans  would 
cry  out,  "  Run  and  fetch  his  head  !  "  The  enemy  finding  at 
length  that  they  discharged  their  arrows  in  vain,  and  that  the 
English  appeared  to  be  well  supplied  with  ammunition,  gave 
over  the  pursuit. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        36 

In  less  than  three  weeks  from  the  time  the  English  em 
barked  at  Saybrook  they  returned,  with  the  exception  of  the 
few  killed  and  wounded,  in  safety  to  their  respective  habita 
tions.  Few  enterprises  were  ever,  perhaps,  achieved  with 
more  personal  bravery ;  in  few  have  so  great  a  proportion 
of  the  effective  men  of  a  whole  colony,  state,  or  nation  been 
put  to  so  great  and  immediate  danger ;  in  few  have  a  people 
been  so  deeply  and  immediately  interested  as  were  the  Eng 
lish  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  at  this  important  crisis,  —  in 
these  respects  even  the  great  armaments  and  battles  of  Eu 
rope  are  comparatively  of  little  importance,  —  and  it  ought 
never  to  be  forgotten,  that,  through  the  bravery  and  uncon 
querable  resolution  of  less  than  one  hundred  men,  Connecticut 
was  once  s'aved,  and  the  most  warlike  and  terrible  tribe  of 
Indians  in  New  England  completely  exterminated.  * 

The  few  Pequots  that  now  remained  alive,  conceiving  it 
unsafe  to  inhabit  longer  a  country  so  exposed  to  invasion,  re 
moved  far  to  the  westward ;  among  whom  was  Sassacus,  their 
principal  sachem.  On  the  25th  of  June  ttie  Connecticut 
troops  under  command  of  Captain  Mason,  together  with  a 
company  from  Massachusetts  commanded  by  Captain  Stough- 
ton,  were  sent  in  pursuit  of  them.  They  proceeded  westward, 
and  on  the  27th  fell  in  with,  attacked,  and  defeated  a  consid 
erable  body  of  them.  They  took  about  fifty  of  them  prison 
ers,  among  whom  were  two  sachems,  whose  lives*were  offered 
them  on  condition  of  their  serving  as  guides  to  the  English.  - 

The  English  on  their  march  frequently  fell  in  with  small 
detached  parties  of  the  enemy,  whom  they  captured  or  de 
stroyed,  but  could  not  obtain  any  information  relative  to  the 
main  body  commanded  by  Sassacus.  Finding  that  the  two 
sachern  prisoners  would  not  give  them  the  information  re 
quired,  they,  on  the  27th,  beheaded  them  at  a  place  called 
Menunkatuck,  (now  Guilford,)  from  which  circumstance  the 
place  still  bears  the  name  of  "  Sachems'  Head."  The  Eng 
lish,  on  the  30th,  arrived  at  Quinnipiak,  (now  New  Haven,) 


36  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

where  they  were  informed  by  a  friendly  Pequot  that  the 
enemy  were  encamped  in  a  swamp  a  few  miles  to  the  west 
ward.  The  troops  pushed  forward,  and  on  the  succeeding 
day  arrived  at  the  border  of  said  swamp,  which  they  found 
a  thicket  so  extremely  boggy  as  to  render  it  inaccessible  to 
any  one  *but  the  natives ;  the  English,  therefore,  thought  it 
most  advisable  to  surround  the  swamp  and  annoy  the  enemy 
as  opportunity  presented.  The  Indians,  after  a  few  skir 
mishes,  requested  a  parley,  which  being  granted  them,  Thomas 
Stanton,  interpreter  to  the  English,  was  sent  to  treat  with 
them.  He  was  authorized  to  offer  life  to  such  as  had  not 
shed  the  blood  of  Englishmen ;  upon  which  the  sachem  of 
the  place,  together  with  about  three  hundred  of  his  tribe, 
came  out,  and,  producing  satisfactory  proof  of  their  innocence, 
were  permitted  to  retire:  but  the  Pequots  boldly  declared 
that  "  they  had  both  shed  and  drank  the  blood  of  Englishmen, 
and  would  not  upon  such  terms  accept  of  life,  but  would  fight 
it  out."  The  English,  unwilling  to  brook  the  threats  and 
insulting  language  of  the  Pequots,  attempted  now  to  devise 
means  to  attack  the  whole  body  of  them  without  further  de 
lay.  The  officers  were,  however,  divided  in  opinion  as  to 
the  mode  of  attack  :  some  were  for  setting  fire  to  the  swamp, 
others  for  cutting  their  way  through  with  hatchets,  and  others 
for  surrounding  it  with  a  high  fence,  or  palisade ;  neither 
of  which  plans  were,  however,  fully  adopted.  As  night  ap 
proached  the  English  cut  through  a  part  of  the  swamp,  by 
which  means  its  circumference  was  much  lessened,  and  the}' 
enabled  so  completely  to  surround  the  enemy  as  to  prevent 
their  escape  during  the  night.  Early  the  ensuing  morning 
the  Indians,  perceiving  themselves  completely  hemmed  in  by 
the  English,  made  a  violent  attempt  to  break  through  their 
lines ;  they  were,  however,  driven  back  with  great  loss  They 
next  attempted  to  force  the  line  formed  by  the  Connecticut 
troops ;  but  here  they  met  with  a  much  warmer  reception. 
The  contest  now  became  close  and  severe  ;  the  Indians,  who 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.       37 

wore  about  six  hundred  in  number,  appeared  determined  not 
to  yield  but  at  the  expense  of  their  lives.  One  of  the  most 
resolute  of  them  walked  boldly  up  to  Captain  Mason  with  an 
uplifted  tomahawk,  and  when  about  to  give  the  fatal  stroke 
received  a  blow  from  the  latter,  who,  with  his  cutlass,  severed 
the  head  of  the  savage  from  his  body.  The  enemy  soon  after 
made  another  attempt  to  break  through  the  lines  of  the  Eng 
lish,  and  in  which,  after  a  violent  struggle,  they  finally  suc 
ceeded.  About  sixty  of  their  bravest  warriors  escaped,  the 
remainder  being  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  The  loss 
of  the  English  was  eleven  killed  and  about  twenty  wounded. 

The  prisoners  taken  were  divided  among  the  troops,  some 
of  whom  were  retained  by  them  as  servants,  and  the  remain 
der  sent  to  the  West  Indies  and  sold  to  the  planters.  The 
prisoners  reported  that  the  whole  tribe  of  Pequots  was  nt>w 
nearly  exterminated ;  that  in  different  engagements  there 
had  been  upwards  of  two  thousand  of  them  killed,  and  about 
one  thousand  captured,  among  whom  were  thirteen  sachems ; 
and  that  six  yet  survived,  one  of  whom  was  Sassacus,  who 
had  fled  with  the  fragment  of  his  tribe  to  the  country  border 
ing  on  Hudson  River  inhabited  by  the  Mohawks. 

After  the  swamp  fight  the  Pequots  became  so  weak  and 
scattered  that  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansets  daily  destroyed 
them  and  presented  their  scalps  to  the  English ;  the  few  that 
fled  with  Sassacus  to  the  westward  were  attacked  and  totally 
destroyed  by  the  Mohawks.  The  scalp  of  Sassacus  was,  in 
the  fall  of  1638,  presented  to  the  governor  and  council  of 
Massachusetts. 

Soon  after  the  extermination  of  the  Pequots  the  Narra- 
gansets,  the  most  numerous  tribe  in  New  England,  being  dis 
pleased  with  the  small  power  with  which  they  were  vested 
and  the  respect  which  the  English  uniformly  manifested  for 
Uncus,  appeared  disposed  to  break  their  treaty  of  friendship. 
Miantinomi,  without  consulting  the  English  according  to 
agreement,  without  proclaiming  war,  or  giving  Uncus  the 
4 


88  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

least  information,  raised  an  army  of  one  thousand  men  and 
marched  against  him.  The  spies  of  Uncus  discovered  the 
army  at  .some  distance  and  gave  him  intelligence.  He  was 
unprepared ;  but,  rallying  about  five  hundred  of  his  bravest 
men,  he  told  them  they  must  by  no  means  suffer  Miantinomi 
to  enter  their  town,  but  must  go  and  give  him  battle  on  the 
way.  The  Mohegans,  having  marched  three  or  four  miles, 
met  the  enemy  upon  an  extensive  plain.  When  the  armies 
had  advanced  within  fair  bowshot  of  each  other,  Uncus  had 
recourse  to  stratagem,  with  which  he  had  previously  ac 
quainted  his  warriors.  He  desired  a  parley,  which  being 
granted,  both  armies  halted  in  the  face  of  each  other.  Uncus, 
gallantly  advancing  in  front  of  his  men,  addressed  Mianti 
nomi  to  this  effect :  "  You  have  a  number  of  stout  men 
with  you  ;  and  so  have  I  with  me.  It  is  a  great  pity  that  so 
many  brave  warriors  should  be  killed  in  consequence  of  a 
privafe  misunderstanding  between  us  two.  Come  like  a  brave 
man,  as  you  profess  to  be,  and  let  us  decide  the  dispute  alone : 
if  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours  ;  but  if  I  kill  you,  your 
men  shall  be  mine."  "  No,"  replied  Miantinomi ;  "  my  men 
come  to  fight;  and  they  shall  fight."  Upon  which  Uncus 
falling  instantly  to  the  ground,  his  men  discharged  a  shower 
of  arrows  among  the  Narragansets,  and  without  a  moment's 
interval,  rushing  upon  them  in  the  most  furious  manner  with 
a  hideous  yell,  put  them  to  flight.  The  Mohegans  pursued 
the  enemy  with  the  same  fury  and  eagerness  with"  which  they 
commenced  the  action.  The  Narragansets  were  driven  down 
rocks  and  precipices,  and  chased  like  a  doe  by  the  huntsmen  : 
many  of  them,  to  escape  from  their  pursuers,  plunged  into  a 
river  from  rocks  of  near  thirty  feet  in  height ;  among  others 
Miantinomi  was  hard  pushed :  some  of  the  most  forward  of 
the  Mohegans,  coming  up  with  him,  twirled  him  about,  and 
impeded  his  flight,  that  Uncus,  their  sachem,  might  alone  have 
the  honor  of  taking  him.  Uncus,  who  was  a  man  of  great 
bodily  strength,  rushing  forward  like  a  lion  greedy  of  his 


COMMENCEMENT    OP    HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        39 

prey,  seized  Miantinomi  by  the  shoulder,  and,  giving  the 
Indian  whoop,  called  up  his  men  who  were  behind  to  his  assist 
ance.  The  victory  was  complete.  Aboujt  fifty  of  the  Narra- 
gansets  were  killed,  and  a  much  greater  number  wounded  and 
taken  prisoners  ;  among  the  latter  was  a  brother  of  Mianti 
nomi  and  two  of  the  sons  of  Canonicus,  whom  Uncus  con 
ducted  in  triumph  to  Mohegan.  Some  few  days  after  Uncus 
conducted  Miantinomi  back  to  the  spot  where  he  was  taken, 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  him  to  death.  At  the  instant  they 
arrived  on  the  ground,  an  Indian,  who  was  ordered  to  march 
in  the  rear  for  the  purpose,  sunk  a  hatchet  into  his  head  and 
despatched  him  at  a  single  stroke.  He  was  probably  unac 
quainted  with  his  fate,  and  knew  not  by  what  means  he  fell. 
Uncus  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  which  he  devoured 
in  savage  triumph,  declaring  in  the  mean  time  that  '*  it  was 
the  sweetest  meat  he  ever  ate ;  it  made  his  heart  strong ! " 
The  Mohegans  buried  Miantinomi  at  the  place  of  his  execu 
tion,  and  erected  upon  his  grave  a  pillar  of  stones.  This 
memorable  event  gave  the  place  the  name  of  "  Sachem's 
Plains."  They  are  situated  in  an  eastern  corner  of  Norwich. 
The  Narragansets  became  now  greatly  enraged  at  the  death 
of  their  sachem,  and  sought  means  to  destroy  Uncus,  whose 
country  they  in  small  parties  frequently  invaded,  and,  by  lay 
ing  ambushes,  cut  off  a  number  of  his  most  valuable  warriors. 
As  Uncus  was  the  avowed  friend  of  the  English,  and  had  in 
many  instances  signalized  himself  as  such,  they  conceived  it 
their  duty  to  afford  him  all  the  protection  possible.  They 
despatched  messengers  to  acquaint  the  Narragansets  with 
their  determination,  should  they  continue  to  molest  and  dis 
turb  the  repose  of  the  Mohegans.  The  messengers  of  the 
English  met  with  quite  an  unfavorable  reception,  to  whom 
one  of  the  Narraganset  sachems  declared  that  "  he  would  kill 
every  Englishman  and  Mohegan  that  came  within  his  reach ; 
that  whoever  began  the  war  he  would  continue  it,  and  that 
nothing  should  satisfy  him  but  the  head  of  Uncus  !  "  • 


40  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

The  'English,  irritated  at  the  provoking  language  of  the 
Narragansets,  now  determined  not  only  to  protect  Uncus,  but 
to  invade  their  country  with  an  army  of  three  hundred  men  ; 
first  to  propose  a  peace  on  their  own  terms,  but,  if  rejected,  to 
attack  and  destroy  them.  For  this  purpose  Massachusetts 
was  to  furnish  one  hundred  and  ninety,  and  Plymouth  and 
Connecticut  colonies  fifty-five,  men  each. 

The  Narragansets  learning  that  an  army  was  about  to  enter 
the  heart  of  their  country,  and  fearful  of  the  issue,  despatched 
several  of  their  principal  men  to  sue  for  peace  on  such  terms 
as  the  English  should  be  pleased  to  grant.  The  governor 
and  council  demanded  that  they  should  restore  to  Uncus  all 
the  captives  and  canoes  which  they  had  taken  from  him,  and 
pledge  themselves  to  maintain  perpetual  peace  with  the  Eng 
lish  and  their  allies,  and  to  the  former  pay  an  annual  tribute 
of  two  thousand  fathom  of  white  wampum.  These,  indeed 
were  hard  terms,,  against  which  the  Narragansets •  strongly 
remonstrated  ;  but,  aware  that  the  English  had  already  a  con 
siderable  force  collected  for  the  express  purpose  of  invading 
their  country,  they  at  length  thought  it  most  prudent  to  ac 
quiesce. 

During  the  war  between  the  Narragansets  and  Uncus,  the 
former  once  besieged  the  fort  of  the  latter  until  his  provisions 
were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  found  that  his  men  must  soon 
perish  either  by  famine  or  the  tomahawk  unless  speedily  re 
lieved.  In  this  crisis  he  found  means  of  communicating  an 
account  of  his  situation  to  the  English  scouts,  who  had  been 
despatched  from  the  fort  in  Saybrook  to  reconnoitre  the  en 
emy.  Uncus  represented  the  danger  to  which  the  English 
would  be  exposed  if  the  Naryagansets  should  succeed  in  de 
stroying  the  Mohegans.  It  was  at  this  critical  juncture  that 
(he  greatest  part  of  the  English  troops  in  Connecticut  were 
employed  on  an  expedition  abroad.  A  Mr.  Thomas  Leffing- 
well,  however,  a  bold  and  enterprising  man,  on  learning  the 
situation  of  Uncus,  loaded  a  canoe  with  provision,  a*id,  under 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        41 

cover  of  niglit,  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the  River  Thames, 
and  had  the  address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort.  The 
enemy  soon  after  discovering  that  Uncus  had  received  sup 
plies,  raised  the  siege :  for  this  piece  of  service  Uncus  pre 
sented  said  Leffingwell  with  a  deed  of  a  very  large  tract  of 
land,  now  comprising  the  whole  town  of  Norwich. 

The  English  in  New  England  now  enjoyed  a  peace  until 
the  year  1671,  when  they  again  took  up  arms  to  revenge  the 
death  of  one  of  their  countrymen  who  had  been  inhumanly 
murdered  by  an  Indian  belonging  to  the  Nipnet  tribe,  of  which 
the  celebrated  Philip,  of  Mount  Hope,  (now  Bristol,  R.  I.,) 
was  sachem.  It  was  thought  the  most  prudent  step  by  the 
governor  and  council  first  to  send  for  Philip  and  acquaint 
him  with  the  cause  of  their  resentment  and  the  course  which 
they  were  determined  to  pursue  in  case  he  refused  to  deliver 
into  their  hands  the  murderer.  Philip  being  accordingly  sent 
for,  and  appearing  before  the  court,  appeared  much  dissatis 
fied  with  the  conduct  of  the  accused,  assuring  them  that  no 
pains  should  be  spared  to  bring  him  to  justice ;  and  more  fully 
to  confirm  his  friendship  for  the  English,  expressed  a  wish 
that  the  declaration  which  he  was  about  publicly  to  make 
might  be  committed  to  paper,  that  he  and  his  council  might 
thereunto  affix  their  signatures.  The  governor  and  council, 
in  compliance  with  the  request  of  Philip,  drew  up  the  follow 
ing,  which,  after  being  signed  by  Philip  and  his  chief  men, 
was  presented  to  the  governor  by  Philip  in  confirmation  of 
his  friendly  assurances  :  — 

"  Whereas  my  father,  my  brother,  and  myself  have  uni 
formly  submitted  to  the  good  and  wholesome  laws  of  his 
majesty  the  King  of  England,  and  have  ever  respected  his 
faithful  subjects,  the  English,  as  our  friends  and  brothers,  and 
being  still  anxious  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  between 
us,  we  do  now  embrace  this  opportunity  to  pledge  ourselves 
that  we  will  spare  no  pains  in  seeking  out  and  bringing  to 
4* 


42  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

justice  such  of  our  tribe  as  shall  hereafter  commit  any  outrage 
against  them;  and  to  remove  all  suspicion,  we  voluntarily 
agree  to  deliver  up  to  them  all  the  firearms  which  they  have 
heretofore  kindly  presented  us  with  until  such  time  as  they 
can  safely  repose  confidence  in  us ;  and  for  the  true  perform 
ance  of  these  our  sacred  promises,  we  have  hereunto  set  our 
hands. 

Chief  Sachem. 

PHILIP'S  ^  mark. 
Chief  Men. 

POKANOKET'S  ^  mark. 

UNCOMBO'S  }xj  mark. 

SAMKAMA'S   ft  mark. 

WOCOKOM'S  X  mark. 
In  presence  of  the  governor  and  council.",. 

Notwithstanding  the  fair  promises  of  Philip,  it  was  soon 
discovered  by  the  English  that  he  was  playing  a  deep  game  ; 
that  he  was  artfully  enticing  his  red  brethren  throughout  the 
whole  of  New  England  to  rise,  en  masse,  against  them,  and 
drive  them  out  of  the  country.  The  Narragansets  for  this 
purpose  had  engaged  to  raise  four  thousand  fighting  men. 
The  spring  of  1672  was  the  time  agreed  upon  on  which  the 
grand  blow  was  to  be  given.  The  evil  intentions  of  Philip 
were  first  discovered  and  communicated  to  the  English  by  a 
friendly  Indian  of  the  Narraganset  tribe :  fortunately  for  them, 
this  Indian  had  been  taken  into  favor  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Elliot, 
by  whom  he  had  been  taught  to  read  and  write,  and  became 
much  attached  to  the  English.  The  governor,  upon  receiving 
the  important  information  relative  to  the  hostile  views  of 
Philip,  ordered  a  military  watch  to  be  kept  up  in  all  the  Eng 
lish  settlements  within  the  three  colonies ;  by  some  of  whom 
it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  report  of  their  Indian  friend 
was  too  well  founded,  as  the  Indians  of  different  tribes  were 
daily  seen  flocking  in  great  numbers  to  the  head  quarters  of 


COMMENCEMENT    OP    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.       48 

Philip,  previously  sending  their  wives  and  children  to  the 
Narraganset  country,  which  they  had  ever  done  previous  to 
the  commencement  of  hostilities. 

The  inhabitants  of  Swanzey,  a  small  settlement  adjoining 
Mount  Hope,  the  head  quarters  of  Philip,  were  the  first  who 
felt  the  effects  of  this  war.  Philip,  encouraged  by  the  num 
bers  who  were  daily  enlisting  under  his  banners,  and  despair 
ing  of  discovering  cause  that  could  justify  him  in  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities  against  his  "  friends  and  brothers," 
as  he  had  termed  them,  resolved  to  provoke  them  to  war  by 
killing  their  cattle,  firing  their  barns,  &c.  This  plan  had  its 
desired  effect,  as  the  inhabitants,  determined  to  save  their 
property  or  perish  in  the -attempt,  fired  upon  the  Indians,  which 
was  deemed  cause  sufficient  by  the  latter  to  commence  their 
bloody  work.  The  war  whoop  was  immediately  thereupon 
sounded,  when  the  Indians  commenced  an  indiscriminate  mur 
der  of  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of  Swanzey,  sparing  not 
the  tender  infant  at  the  breast ;  but  three  of  seventy-eight 
persons  which  the  town  contained  made  their  escape.  Mes 
sengers  were  despatched  with  the  melancholy  tidings  of  this 
bloody  affair  to  the  governor,  who,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  council,  despatched  a  company  of  militia 
with  all  possible  speed  to  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabit 
ants  residing  near  the  head  quarters  of  Philip.  As  soon  as 
they  could  be  raised,  thr5e  companies  more  were  despatched, 
under  the  command  of  Captains  Henchman,  Prentice,  and 
Church,  who  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Swanzey  on  the 
28th  of  June,  where  they  were  joined  by  four  more  compa 
nies  from  Plymouth  colony.  It  was  found  that  the  Indians 
had  pjllaged  and  set  fire  to  the  village,  and  with  their  booty 
had  retired  to  Mount  Hope.  A  company  of  cavalry  were 
sent,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Prentice,  to  reconnoitre 
them ;  but  before  they  arrived  at  a  convenient  place  for  this 
purpose  they  were  ambushed  and  fired  upon  by  the  enemy, 
who  killed  six  of  their  number  and  wounde,d  ten.  Tbfe  report 


44  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

cf  their  guns  alarming  the  remaining  companies  of  the  English, 
they  hastened  to  the  relief  of  the  cavalry,  who  at  this  moment 
were  completely  surrounded  by  about  six  hundred  Indians, 
between  whom  and  the  English  a  warm  contest  now  ensued. 
The  savages  fought  desperately,  and  more  than  once  nearly 
succeeded  in  overpowering  the  English  ;  but,  very  fortunately 
for  the  latter,  when  nearly  despairing  of  victory,  a  fresh  com 
pany  of  militia  from  Boston  arrived,  which,  flanking  the  enemy 
on  the  right  and  left  and  exposing  them  to  two  fires,  soon 
overpowered  them  and  caused  them  to  seek  shelter  in  an  ad 
joining  wood  inaccessibly  to  the  English.  The  English  had 
in  this  severe  engagement  forty-two  killed,  and  severity-three 
wounded,  many  of  them  mortally.  The  enemy's  loss  was 
supposed  to  be  much  greater. 

On  the  3.0th  Major  Savage,  who  by  his  excellency  the 
governor  had  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  com 
bined  English  forces,  arrived  with  an  additional  company  of 
cavalry,  who  with  the  remaining  companies  the  following  day 
commenced  their  march  for  Mount  Hope,  the  head  quarters 
of  Philip.  On  their  way  the  English  were  affected  with  a 
scene  truly  distressing.  The  savages,  not  content  with  bath 
ing  their  tomahawks  in  the  blood  of  the  defenceless  inhabit 
ants  of  Swanzey,  had,  it  was  discovered,  in  many  instances 
detached  their  limbs  from  their  mangled  bodies  and  affixed 
them  to  poles  which  were  extended»in  the  air  —  among  which 
were  discovered  the  heads  of  several  infant  children;  the 
whole  of  which,  by  order  of  Major  Savage,  were  collected 
and  buried. 

The  English  arrived  at  Mount  Hope  about  sunset ;  but  the 
enemy,  having  received  information  of  their  approach,  had  de 
serted  their  wigwams  and  retired  into  a  neighboring  wood. 
Major  Savage,  to  pursue  the  enemy  with  success,  now  divided 
his  men  into  separate  companies,  which  he  ordered  to  march 
in  different  directions,  stationing  forty  at  Mount  Hope.  On 
the  4tl>  of  July  the  men  under  the  command  of  Captains 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        45 

Church  and  Henchmen  fell  in  with  a  body  of  the  enemy  to 
the  number  of  two  hundred,  whom  they  attacked.  The  Eng 
lish  being  but  thirty-two  in  number,  including  officers,  victory 
for  a  considerable  length  of  time  appeared  much  in  favor  of 
the  savages ;  but  very  fortunately  for  the  former,  being  com 
manded  by  bold  and  resolute  officers,  they  defended  them 
selves  in  the  most  heroic  manner  until  relieved  by  a  company 
of  cavalry  under  the  command  of  Captain  Prentice.  The 
Indians,  now  in  turn  finding  the  fire  of  the  English  too  warm 
for  them,  fled  in  every  direction,  leaving  thirty  of  their  num 
ber  dead  and  about  sixty  severely  wounded  on  the  field  of 
action.  The  English  in  this  engagement  had  seven  killed 
and  twenty-two  wounded,  five  of  whom  survived  the  action 
but  a  few  hours. 

This  action,  so  far  from  daunting  the  bold  and  resolute 
Captain  Church,  seemed  to  inspire  him  with  additional  bra 
very.  Unwilling  that  any  of  the  enemy  should  escape,  he 
boldly  led  his  men  into  an  almost  impenetrable  forest,  into 
which  those  who  survived  the  action  had  fled.  The  In 
dians,  perceiving  the  English  approaching,  concealed  them 
selves  from  their  view  by  lying  flat  on  their  bellies,  in  which 
situation  they  remained  concealed  until  the  English  had 
advanced  within  a  few  rods  of  them,  when  each,  unperceived, 
fixing  upon  his  man,  discharged  a  shower  of  arrows  among 
them.  This  unexpected  check  threw  the  English  into  confu 
sion,  which  the  Indians  perceiving,  rushed  furiously  upon  them 
with  their  knives  and  .tomahawks,  shouting  horribly.  The 
English,  their  cavalry  being  unable  to  afford  them  assistance, 
were  now  in  a  very  disagreeable  situation ;  the  trees  being  so 
very  large  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  use  their  firearms  with 
any  effect,  and  they  were  very  soon  so  encompassed  by  the 
savages  as  to  render  almost  every  effort  to  defend  themselves 
useless.  Of  sixty -four  who  entered  the  swamp  but  twenty* 
seven  escaped,  among  whom  very  fortunately  was  their  vaV 
uable  leader,  Captain  Church. 


46  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

The  English,  finding  that  they  could  neither  bring  theii 
enemies  to  action  in  open  field  nor  engage  them  with  any  suc 
cess  in  the  forest  in  which  they  were  lodged,  returned  home, 
with  the  exception  of  three  companies  who  were  stationed 
by  Major  Savage  near  the  borders  of  a  swamp,  into  which  it 
was  strongly  suspected  that  Philip,  with  a  number  of  his 
tribe,  had  fled.  This  swamp  was  two  miles  in  length,  and  to 
the  English  inaccessible.  Philip,  who  had  been  watching  the 
motion  of  his  enemies,  perceiving  the  greater  part  of  them 
marching  off,  conjectured  that  their  object  was  to  obtain  a  re- 
enforcement  :  impressed  with  this  belief,  he  resolved  to  im 
prove  the  first  opportunity  to  escape,  with  a  few  chosen  men, 
by  water,  which  he  with  little  difficulty  effected  the  succeed 
ing  night,  taking  the  advantage  of  a  low  tide.  The  enemy 
were  soon  after  their  escape  discovered  and  pursued  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Rehoboth,  accompanied  by  a  party  of  the  Mo- 
hegans,  who  had  volunteered  their  services  against  Philip. 

The  Rehoboth  militia  came  up  with  the  rear  of  the  enemy 
about  sunset,  and  killed  twelve  of  them,  without  sustaining 
any  loss  on  their  part :  night  prevented  their  engaging  the 
whole  force  of  Philip  ;  but  early  the  succeeding  morning  they 
continued  the  pursuit.  The  Indians  had,  however,  fled  with 
such  precipitancy  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  overtake 
them.  They  bent  their  course  to  the  westward,  exhorting 
the  different  tribes  through  which  they  passed  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  English. 

The  United  Colonies  became  now  greatly  alarmed  at  the 
hostile  views  and  rapid  strides  of  Philip.  The  general  court 
was  constantly  in  sitting,  and  endeavoring  to  plan  means  to 
cut  him  off  before  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  corrupt 
the  minds  of  too  many  of  his  countrymen. 

While  the  court  was  thus  employed,  information  was  re 
ceived  that  Philip  had  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Brook- 
field,  situated  about  sixty-five  miles  from  Boston,  and  that  a 
number  of  its  inhabitants  had  been  inhumanly  butchered  by 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES.  WITH   NATIVES.       47 

his  adherents.  Orders  were  immediately  thereupon  issued 
for  the  raising  ten  companies  of  foot  and  horse,  to  be  de 
spatched  to  the  relief  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  Brook- 
field  ;  but  before  they  could  reach  that  place  Philip  and  his 
party  had  entered  the  town  and  indiscriminately  put  to  death 
almost  every  inhabitant  which  it  contained ;  the  few  that 
escaped  having  taken  the  precaution,  previous  to  the  attack, 
to  assemble  together  in  one  house,  which  they  strongly  forti 
fied.  This  house  was  furiously  attacked  by  the  savages,  and 
several  times  set  on  fire ;  and  the  besieged  were  on  the  point 
3f  surrendering  when  Major  Willard  happily  arrived  to  their 
relief.  Between  the  English  and  the  Indians  a  desperate 
engagement  now  ensued :  the  former,  by  the  express  command 
of  their  officers,  gave  no  quarter,  but  in  a  very  heroic  man 
ner  rushed  upon  the  savages  with  clubbed  muskets.  The 
action  continued  until  near  sunset,  when  the  few  Indians  that 
remained  alive  sought  shelter  in  the  neighboring  woods.  In 
this  engagement  the  English  had  twenty-two  killed  and  sev 
enty-five  wounded.  The  enemy's  loss  was  two  hundred  .and 
seventeen  killed,  and  between  two  and  three  hundred  wound 
ed,  who,  by  way  of  retaliation  for  their  barbarity  exercised 
towards  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  were  imme 
diately  put  to  death. 

The  governor  and  council,  on  learning  the  fate  of  the  un 
fortunate  inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  despatched  a  reenforce- 
ment  of  three  companies  of  cavalry  to  Major  Willard,  and 
ordered  the  like  number  to  be  sent  him  from  Hartford,  in 
Connecticut  colony,  with  which  he  was  directed  to  pursue 
Philip  with  fire  and  sword  to  whatever  part  of  the  country 
he  should  resort. 

It  being  discovered  that  a  part  of  Philip's  forces  had  fled 
to  Hatfield,  two  companies  of  English,  under  command  of 
Captain  Lathrop  and  Captain  Beers,  were  sent  in  pursuit  of 
them,  who,  within  about  three  miles  of  Hatfield,  overtook 
and  attacked  them  ;  but  the  force  of  the  English  being  greatly 


48  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy,  the  former  were  defeated  and 
driven  back  to  the  main  body,  which  enabled  the  enemy, 
who  had  in  the  late  engagement  been  detached  from  their 
main  body,  to  join  Philip.  On  the  18th  of  September  in 
formation  was  received  by  Major  Willard  that  the  enemy 
had  successfully  attacked  and  defeated  the  troops  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Lathrop  ;  that  they  were  ambushed  and 
unexpectedly  surrounded  by  one  thousand  of  the  enemy,  to 
whom  they  all,  except  three  who  escaped,  fell  a  sacrifice. 
The  defeat  of  Captain  Lathrop  took  place  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Deerfield,  for  the  defence  of  which  there  was  an 
English  garrison,  which  the  Indians  were  about  to  attack 
when  Major  Willard  happily  arrived,  on  the  approach  of 
whom  the  Indians  fled. 

On  the  10th  of  October  following  a  party  of  Philip's  In 
dians  successfully  assaulted  the  town  of  Springfield,  which 
they  pillaged  and  set  fire  to,  killing  about  forty  of  the  inhabit 
ants.  On  the  14th  they  assaulted  the  town  of  Hatfield,  in 
which  two  companies,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Mosely 
and  Captain  Appleton,  were  stationed.  The  enemy  continued 
the  attack  about  two  hours,  when,  finding  the  fire  of  the  Eng 
lish  too  warm  for  them,  they  fled,  leaving  a  number  of  their 
party  behind  them  dead. 

Philip,  now  finding  himself  closely  pursued  by  a  large  and 
formidable  body  of  the  English,  deemed  it  prudent  to  bend 
his  course  towards  his  old  place  of  residence,  there*  to  remain 
until  the  ensuing  spring. 

But  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  duly  reflect 
ing  on  the  deplorable  situation  of  their  defenceless  brethren 
throughout  the  country,  aware  that  there  were  then  a  much 
greater  number  of  their  savage  enemies  imbodied  than  at 
any  former  period,  who,  if  suffered  peaceably  to  retire  into 
winter  quarters,  might  prove  too  powerful  for  them  the  spring 
ensuing,  resolved  to  attack  the  whole  force  under  Philip  in 
their  winter  encampment ;  for  the  purpose  of  which  every 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       49 

jfinglishman  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  commanded,  by 
proclamation  of  the  governor,  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to 
march  at  the  shortest  notice.  The  10th  of  December  was 
the  day  appointed  by  the  commissioners  on  which  the  decisive 
blow  was  to  be  given.  Six  companies  were  immediately 
raised  in  Massachusetts,  consisting  in  the  whole  of  five  hun 
dred  and  twenty-seven  men,  to  the  command  of  which  were 
appointed  Captains  Mosely,  Gardener,  Davenport,  Oliver, 
and  Johnson.  Five  companies  were  raised  in  Connecticut, 
consisting  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  the  command  of 
which  were  appointed  Captains  Siely,  Mason,  Gallop,  Watts, 
and  Marshall.  Two  companies  were  likewise  raised  in  Plym 
outh,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  who  were 
commanded  by  Captains  Rice  and  Goram.  Three  majors  of 
the  three  respective  divisions  were  also  appointed;  to  wit, 
Major  Appleton,  of  Massachusetts ;  Major  Treat,  of  Connecti 
cut  ;  and  Major  Bradford,  of  Plymouth.  The  whole  force, 
consisting  of  eleven  hundred  and  twenty-seven  men,  were 
commanded  by  Major  General  "Winslow,  late  governor  of  the 
colonies.  On  the  7th  of  December  the  combined  forces  com 
menced  their  march  for  the  head  quarters  of  the  enemy. 
At  this  inclement  season  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty 
that  the  troops  were  enabled  to  penetrate  through  a  wild  and 
pathless  wood.  On  the  morning  of  the  9th,  having  travelled 
all  the  preceding  night,  they  arrived  at  the  border  of  an  ex 
tensive  swamp,  in  which,  they  were  informed  by  their  guides, 
the  enemy  were  encamped  to  the  number  of  four  thousand. 
The  English,  after  partaking  of  a  little  refreshment,  formed 
for  battle.  Captain  Mosely  and  Captain  Davenport  led  the 
van,  and  Major  Appleton  and  Captain  Oliver  brought  up  the 
rear  of  tlae  Massachusetts  forces.  General  Winslow,  with 
the  Plymouth  troops,  formed  the  centre.  The  Connecticut 
troops,  under  the  command  of  their  respective  captains,  to 
gether  with  about  three  hundred  of  the  Mohegans,  command 
ed  by  Oneco,  the  son  of  Uncus,  brought  up  the  rear. 


50  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

It  was  discovered  by  an  Indian,  sent  for  that  purpose,  that 
in  the  centre  of  the  swamp  the  enemy  had  built  a  very  strong 
fort,  of  so  wise  construction  that  it  was  with  difficulty  that 
more  than  one  person  could  enter  at  one  time.  About  10 
o'clock,  A.  M.,  the  English,  with  the  sound  of  the  trumpet, 
entered  the  swamp,  and,  when  within  about  fifty  rods  of  their 
fort,  were  met  and  attacked  by  the  enemy.  The  Indians,  in 
their  usual  manner,  shouting  and  howling  like  beasts  of  prey, 
commenced  the  attack  with  savage  fury :  but  with  a  hideous 
noise  the  English  were  not  to  be  intimidated.  Charging  them 
with  unequalled  bravery,  the  enemy  were  soon  glad  to  seek 
shelter  within  the  walls  of  their  fort.  The  English,  having 
closely  pressed  upon  the  enemy  as  they  retreated,  now  in  turn 
found  themselves  in  a  very  disagreeable  situation,  exposed  to 
the^fire  of  the  Indians,  who  were  covered  by  a  high  breast 
work  :  they  were  not  even  enabled  to  act  on  the  defensive. 
At  this  critical  juncture  the  lion-hearted  Oneco,  with  the  as 
sent  of  General  Winslow,  oifered  with  the  men  under  his 
command  to  scale  the  walls  of  the  fort ;  which  being  approved 
of  by  the  English  commanders,  Oneco,  with  about  sixty  picked 
men,  in  an  instant  ascended  to  the  top  of  the  fort,  where,  hav 
ing  a  fair  chance  at  the  enemy,  they  hurled  their  tomahawks 
and  discharged  their  arrows  with  such  success  among  them 
as  in  a  very  short  time  to  throw  them  into  the  utmost  confu 
sion  :  those  who  attempted  to  escape  from  the  fort  were  in 
stantly  cut  in  pieces  by  the  troops  without.  The  enemy,  find 
ing  themselves  thus  hemmed  in  and  attacked  on  all  sides,  in 
the  most  abject  terms  begged  for  quarter,  which  was  denied 
them  by  the  English.  A  great  proportion  of  the  troops  being 
now  mounted  on  the  walls  of  the  fort,  they  had  nothing  to  do 
but  load  and  fire ;  the  enemy  being  penned  up  and  huddled 
together  in  such  a  manner  that  there  was  scarcely  a  shot  lost. 
This  bloody  contest  was  of  near  six  hours'  continuance,  when 
the  English,  perceiving  the  fort  filled  with  nought  but  dead  or 
such  as  were  mortally  wounded  of  the  enemy,  closed  the 
bloody  conflict. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES'  WITH    NATIVES.       51 

The  scene  of  action,  at  this  instant,  was  indeed  such  as 
could  not  fail  to  shock  the  stoutest  hearted.  The  huge  logs 
of  which  the  fort  was  constructed  were  completely  crimsoned 
with  the  blood  of  the  enemy,  while  the  surrounding  woods 
resounded  with  the  dying  groans  of  the  wounded.  The  num 
ber  of  slain  of  the  enemy  in  this  severe  engagement  could, 
not  be  ascertained ;  it  was,  however,  immense.  Of  four  thou 
sand,  which  the  fort  was  supposed  to  contain  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  action,  not  two  hundred  escaped ;  among  whom, 
unfortunately,  was  the  treacherous  Philip. 

After  the  close  of  this  desperate  action,  the  troops,  having 
destroyed  all  in  their  power,  left  the  enemy's  ground,  and, 
carrying  about  three  hundred  wounded  men,  marched  back 
to  the  distance  of  sixteen  miles  to  head  quarters.  The  night 
proved  cold  and  stormy ;  the  snow  fell  deep ;  and  it  was  not 
until  midnight  or  after  that  the  troops  were  enabled  to  reach 
their  place  of  destination :  many  of  the  wounded,  who  prob 
ably  otherwise  might  have  recovered,  perished  with  the  cold 
and  inconvenience  of  a  march  so  fatiguing. 

Although  the  destruction  of  so  great  a  number  of  the  ene 
my  was  considered  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  English, 
yet  it  proved  a  conquest  dearly  bought.  It  was  obtained  at 
the  expense  of  the  lives  of  not;  only  a  great  number  of  pri 
vates,  but  a  great  proportion  of  their  most  valuable  officers ; 
among  whom  were  Captains  Davenport,  Gardner,  Johnson, 
Siely,  and  Marshall.  On  enumerating  their  number  of  slain 

and  wounded,  it  was  found  as  follows  :  — 

• 

Of  the  companies  commanded  by 

Captains  Mosely,  .         ^        10  killed,  40  wounded. 

"        Oliver,       »•  .-       .-20  "  48  " 

"        Gardner,  .  ;      .         11  «  32  « 

«        Johnson,    .  ...     18  "  38  « 

«        Davenport,  .         *        15  "  19  " 

Gallop,      .  Hf  fc*          28  «  43  « 


52  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Captains  Siely,     .         .        *  -  32  killed,  50  wounded. 

«        Watts,       »        ;        .'  19      «      33 

«        Mason,  .      .  ....  40      -       50         « 

«        Marshall,  .         .         .  25      "      37         " 

«        Goram,          .         .  30      "      41         " 

Sachem  Oneco,       /"''     .       ,«.  51      "       82         " 

Total,     .       299      "    513         « 

The  courage  displayed  during  the  action  by  every  part  of 
the  army,  the  invincible  heroism  of  the  officers,  the  firmness 
and  resolution  o£  the  soldiers  when  they  saw  their  captains 
falling  before  them,  and  the  hardships  endured  before  and 
after  the  engagement,  are  hardly  credible,  and  rarely  find  a 
parallel  in  ancient  or  modern  ages.  The  cold  the  day  preced 
ing  the  action  was  extreme,  and  in  the  night  of  which  the 
snow  fell  so  deep  as  to  render  it  extremely  difficult  for  the 
army  to  move  the  day  succeeding  :  four  hundred  of  the 
soldiers  were  so  completely  frozen  as  to  be  unfit  for  duty. 
The  Connecticut  troops  were  the  most  disabled,  having  en 
dured  a  tedious  march,  without  halting,  from  Stonington  to  the 
place  of  public  rendezvous  ;  they  sustained,  too,  a  much  great 
er  loss  in  the  action,  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  than  the 
troops  of  the  other  colonies.  '  The  bold  and  intrepid  Captain 
Mason,  who  received  a  fatal  wound  in  the  action,  of  which  he 
died  in  about  three  months  after,  was  the  first  after  the  Mo- 
hegans  to  mount  the  walls  of  the  fort ;  nor  did  the  troops 
under  his  command  fail  to  follow  the  noble  example. 

The  loss  of  the  troops  from  Connecticut  was  so  great  that 
Major  Treat  conceived  it  absolutely  necessary  to  return  im 
mediately  home.  Such  of  the  wounded  as  were  not  able  to 
travel  were  put  on  board  a  vessel  and  conveyed  to  Stonington. 
The  troops,  on  their  return,  killed  and  captured  about  thirty 
of  the  enemy. 

The  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  forces  kept  the  field  the 
greater  part  of  the  winter.  They  ranged  the  country,  took  a 


COMMENCEMENT    OP   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       53 

number  of  prisoners,  destroyed  about  three  hundred  wigwams, 
but  achieved  nothing  brilliant  or  decisive. 

The  Nipnet  and  Narraganset  tribes  being  by  the  late  action 
nearly  exterminated,  the  few  that  survived,  by  the  direction 
of  Philip,  fled  in  small  parties  to  different  parts  of  the  coun 
try,  improving  every  opportunity  that  presented  to  revenge 
the  untimely  fate  of  their  brethren.  On  the  10th  of  Februa 
ry,  1678,  about  one  hundred  of  them  surprised  the  inhabit 
ants  of  Lancaster,  Massachusetts,  a  part  of  whom,  as  a  place 
of  greater  safety,  had  the  day  previous  resorted  to  the  dwell 
ing  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Rowland  ;  this,  however,  being  construct 
ed  of  dry  logs,  was  set  fire  to  by  the  Indians,  which  the  un 
fortunate  English  within  being  unable  to  extinguish,  they  fell 
victims  to  the  devouring  flames.  On  the  21st  the  enemy 
attacked  the  inhabitants  of  Medfield,  thirty-two  of  whom  they 
killed,  and  of  the  remainder  made  captives. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  the  Indians  still  continuing  their  dep 
redations,  two  companies  of  cavalry,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Pierce  and  Captain  Watkins,  were  ordered  out  for 
the  purpose  of  affording  protection  to  the  defenceless  inhabit 
ants  of  towns  most  exposed  to  their  incursions.  On  the  5th 
they  marched  to  Pautuxet,  near  where  there  was  a  consid 
erable  body  of  Indians  encamped,  whom,  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th,  they  fell  in  with  and  attacked.  The  enemy  at  first 
appeared  but  few  in  number ;  but  these  were  only  employed 
to  decoy  the  English,  who,  on  a  sudden,  found  themselves 
surrounded  by  near  three  hundred  Indians,  who,  with  their 
tomahawks  and  scalping  knives,  rushing  furiously  upon  them, 
threatened  them  with  instant  destruction.  The  English,  now 
acting  upon  the  defensive,  although  surrounded  by  five  times 
their  number,  fought  with  their  usual  spirit,  and  were  resolved 
to  sell  their  lives  at  as  dear  rate  as  possible  :  they  were  very 
soon,  however,  compelled  to  yield  to  the  superior  force  of 
their  savage  enemies  :  but  five  escaped.  This  victory,  though 
of  considerable  importance  to  the  savages,  cost  them  a  number 
5* 


54  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

of  their  bravest  warriors,  ninety-three  of  whom  were  the  suc 
ceeding  day  found  dead  upon  the  field  of  action :  there  were* 
in  this  engagement  about  twenty  friendly  Indians  with  the 
English,  who  fought  like  desperadoes  :  one  of  them,  observing 
Captain  Pierce  unable  to  stand,  in  consequence  of  the  many 
wounds  he  had  received,  for  nearly  two  hours  bravely  de 
fended  him  ;  when,  perceiving  his  own  imminent  danger,  and 
that  he  could  afford  the  captain  no  further  assistance,  by 
blacking  his  face  as  the  enemy  had  done,  he  escaped  unnoticed. 

On  the  25th  of  March  a  party  of  Indians  attacked  and 
burned  the  towns  of  Weymouth  and  Warwick,  killing  a  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants.  On  the  10th  of  April  following 
they  pillaged  and  burned  Rehoboth  and  Providence. 

On  the  1st  of  May  a  company  of  English  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Mohegans,  under  command  of  Captain  George  Den- 
nison,  were  sent  in  pursuit  of  a  body  of  the  enemy  com 
manded  by  the  son  of  Miantinomi.  On  the  8th  they  met  with 
and  attacked  them  near  Groton.  The  Indians,  .apparently 
determined  on  victory  or  death,  displayed  an  unusual  degree 
of  courage ;  but  the  English  and  Mohegans  proved  too  strong 
for  them,  who,  after  destroying  the  greater  part  with  their 
muskets  and  tomahawks,  drove  the"  remainder  into  a  neigh 
boring  river,  where  they  soon  perished. 

On  the  23d  Cononchet,  sachem  of  the  few  scattered  re 
mains  of  the  Narragansets,  proposed  to  his  council  that  the 
lands  bordering  on  Connecticut  River  not  inhabited  by  the 
English  should  be  by  them  planted  with  corn  for  their  future 
subsistence ;  which  being  approved  of  by  the  latter,  two  hun 
dred  of  the  Narragansets  were  despatched  for  this  purpose  : 
the  governor,  being  apprised  of  their  intentions,  despatched 
three  companies  of  cavalry  to  intercept  them.  About  one 
hundred  of  the  Mohegans,  under  the  command  of  Oneco,  ac 
companied  the  English.  The  eneiny  were  commanded  by 
Cononchet  in  person,  who  first  proceeded  to  Seconk  to  pro 
cure,  seed  corn :  it  was. in  the  neighborhood  of  this  place  that 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    \\TTH   NATIVES.        55 

they  were  first  met  with  and  engaged  by  the  English  and 
Mohegans.  The  enemy,  with  becoming  bravery,  for  a  long 
time  withstood  the  attack ;  but,  being  but  poorly  provided  with 
weapons,  they  were  at  length  overpowered  and  compelled  to 
yield  to  the  superior  power  of  their  enemies.  In  the  midst 
of  the  action  Cononchet,  fearful  of  the  issue,  deserted  his  men 
and  attempted  to  seek  shelter  in  a  neighboring  wood ;  but,  be 
ing  recognized  by  the  Mohegans,  they  pursued  him.  Conon 
chet,  perceiving  himself  nearly  overtaken  by  his  pursuers,  to 
facilitate  his  flight  first  threw  away  his  blanket,  and  then  .his 
silvsr-laced  coat,  with  which  he  had  been  presented  by  the 
English  a  few  weeks  previous ;  but,  finding  that  he  could  not 
escape  from  his  pursuers  by  flight,  he  plunged  into  a  river, 
where  he  was  even  followed  by  half  a  dozen  resolute  Mohe 
gans,- who,  laying  hold  of  him,  forced  him  under  water  and 
there  held  him  until  he  was  drowned.  The  loss  of  the  Eng 
lish  and  Mohegans  in  this  engagement  was  twelve  killed  and 
^twenty-one  wounded ;  that  of  the  enemy  was  forty-three  killed 
and  about  eighty  wounded. 

The  inhabitants  of  New  London,  Norwich,  and  Stonington, 
having  frequently  discovered  a  number  of  the  enemy  lurking 
about  in  small  bodies  in  the  adjacent  woods,  by  joint  agree 
ment  voluntarily  enlisted  themselves,  to  the  number  of  three 
hundred,  under  the  command  of  Major  Palmer  and  Captains 
Dennison  and  Avery,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Mohe 
gans  and  a  few  friendly  Narragansets,  in  three  expeditions 
destroyed  near  one  thousand  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  8th  of  June  the  Indians  assaulted  and  burned 
Bridgewater,  a  small  settlement  in  the  colony  of  Massachu 
setts  :  forty  of  its  inhabitants  fell  victims  to  savage  barbarity. 

The  governor  and.  council  of  Massachusetts  colony,  aware 
of  the  danger  to  which  many  of  the  inland  settlements  were 
exposed  by  frequent  incursions  of  the  enemy,  and  finding  it 
extremely  difficult  to  raise  a  sufficient  force  to  oppose  them 
in  the  many  parts  to  which  the  fragments  of  the  broken  tribe* 


5fc  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

had  resorted,  adopted  the  policy  of  sending  among  them,  as 
spies,  such  Indians  as  were  friendly  and  could  be  depended  on  • 
which  plan  had  its  desired  effect.  These  Indians,  represent 
ing  the  force  of  the  English  much  greater  than  it  really  was, 
and  warning  the  enemy  of  danger  which  did  not  at  that  time 
exist,  deterred  them  from  acting  in  many  instances  on  the 
offensive.  One  of  the  friendly  Indians,  returning  to  Boston 
on  the  10th  of  July,  reported  as  follows  :  "  That  a  large  num 
ber  of  Indians  were  imbodied  in  a  wood  near  Lancaster, 
which  village  they  intended  to  attack  and  burn  in  a  few  days  ; 
that  they  had  been  encouraged '  to  continue  the  war  with  the 
English  by  Frenchmen  from  the  great  lake,  who  had  supplied 
them  with  firearms  and  ammunition." 

On  the  receipt  of  this  important  information  the  governor 
despatched  three  companies  of  cavalry,  under  the  command 
of  Major  Savage,  for  the  defence  of  Lancaster,  who  unfor 
tunately,  by  mistaking  the  road,  fell  into  an  ambush  of  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  by  whom  they  were  instantly* 
surrounded.  The  English  exhibited  great  presence  of  mind, 
and  repelled  the  attack  of  the  enemy  in  a  very  heroic  man 
ner.  The  savages  being,  however,  well  provided  with  fire 
arms,  soon  gained  a  complete  victory  over  the  English,  whose 
loss  in  this  unfortunate  engagement  was  fifty-four.  The  num 
ber  of  killed  and  wounded  of  the  enemy  could  not  be  ascer 
tained,  as  they  remained  masters  of  the  field  of  action. 

On  the  15th  a  severe  engagement  took  place  between  a 
company  of  English  cavalry  and  about  three  hundred  of  the 
enemy  near  Groton.  The  latter  were  not  perceived  by  the 
former  until  they  were  within  a  few  paces  of  them,  the  In 
dians  having  concealed  themselves  in  the  bushes  ;  when,  sud 
denly  issuing  forth  with  a  hideous  yell,  the  cavalry  were 
thrown  into  confusion  ;  but  instantly  forming  and  charging  the 
enemy  with  great  spirit,  they  fled  in  every  direction.  The 
cavalry,  in  attempting  to  pursue  them,  were  once  more  am 
bushed.  The  contest  now  became  close  and  severe :  the  Indians 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       57 

having  succeeded  in  decoying  the  English  into  a  thick  wood, 
attacked  them  with  great  fury  and  success.  The  commander 
of  the  English  being  killed,  every  man  sought  his  own  safety. 
Of  forty-five  of  which  the  company  was  composed,  but  twelve 
escaped.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was,  however,  supposed  to 
be  much  greater. 

On  the  12th  of  August  a  party  of  Indians  entered  the  town 
of  Westfield,  killed  and  took  several  of  the  inhabitants  pris 
oners,  and  burned  several  houses.  Three  of  them  soon  after 
made  their  appearance  at  a  house  near  said  town  and  fired  at 
a  man  at  his  door,  who  fell.  They  ran  towards  him,  and  one 
of  them  stooping  to  scalp  him,  he  was  saluted  by  the  man's 
wife  with  a  stroke  from  a  large  hatchet,  which  went  so  com 
pletely  into  his  body  that  at  three  different  efforts  she  could 
not  disengage  it ;  and  the  Indian  made  off  with  it  sticking  in 
him.  A  second  Indian  also  made  an  attempt ;  when  she,  by  a 
well-directed  stroke  with  a  stick  she  had  got,,  laid  him  on  the 
ground.  The  third  then  run  ;  and  the  other,  as  soon  as  he 
had  recovered  his  feet,  followed  the  example  ;  on  which  the 
woman  took  her  husband  in  her  arms  and  carried  him  into 
the  house,  where  he  soon  after  recovered. 

On  the  17th  a  party  of  Indians  commenced  an  attack  on 
Northampton ;  but  there  being  a  number  of  English  soldiers 
therein  stationed,  the  enemy  were  repulsed. 

On  the  20th  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Springfield 
were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  as  they  were  returning 
from  divine  service  ;  and  although  the  former  were  provided 
with  firearms,  the  enemy  succeeded  in  making  prisoners  of 
two  women  and  several  children,  whom  they  soon  after  inhu 
manly  tomahawked  and  scalped ;  in  which  situation  they  were 
the  succeeding  day  found  by  a  party  of  English  sent  out  in 
pursuit  of  the  enemy.  One  of  the  unfortunate  women,  al 
though  shockingly  mangled,  was  found  still  alive,  and,  when 
so  far  recovered  as  to  be  enabled  to  speak,  gave  the  following 
account  of  the  fate  of  her  unfortunate  companions,  to  wit 


58  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

"  That  they  were  first  conveyed  by  the  savages  to  a  thick 
wood,  where  they  were  severally  bound  with  cords ;  that  the 
Indians  soon  after  built  a  fire  and  regaled  themselves  with' 
what  they  had  previously  stolen  from  the  English  ;  that  soon 
after  a  warm  dispute  arose  between  them  relative  to  the  pris 
oners,  each  claiming  the  women  for  their  squaws,  (or  wives;) 
that  they  at  length  proceeded  to  blows ;  and,  after  beating 
each  other  for  some  time  with  clubs,  it  was  agreed  by  both 
parties,  to  prevent  further  altercation,  that  the  women  should 
be  put  to  death ;  which  they,  as  they  supposed,  carried  imme 
diately  into  execution.  The  unfortunate  narrator  received  a 
severe  blow  on  the  head,  which  brought  her  senseless  to  the 
ground,  and,  while  in  this  situation,  was  scalped  and  left  for 
dead  by  her  savage  enemies." 

The  inhabitants  of  Sudbury,  with  a  company  of  soldiers 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  of  Marlborough, 
alarmed  at  the  near  approach  of  the  enemy,  who  to  the  num 
ber  of  about  two  -hundred  were  encamped  near  that  place, 
resolved  to  attack  them  at  night.  Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of 
September  they  marched  within  view  of  them,  and  at  night, 
as  they  lay  extended  around  a  large  fire,  approached  them, 
unperceived,  within  gunshot,  when  they  gave  them  the  con 
tents  of  their  muskets.  Many  of  those  that  remained  un 
hurt,  being  suddenly  aroused  from  their  slumber  by  the  yells 
of  their  wounded  brethren,  and  imagining  that  they  were 
completely,  surrounded  by  the  English,  whom  the  darkness  of 
the  night  prevented  their  seeing,  threw  themselves  into  the 
fire  which  they  had  enkindled,  and  there  perished.  But  few" 
if  any  escaped.  In  this  attack  the  English  sustained  no  loss. 

On  the  25th  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy  attacked  the 
inhabitants  of  Marlborough,  many  of  whom  they  killed,  and 
set  fire  to  their  houses.  A  company  of  English,  who  had  been 
ordered  from  Concord  for  the  defence  of  this  place,  were  cut 
off  by  the  savages  and  totally  destroyed.  Two  other  com 
panies,  despatched  from  Boston  for  the  like  purpose,  met  with 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        59 

the  same  fate.  It  appeared  that  the  governor,  on  learning 
the  situation  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  Mailborough, 
despatched  to  their  relief  two  companies,  under  the  command 
of  Captains  Wadsworth  and  Smith,  who,  before  they  arrived 
at  their  place  of  destination,  were  informed  that  the  savages 
had  quitted  .Marlborough  and  proceeded  for  Sudbury,  twelve 
miles  distant ;  which  induced  the  English  to  alter  their  course 
and  proceed  immediately  for  the  latter  place.  Of  this  it  ap 
peared  that  the  enemy  had  been  apprised  by  their  runners, 
and  had  lain  a  plan  to  cut  them  off  ere  they  should  reach 
Sudbury ;  which  they  in  the  following  manner  completely- 
effected.  Learning  the  course  which  the  English  would  take, 
they  within  a  few  rods  thereof  stationed  fifty  or  sixty  of  their 
number  in  an  open  field,  who  were  ordered  to  retreat  into  a 
neighboring  thicket  as  soon  as  discovered  and  pursued  by  the 
English.  In  this  thicket  the  remainder  of  the  Indians,  to  the 
number  of  about  three  liundred,  concealed  themselves  by 
lying  prostrate  on  their  bellies.  The  English,  on  their  arri 
val,  espying  the  Indians  in  the  field,  and  presuming  them  to 
be  but  few  in  number,  pursued  and  attacked  them,  who  very 
soon  retreated  to  the  fatal  spot  where  their  treacherous  breth 
ren  lay  concealed,  and  prepared  to  give  their  pursuers  a  warm 
if  not  a  fatal  reception :  here  they  were  closely  pursued  by 
the  English,  who  too  late  discovered  the  fatal  snare  which 
had  been  laid  for  them.  In  an  instant  they  were  completely 
surrounded  and  attacked  on  all  sides  by  the  savages.  The 
English  for  several  hours  bravely  defended  themselves,  but 
at  length  were  borne  down  by  numbers  far  superior  to  their 
own.  Thus  fell  the  brave  Captain  Wadsworth  and  Captain 
Smith,  as  well  as  most  of  the  troops  under  their  command. 

The  Indians  bordering  on  the  River  Merrimack,  feeling 
themselves  injured  by  the  encroachments  of  the  English,  once 
more  reassumed  the  bloody  tomahawk,  which  had  been  buried 
for  a  number  of  years.  On  the  1st  of  November  they  in  a 
considerable  body  entered  the  villages  of  Chelmsford  and 


60  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Woburn,  and  indiscriminately  put  to  death  every  inhabitant 
they  contained,  not  sparing  the  infant  at  the  breast.  On  the 
9th  they  burned  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Eames,  near.  Concord, 
killed  his  wife  and  threw  her  body  into  the  flames,  and  made 
captives  of  his  children.  On  the  15th  they  took  prisoner  a 
young  woman,  sixteen  years  of  age,  who,  by  the  family  with 
whom  she  resided,  had  been  placed  on  a  hill  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  their  dwelling  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
The  account  which  the  young  woman  gave  of  her  capture  and 
escape  was  as  follows :  "  That  on  the  morning  of  her  capture, 
the  family  having  been  informed  that  a  party  of  Indians  had 
the  day  previous  been  discovered  in  a  neighboring  wood,  she, 
by  their  request,  ascended  a  hill  near  the  house  to  watch  their 
motions,  and  alarm  the  family  if  seen  approaching  the  house ; 
that  about  noon  she  discovered  a  number  of  them  ascending 
the  hill  in  great  haste  ;  that  she  immediately  thereupon  at 
tempted  to  evade  them  by  retiring %n to  a  thicket ;  but  that  the 
Indians,  who  it  appeared  had  before  observed  her,  found  her 
after  a  few  moments'  search,  and  compelled  her  to  accompany 
them  to  their  settlement,  about  forty  miles  distant.  It  was 
here  they  gave  her  to  understand  she  must  remain  and  be 
come  their  squaw,  and  dress  and  cook  their  victuals ;  that  she 
remained  with  them  about  three  weeks,  during  which  time 
they  made  several  expeditions  against  the  English,  and  re 
turned  with  a  great  number  of  human  scalps ;  that  on  the 
night  of  the  6th  of  December  they  returned  with  six  horses 
which  the^"  had  stolen  from  the  English,  which  having  turned 
into  a  small  enclosure,  they  set  out  on  a  new  expedition ;  that 
she  viewed  this  as  a  favorable  opportunity  to  escape,  to  effect 
which  she  caught  and  mounted  one  of  the  horses,  and,  making 
use  of  a  strip  of  bark  as  a  bridle,  penetrated  a  wild  and 
pathless  wood,  and  arrived  at  Concord  at  seven  o'clock  the 
morning  succeeding,  having  travelled  all  the  preceding  night 
to  evade  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy."  In  like  manner  did  one 
of  the  children  of  Mr.  Eames,  of  whose  capture  mention  is 


COMMENCEMENT    OP  -HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       61 

made  in  the  preceding  page,  escape  from  the  Indians.  Al 
though  but  ten  years  of  age,  he  travelled  sixty  miles  through 
an  uninhabited  wood,  subsisting  on  acorns. 

On  the  12th  of  December  a  party  of  Indians  attacked  and 
killed  several  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bradford.  The  governor 
of  Massachusetts  colony,  for  the  protection  of  the  defenceless 
inhabitants  of  the  Merrimack,  ordered  the  raising  and  equip 
ping  of  four  companies  of  cavalry ;  to  the  command  of  which 
were  appointed  Captains  Sill,  Holyoke,  Cutler,  and  Prentice, 

On  the  2od  the  above  troops  proceeded  for  the  borders  of 
the  Merrimack,  and  on  the  26th  fell  in  with  a  considerable 
body  of  the  enemy,  whom  they  engaged  and  completely  de 
feated.  On  the  4th  of  January,  1679,  Captain  Prentice 
detached  from  the  main  body,  fell  in  with  and  engaged  about 
one  hundred  of  the  'enemy  in  the  neighborhood  of  Amherst, 
whom  he  likewise  defeated,  but  with  considerable  loss  on  his 
part. 

On  the  6th  a  son  of  the  brave  Captain  Holyoke,  of  Spring 
field,  receiving  information  that  a  number  of  the  enemy  in 
small  bodies  were  skulking  about  in  the  woods  bordering  on 
that  town,  with  twenty  resolute  young  men  marched  out  to 
attack  them.  Falling  in  with  a  considerable  body  of  them, 
an  engagement  ensued,  which,  though  severe,  terminated  at 
length  in  favor  of  the  English.  The  Indians,  being  furnished 
with  muskets,  were  unwilling  to  give  ground,  and  would 
probably  have  remained  masters  of  the  field  had  not  the 
English  received  a  reenforcement  which  put  them  to  flight. 
The  loss  of  the  English  in  the  engagement  was  five  killed 
and  nine  wounded,  and  that  of  the  enemy  twenty-three  killed, 
and  between  thirty  and  forty  wounded. 

The  savages  were  no  longer  confined  to  any  particular  tribe 
or  place,  but,  in  parties  from  fifty  to  three  hundred,  were 
scattered  all  over  the  thinly-inhabited  parts  of  New  England 
a  considerable  body  of  them  were  yet  in  the  neighborhood  of 
H#dley,  Deerfield,  and  Northampton,  where  they  wore  con 
6 


62  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

tinually  committing  their  wanton  acts  of  barbarity.  Several 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  above  mentioned,  duly  reflect 
ing  on  the  danger  to  which  they  and  their  families  were  daily- 
exposed,  formed  themselves  into  several  companies,  and  made 
choice  of  their  commanders.  On  the  4th  of  February,  re 
ceiving  information  that  there  were  near  two  hundred  Indians 
imbodied  in  a  swamp  in  the  neighborhood  of  Deerfield,  the 
above-mentioned  force  marched  to  attack  them.  Arriving 
within  view  of  them  about  daybreak,  they  discovered  them 
in  a  profound  sleep,  stretched  out  upon  the  ground  around 
their  fire.  The  cavalry  immediately  thereupon  alighted,  and, 
after  forming  themselves,  approached  them  within  pistol  shot 
before  they  were  discovered  by  the  enemy,  who,  being  sud 
denly  aroused  from  their  slumber,  and  astonished  at  the  un 
expected  appearance  of  so  many  of  their  enemies,  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  the  English,  who,  without  the  loss  of  a  man, 
killed  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  them;  the  remainder,  as 
the  only  means  of  escape,  having  plunged  into  a  river,  where 
probably  many  of  them  perished. 

Although  the  English  achieved  this  action  without  any  loss 
on  their  part,  they  were  on  their  return  unhappily  ambushed 
by  about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy.  The  English,  having 
expended  all  their '  ammunition  in  the  late  engagement,  and 
being  much  fatigued,  were  now  in  turn  likely  to  fall  an  easy 
prey  to  their  enemies,  who  with  their  bloody  knives  and  tom 
ahawks,  for  the  space  of  an  hour,  attacked  them  with  the 
greatest  success.  Not  one  of  the  English,  it  is  probable,  would 
have  survived  this  bloody  and  unexpected  attack,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  presence  of  inind  of  their  brave  commander, 
Captain  Holyoke,  who,  by  a  stratagem,  succeeded  in  saving  a 
part  of  them.  Captain  Holyoke  had  his  horse  killed  undej* 
him,  and  at  one  time  was  attacked  by  five  of  the  enemy,  whom 
he  beat  off  with  his  cutlass.  The  loss  of  the  English  in  this 
unfortunate  action  was  fifty-one  killed  and  eighty-four  wound 
ed  ;  many  of  the  latter  survived  the  action  but  a  few  days 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        63 

The  defeat  and  destruction  of  the  English  in  this  engagement 
were  much  to  be  lamented,  as  among  the  slain  were  the  heads 
of  several  families  who  had  volunteered  their  services  in 
defence  of  their  infant  settlements. 

On  the  10th  several  hundreds  of  the  enemy,  encouraged  by 
their  late  success,  appeared  before  Hatfield  and  fired  several 
dwelling  houses  without  the  fortification  *bf  the  town.  The 
inhabitants  of  Hadley  being  seasonably  apprised  of  the  situ 
ation  of  their  brethren  at  Hatfield,  a  number  of  them  volun 
teered  their  services  and  marche'd  to  their  relief.  The  In 
dians,  as  they  were  accustomed  to  do  on  the  approach  of  the 
English,  lay  flat  on  their  bellies  until  the  latter  had  advanced 
within  bowshot,  when,  partly  rising,  they  discharged  a  show 
er  of  arrows  among  them,  which  wounded  several  of  the 
English ;  but  they,  having  wisely  reserved  their  fire,  now  in 
turn  levelled  their  pieces  with  the  best  effect  before  the  sav 
ages  had  time  to  recover  their  legs,  about  thirty  of  whom 
were  instantly  despatched,  and  the  remainder  dispersed. 

On  the  15th  of  February  the  governor  of  Massachusetts 
colony,  receiving  information  that  the  Indians  were  collecting 
in  great  numbers,  under  the  immediate  guidance  of  Philip, 
near  Brookfield,  despatched  Captain  Henchman,  with  fifty 
men,  to  dislodge  them,  who,  proceeding  first  to  Hadley,  was 
joined  by  a  company  of  cavalry  from  Hartford.  On  the  20th 
they  discovered  and  attacked  a  party  of  Indians  near  Lan 
caster  :  they  kilted  fifty  of  them,  and  took  between  fifty  and 
sixty  of  their  squaws  and  children  prisoners.  Captain  Hench 
man,  on  his  way  to  Brookfield,  discovered  the  dead  bodies  of 
several  of  his  countrymen  half  consumed  by  fire,  who,  it 
appeared,  had  a  few  days  previous  fallen  victims  to  the  wan 
ton  barbarity  of  the  savages. 

The  scattered  remains  of  the  enemy  being  now  so  com 
pletely  harassed  and  driven  from  place  to  place  by  the  Eng 
lish,  a  number  of  them  resorted  to  'the  western  country,  then 
inhabited  by  the  Mohawks  ;  but  the  latter,  being  on  friendly 


64  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

terms  with  the  English  and  Dutch,  who  were  settling  among 
them,  were  unwilling  to  harbor  their  enemies,  and  conse 
quently  attacked  a  considerable  body  of  them  on  the  5th  of 
March.  The  engagement  was  a  severe  one.  The  fugitive 
Indians,  being  furnished  with  firearms,  repelled  the  attack  of 
the  Mohawks  with  a  becoming  spirit,  but  were  at  length  over 
powered  and  completely  defeated :  the  loss  on  both  sides  was 
very  great. 

On  the  20th  the  Indians  took  a  Mr.  Willet  prisoner  near 
Swanzey,  and,  after  cutting  off  his  nose  and  ears,  set  him  at 
liberty.  On  the  23d  they  made  prisoners  of  the  family  of  a 
Mr.  Barney,  of  Rehoboth,  consisting  of  himself,  *wife,  and 
six  children  :  two  of  the  youngest  of  the  latter  they  killed 
and  scalped,  and  threw  their  mangled  bodies  to  their  dogs  to 
devour. 

On  the  28th  a  negro  man,  who  had  been  for  several  months 
a  prisoner  among  the  savages,  escaped  from  them  and  re 
turned  to  the  English,  to  whom  he  gave  the  following  infor 
mation  ;  to  wit,  that  the  enemy  were  concerting  a  plan  to 
attack  Taunton  and  the  villages  adjacent ;  that  for  this  pur 
pose  there  were  then  imbodied  near  Worcester  one  thousand 
of  them,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Philip,  and  that  near  one 
hundred  of  them  were  furnished  with  firearms ;  that,  a  few 
days  previous  to  his  escape,  a  scouting  party  arrived  and 
brought  in  with  them  two  prisoners  and  three  human  scalps. 
To  frustrate  the  intentions  of  the  enemy,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  colony  despatched  three  companies  of  cavalry 
for  the  defence  of  Taunton. 

The  English  of  Connecticut  colony,  although  but  little 
troubled  with  the  enemy  since  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots, 
were  not  unwilling  to  afford  their  brethren  all  the  assistance 
possible  in  a  protracted  and  bloody  war  with  the  common 
enemy.  They  accordingly  furnished  three  companies  of  cav 
alry,  who,  under  command  of  the  experienced  Major  Talcott, 
on  the  5th  of  April,  proceeded  to  the  westward  in  search  of 


COMMENCEMENT    OP   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        65 

the  enemy.  On  the  llth  they  fell  in  with,  attacked,  and  de 
feated  a  considerable  body  of  them.  Apparently,  by  the  special 
direction  of  divine  Providence,  Major  Talcott  arrived  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Hadley  in  time  to  preserve  the  town  and 
save  its  inhabitants  from  total  destruction.  The  savages,  to 
the  number  of  five  hundred,  were  on  the  eve  of  commencing 
an  attack  when  they  were  met  by  the  major  with  the  troops 
under  his  command.  This  unexpected  relief  animating  the 
few  inhabitants  which  the  town  contained,  they  hastened  to 
the  assistance  of  the  cavalry,  who,  at  this  moment,  were  seri 
ously  engaged  with  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy.  The  sav 
ages  having  gained  some  signal  advantages,  victory  for  a  con 
siderable  length  of  time  appeared  likely  to  decide  in  their 
."avor.  Fortunately,  the  inhabitants  of  Hadley  having  for 
their  defence,  a  few  weeks  previous,  procured  from  Boston  an 
eight  pounder,  it  was  at  this  critical  period  loaded  by  the 
women,  and,  being  mounted,  was  by  them  conveyed  to  the 
English,  which,  being  charged  with  small  shot,  nails,  &c., 
was.  by  the  latter  discharged  with  the  best  effect  upon  the 
enemy,  who  immediately  thereupon  fled  in  every  direction. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  English  in  a  great  measure  owed  the 
preservation  of  their  lives  to  the  unexampled  heroism  of  a 
few  women. 

The  governor  and  council  of  the  United  Colonies,  taking 
under  serious  consideration  the  miraculous  escape  of  the  in 
habitants  of  Hadley  from  total  destruction  and  the  recent 
success  of  the  armp  of  the  English  in  various  parts  of  the 
country,  appointed  the  27th  day  of  August,  1679,  to  be  ob 
served,  throughout  the  colonies  as  a  day  of  public  thanksgiv 
ing  and  praise  to  Almighty  God.  This,  it  maybe  well  to 
observe,  was  the  commencement  of  an  annual  custom  of  our 
forefathers,  which  to  the  present  day  is  so  religiously  observed 
by  their  descendants  throughout  the  New  England  States. 

On  the  3d  of  September  the  Connecticut  troops,  under  com 
mand  of   Major  Talcott  and  Captains  Dennison  and  New- 
6* 


66  INDIAN    NARRATIVES.     -»«>* 

bury,  proceeded  to  Narraganset  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  who, 
to  the  number  of  about  three  hundred,  had  been  discovered  in 
a  piece  of  woods.  The  English  were  accompanied  by  their 
faithful  friend  Oneco,  with  one  hundred  Mohegans  under  his 
command.  In  the  evening  of  the  5th  they  discovered  the 
enemy  encamped  at  the  foot  of  a  steep  hill ;  on  which  Major 
Talcott  made  arrangements  for  an  attack.  The  Mohegans 
were  ordered  by  a  circuitous  route  to  gain  the  summit  of  the 
hill,  to  prevent  the  flight  of  the  enemy :  two  companies  of 
cavalry  were  ordered  to  flank  them  on  the  right  and  left ; 
while  Major  Talcott,  with  a  company  of  foot,  stationed  him 
self  in  their  rear.  Having  thus  disposed  of  his  forces,  a  sig 
nal  was  given  by  the  major  for  the  Mohegans  to  commence 
the  attack,  which  they  did,  and  with  such  spirit,  accompanied 
by  their  savage  yells,  that,  had  the  enemy  been  renowned  for 
their  valor,  they  must  have  been  to  the  highest  degree  ap 
palled  at  so  unexpected  an  onset.  After  contending  a  few 
moments  with  the  Mohegans,  the  enemy  were  attacked  on  the 
right  and  left  by  the  cavalry,  who,  with  their  cutlasses,  made 
great  havoc  among  them  :  they  were,  however,  unwilling  to 
give  ground  until  they  had  lost  nearly  one  half  their  number, 
when  they  attempted  a  flight  to  a  swamp  in  their  rear ;  but 
here  they  were  met  by  Major  Talcott,  with  the  company  of 
foot,  who  gave  them  so  warm  a  reception  that  they  once  more 
fell  back  upon  the  Mohegans,  by  whom  they  were  very  soon 
overpowered,  and  would  have  been  totally  destroyed  had  not 
Major  Talcott  humanely  interfered  in  their  behalf  and  made 
prisoners  of  the  few  that  remained  alive :  among  the  latter 
was  their  leader,  a  squaw,  commonly  termed  the  Queen  of 
Narraganset ;  and  among  them  an  active  young  fellow,  who 
begged  to  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohegans,  that 
they  might  put  him  to  death  in  their  own  way,  and  sacrifice 
him  to  their  cruel  genius  of  revenge,  in  which  they  so  much 
delighted.  The  English,  although  naturally  averse  to  acts 
of  savage  barbarity,  were  not,  in  this  instance,  unwilling  to 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES   WITH    NATIVES.        67 

comply  with  the  voluntary,  although  unnatural,  request  of  the 
prisoner ;  as  it  appeared  that  he  had,  in  presence  of  the  Mo 
hegans,  exultingly  boasted  of  having  killed  nineteen  of  the 
English  with  his  gun  since  the  commencement  of  the  war,* 
and  after  loading  it  for  the  twentieth,  there  being  no  more  of 
the  latter  within  reach,  he  levelled  at  a  Mohegan,  whom  he 
killed ;  which  completing  his  number,  he  was  willing  to  die 
by  their  hands.  The  Mohegans  accordingly  began  to  prepare 
for  the  tragical  event.  Forming  themselves  into  a  circle, 
admitting  as  many  of  the  English  as  were  disposed  to  witness 
their  savage  proceedings,  the  prisoner  was  placed  in  the  cen 
tre  ;  when  one  of  the  Mohegans,  who,  in  the  late  engagement, 
had  lost  a  son,  with  his  knife  cut  off  the  prisoner's  ears,  then 
his  nose,  and  then  the  fingers  of  each  hand ;  and  after  the 
lapse  of  a  few  moments  dug  out  his  eyes,  and  filled  their 
sockets  with  hot  embers.  Although  the  few  English  present 
were  overcome  with  a  view  of  a  scene  so  shocking  to  human 
ity,  yet  the  prisoner,  so  far  from  bewailing  his  fate,  seemed 
to  surpass  his  tormentors  in  expressions  of  joy.  When  near 
ly  exhausted  with  the  loss  of  blood,  and  unable  longer  to 
stand,  his  executioner  closed  the  tragic  scene  by  beating  out 
his  brains  with  a  tomahawk. 

The  few  Indians  that  now  remained  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Plymouth  colony,  being  in  a  state  of  starvation,  surren 
dered  themselves  prisoners  to  the  English ;  one  of  whom, 
being  recognized  as  the  person  who  had  a  few  days  previous 
inhumanly  murdered  the  daughter  of  a  Mr.  Clarke,  was,  by 
order  of  the  governor,  publicly  executed  :  the  remainder  were 
retained  and  treated  as  prisoners  of  war.  By  the  assistance 
of  one  of  the  prisoners,  who  served  as  guide,  twenty  more  of 
the  enemy  were,  on  the  following  day,  surprised  and  taken 
prisoners  by  the  English. 

The  troops,  under  the  command  of  Major  Bradford  and 
Captains  Mosely  and  Brattle,  on  the  15th  of  September  sur 
prised  and  took  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  enemy  prisoners 


68  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

near  Pautuxet,  among  whom  was  the  squaw  of  the  celebrated 
Philip ;  and  on  the  day  following,  learning  that  the  enemy 
in  considerable  bodies  were  roving  about  in  the  woods  near 
•  Dedham,  Major  Bradford  despatched  Captain  Brattle  with 
fifty  men  to  attack  them,  who,  the  day  following,  fell  in  with 
and  engaged  about  one  hundred  of  them.  As  hatchets  were 
the  only  weapons  with  which  they  were  provided,  they  made 
but  a  feeble  defence,  and  were  soon  overpowered  by  the  Eng 
lish,  who  took  seventy-four  of  them  prisoners,  the  remainder 
having  fallen  in  the  action.  The  loss  of  the  English  was 
two  killed  and  five  wounded.  The  above  party  was  com 
manded  by  a  bloodthirsty  sachem  called  Pomham,  renowned 
for  his  bodily  strength,  which  exceeded  that  of  any  of  his 
countrymen  ever  met  with.  He  bravely  defended  himself  to 
the  last :  being  wounded  in  the  breast  and  unable  to  stand, 
he  seized  one  of  the  soldiers  while  in  the  act  of  despatching 
him  with  the  but  of  his  gun,  and  by  whom  he  would  have 
been  strangled  had  he  not  been  fortunately  rescued  by  one 
of  his  comrades. 

A  general  famine  now  prevailing  among  the  enemy,  in  con 
sequence  of  being  deprived  of  an  opportunity  to  plant  their 
lands,  numbers  were  daily  compelled  by  hunger  to  surrender 
themselves  prisoners  to  the  English,  among  whom  was  a  Nip- 
net  sachem,  accompanied  by  one  hundred  and  eighty  of  his 
tribe. 

On  the  12th  of  October  Captain  Church,  with  fifty  so.ldiers 
and  a  few  friendly  Indians  under  his  command,  attacked  and 
defeated  a  party  of  the  enemy  near  Providence  ;  and  on  the 
day  following,  conducted  by  Indian  guides,  discovered  a  con 
siderable  body  of  the  enemy  encamped  in  a  swamp  near  Pom- 
fret  :  a  friendly  Indian  first  espying  them,  commanded  them 
to  surrender  ;  but  the  enemy  did  not  appear  disposed  to-obey. 
Being  sheltered  by  large  trees,  they  first^  discharged  their 
arrows  among  the  English,  and  then,  with  a  terrible  yell,  at 
tacked  them  with  their  long  knives  and  tomahawks.  The 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        69 

English,  meeting  with  a  much  warmer  reception  than  what 
they  expected,  gave  ground ;  but  being  rallied  by  their  old  and 
experienced  commander,  Captain  Church,  they  rushed  upon 
them  with  such  impetuosity  that  the  enemy  were  thrown  into 
confusion  and  dislodged  from  their  coverts.  The  action  con 
tinued  about  an  hour  and  a  quarter.  The  English  had  seven 
men  killed  and  fourteen  wounded;  among  the  latter  their 
brave  commander,  who  received  an  arrow  through  his  left 
arm.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  thirty-two  killed  and  be-, 
tween  sixty  and  seventy  wounded. 

On  the  20th  information  was  forwarded  the  governor  and 
council  that  the  famous  Philip,  who  had  been  for  a  long  time 
skulking  about  in  the  woods  near  Mount  Hope,  much  disheart 
ened  by  the  ill  success  of  his  countrymen,  was,  the  morning 
preceding,  discovered  in  a  swamp  near  that  place,  attended  by 
about  ninety  Seaconet  Indians  ;  on  which  the  brave  Captain 
Church,  with  his  little  band  of  invincibles,  was  immediately 
despatched  in  pursuit  of  him.  Captain  Church  was  accom 
panied,  as  usual,  by  a  number  of  the  Mohegans  and  a  few 
friendly  Seaconet  Indians.  On  the  27th  they  arrived  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  swamp,  near  the  border  of  which  he 
stationed  several  of  the  Mohegans  to  intercept  Philip  in  case 
he  should  attempt  an  escape  therefrom.  Captain  Church,  at 
the  head  of  his  little  band,  now  with  unconquerable  resolu 
tion  plunged  into  the  swamp,  and,  wading  nearly  to  his  waist 
in  water,  discovered  and  attacked  the  enemy.  The  Indians 
were  nearly  one  hundred  strong ;  but  being  unexpectedly  at 
tacked  they  made  no  resistance,  but  fled  in  every  direction ; 
the  inaccessible  state  of  the  swamp,  however,  prevented  the 
English  from  pursuing  them  with  success.  Their  dependence 
was  now  upon  their  friends  stationed  without ;  nor  did  it 
appear  that  those  faithful  fellows  sutfered  so  good  an  oppor 
tunity  to  pass  unimproved.  The  report  of  their  muskets 
convinced  Captain  Church  that  they  were  doing  their  duty ; 
in  confirmation  of  which,  he  was  very  soon  after  presented 
with  the  head  of  Kin <f  Philip* 


INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 


Philip,  it  appeared,  in  attempting  to  fly  from  his  pursuers 
was  recognized  by  one  of  the  English  who  had  been  stationed 
with  the  Mohegans  to  intercept  him,  and  at  whom  he.  levelled 
his  piece ;  but  the  pruning  being  unfortunately  wet  and  pre 
venting  the  discharge  thereof,  the  cunning  sachem  would  yet 
have  escaped  had  not  one  of  the  brave  sons  of  Uncus  at  this 
instant  given  him  the  contents  of  his  musket.  The  ball  went 
directly  through  his  heart ;  and  thus  fell,  by  the  hands  of  a 
faithful  Mohegan,  the  famous  Philip,  who  was  the  projector 
and  instigator  of  a  war  which  not  only  proved  the  cause  of 
his  own  destruction,  but  that  of  nearly  all  his  tribe,  once  the 
most  numerous  of  any  inhabiting  New  England.  -± 

It  was  at  this  important  instant  that  the  English  were  made 
witnesses  of  a  remarkable  instance  of  savage  custom.  Oneco, 
on  learning  that  Philip  had  fallen  by  the  hand  of  one  of  his 
tribe,  urged  that,  agreeable  to  their  custom,  he  had  an  un 
doubted  right  to  the  body,  and  a  right  to  feast  himself  with  a 
piece  thereof;  which  the  English  not  objecting  to,  he  delib 
erately  drew  his  long  knife  from  his  girdle,  and  with  it  de 
tached  a  piece  of  flesh  from  the  bleeding  body  of  Philip  of 
about  one  pound  weight,  which  he  broiled  and  ate,  in  the 
mean  time  declaring  that  "  he  had  not  for  many  moons  eaten 
any  thing  with  so  good  an  appetite  ! "  The  head  of  Philip 
was  detached  from  his  body  and  sent  by  Captain  Church  to 
Boston,  to  be  presented  to  the  governor  and  council  as  a  val 
uable  trophy. 

The  few  hostile  Indians  that  now  remained  within  the 
United  Colonies,  conscious  that,  if  so  fortunate  as  to  evade  the 
vigilance  of  the  English,  they  must  soon  fall  victims  to  the 
prevailing  famine,  fled  with  their  families  far  to  the  westward. 
The  English  were  disposed  rather  to  facilitate  than  prevent 
their  flight.  Having  been  for  a  number  of  years  engaged  in  a 
destructive  and  bloody  war  with  them,  they  were  willing  that 
the  few  that  remained  alive  should  escape  to  a  country  so  far 
distant  that  there  was  no  probability  of  their  returning  to 


DEATH   OF   KIKO   PHILIP. — PtlQ*  70. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.        71 

resume  the  bloody  tomahawk.  Impressed  with  this  idea,  and 
that  the  enemy  were  completely  exterminated,  they  were 
about  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  turn  their  attention  to  agricul 
tural  pursuits,  when,  by  an  express,  they  were  informed  that 
the  natives  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  Province  of 
Maine,  had  unprovokedly  attacked  and  killed  a  considerable 
number  of  the  English  in  that  quarter. 

To  quench  the  flame  which  appeared  to  be  enkindling  in 
the  east,  the  governor  despatched  four  companies  of  cavalry 
to  the  relief  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants.  The  enemy,  who 
were  of  the  Kennebeck  and  Amoscoggin  tribes,  first  attacked 
with  unprecedented  fury  the  defenceless  inhabitants  settled 
on  Kennebeck  River,  the  most  of  whom  were  destroyed  or 
dispersed  by  them. 

On  the  2d  of  November  about  seven  hundred  of  the  en 
emy  attacked  with  their  accustomed  fury,  accompanied  by 
their  savage  yells,  the  inhabitants  of  Newchewannick,  an 
English  settlement,  situated  a  few  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  River  Kennebeck.  Before  they  had  fully  accomplished 
their  hellish  purpose  they  were  surprised  by  the  troops  sent 
from  Boston,  between  whom  a  most  bloody  engagement  now 
ensued.  The  Indians,  encouraged  by  their  numbers,  repelled* 
the  attack  of  the  English  in  so  heroic  a  manner  that  the  lat 
ter  were  very  soon  thrown  into  disorder  and  driven  out  of 
town,  where  they  again  formed,  faced  about,  and  in  turn 
charged  the  enemy  with  unconquerable  resolution.  The  con 
test  now  became  close  and  severe :  the  savages,  with  their 
terrific  yells,  dexterously  hurled  their  tomahawks  among  the 
English ;  while  the  latter,  with  as  much  dexterity,  attacked  and 
mowed  them  down  with  their  cutlasses.  Each  were  appar 
ently  determined  on  victory  or  death.  The  English  at  one 
moment,  unable  to  withstand  the  impetuosity  of  the  savages, 
would  give  ground ;  at  the  next,  the  latter,  hard  pushed  by 
the  cavalry,  would  fall  back.  Thus  for  the  space  of  two  hours 
did  victory  appear  balancing  between  the  two  contending 


72  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

parties.  The  field  of  action  was  covered  with  the  slain, 'while 
the  adjacent  woods  resounded  with  the  shrieks  and  groans  of 
the  wounded.  At  this  critical  juncture  the  English,  when  on 
the  very  point  of  surrendering,  were  providentially  preserved 
by  a  stratagem.  In  the  heat  of  the  action  "Major  Bradford 
despatched  a  company  of  cavalry  by  a  circuitous  route  to 
attack  the  enemy  in  the  rear,  wrhich  had  the  most  happy 
effect.  The  enemy,  suspecting  this  company  a  reenforcement 
of  the  English,  fled  in  every  direction,  leaving  the  English 
masters  of  the  field.  Thus,  after  two  hours'  hard  fighting,  did 
the  English  obtain  a  victory  at  the  expense  of  the  lives  of 
more  than  half  their  number.  Their  killed  and  wounded 
amounted  to  ninety-nine.  The*  loss  of  the  enemy  was  not 
ascertained;-  it  was,  however,  probably  three  times  greater 
than  that  of  the  English. 

The  day  succeeding  this  bloody  engagement  a  lieutenant 
with  twelve  men  was  sent  by  the  commander  to  "the  place  of 
action  to  bury  their  dead ;  when  they  were  a  few  rods  there 
from  unexpectedly  attacked  by  about  one  hundred  of  the  en 
emy  who  had  lain  in  ambush.  The  lieutenant  ordered  his 
men  to  reserve  their  fire  until  they  could  discharge  with  the 
•best  effect  upon  the  enemy,  by  whom  they  were  soon  sur 
rounded  and  furiously  attacked  on  all  sides.  The  savages, 
yelling  horribly,  brandished  their  long  knives  in  the  air,  yet 
crimsoned  with  the  blood  of  their  countrymen.  The  brave 
little  band,  however,  remained  firm  and  undaunted ;  and  as 
the  savages  approached  them,  each  taking  proper  aim,  dis 
charged  with  so  good  effect  upon  them  that  the  Indians, 
amazed^  at  the  instantaneous  destruction  of  so  many  of  their 
comrades,  fled  in  every  direction.  The  English  sustained  no 
loss. 

On  the  5th  the  enemy  successfully  attacked  the  inhabitants 
of  the  village  of  Casco,  thirty  of  whom  they  killed,  and  mads 
prisoners  of  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Bracket,  who  on  the  7th,  in 
the  following  manner,  made  their  escape.  The  Indians,  cu 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       73 

their*return  to  their  wigwams,  learning  that  a  detached  party 
of  their  brethren  had  attacked  with  success  and  plundered 
the  village  of  Arowsick,  to  enjoy  a  share  of  the  spoil  hastened 
to  join  them,  leaving  the  prisoners  in  the  care  of  two  old  men 
and  three  squaws.  Mr.  Bracket,  whose  family  consisted  of 
himself,  wife,  three  small  children,  and  a  negro  lad,  viewed 
this  as  a  favorable  opportunity  to  escape ;  to  effect  which,  he 
requested  the  lad  to  attempt  an  escape  by  flight,  which,  being 
uncommonly  active,  he  easily  effected.  The  plan  of  Mr. 
Bracket  had  now  its  desired  effect ;  as  the  old  men,  pursuing 
the  negro,  left  him  and  his  family  guarded  only  by  the  three 
squaws,  whom,  being  intoxicated,  he  soon  despatched,  and  re 
turned  the  day  succeeding  with  his  family  to  Casco,  where 
the  negro  lad  had  arrived  some  hours  bef9re. 

On  the  15th  the  Indians  attacked  the  dwelling  house  of  a 
Captain  Bonithon  and  Major  Philips,  situated  on  the  east  side 
of  Casco  River.  They  having  seasonable  notice  of  the  hos 
tile  views  of  the  enemy,  the  family  of  the  former,  as  a  place 
of  greater  safety,  had  resorted  to  the  house  of  the  latter  a 
few  moments  previous  to  the  attack.  The  savages  first,  com 
municating  fire  to  the  house  of  Captain  Bonithon,  next  pro 
ceeded  furiously  to  attack  the  dwelling  of  Major  Philips,  in 
which  there  were  about  twenty  persons,  by  whom  it  was  most 
gallantly  defended.  The  enemy  had  their  leader  and  a  num 
ber  of  their  party  killed  by  the  fire  of  the  English.  Despair 
ing  of  taking  the  house  by  assault,  they  adopted  a  new  plan 
to  communicate  fire  thereto.  They  procured  a  carriage,  on 
which  they  erected  a  stage,  in  front  of  which  was  a  barricade 
rendered  bullet  proof,  and  to  which  long  poles  were  at 
tached  nearly  twenty  feet  in  length,  to  the  ends  of  which 
were  affixed  every  kind  of  combustible,  such  as  birch  rinds, 
straw,  pitch,  pine,  &c.  The  Indians  were  sheltered  by  the 
barricade  from  the  fire  of  the  English  while  they  approached 
the  walls  of  the  house  with  their  carriage.  The  English  were 
now  on  the  eve  of  despairing,  when  fortunately  one  of  the 
7 


74  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

wheels  of  the  carriage,  being  brought  in  contact  with  a  rock, 
was  turned  completely  round,  which  exposed  the  whole  body 
of  Indians  to  their  fire.  This  unexpected  opportunity  was 
improved  with  the  greatest  advantage  by  the  English,  who 
with  a  few  rounds  soon  dispersed  the  enemy  with  no  incon 
siderable  loss. 

The  day  following  the  Indians  attacked  and  set  fire  to  the 
house  of  a  Mr.  Wakely,  whom  with  his  whole  family  they 
murdered.  A  company  of  English,  apprised  of  their  dan 
gerous  situation,  marched  to  their  relief,  but  arrived  too  late 
to  afford  them  assistance.  They  found  the  house  reduced  to 
ashes,  among  which  they  discovered  the  mangled  bodies  of 
the  unfortunate  family  half  consumed  by  fire. 

The  savages,  emboldened  by  their  late  success,  on  the  20th 
attacked  a  small  English  settlement  on  Piscataqua  River,  and 
succeeded  in  murdering  a  part  and  carrying  away  the  remain 
der  of  the  inhabitants  into  captivity.  As  an  instance  of  their 
wanton  barbarity,  it  should  be  here  mentioned,  that,  after  tom 
ahawking  and  scalping  one  of  the  unfortunate  women  of  the 
above  place,  they  bound  to  the  dead  body  her  little  infant,  in 
which  situation  it  was  the  succeeding  day  discovered  by  the 
English,  attempting  to  draw  nourishment  from  its  mother's 
breast. 

The  governor  and  council  of  the  United  Colonies,  conceiv 
ing  it  their  duty,  if  possible,  to  put  a  final  stop  to  the  ravages 
of  the  enemy  in  the  east,  and  to  prevent  the  further  elmsioa 
of  innocent  blood,  despatched  Major  Wallis  and  Major  Brad 
ford,  with  six  companies  under  their  command,  to  destroy, 
"root  and  branch,"  the  common  enemy.  On  the  1st  of  De 
cember  they  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kennebeck,  near 
where  they  were  informed  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  were 
encamped.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d  they  fell  in  with  and 
attacked  them.  The  enemy,  who  were  about  eight  hundred 
strong,  appeared  disposed  to  maintain  their  ground.  They 
fought  with  all  the  fury  of  savages,  and  even  assailed  tho. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        * 

English  from  the  tops  of  lofty  trees  which  they  ascended  foi 
the  purpose.  They  were  possessed  of  but  few  firearms,  but 
hurled  their  tomahawks  with  inconceivable  exactness,  and 
checked  the  progress  of  the  cavalry  with  long  spears.  Vic 
tory  for  a  long  time  remained  doubtful.  The  ground,  being 
covered  with  snow,  greatly  retarded  the  progress  of  the  troops, 
who  probably  would  have  met  with  a  defeat  had  not  a  fresh 
company  of  infantry  arrived  in  time  to  change  the  fortune 
of  the  day.  These  having  remained  inactive  as  a  body  of 
reserve,  the  commander  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of 
calling  for  their  aid.  The  enemy,  disheartened  at  the  unex 
pected  arrival  of  an  additional  number  of  the  English,  fled 
with  precipitancy  to  the  woods ;  but  very  few  of  them,  how 
ever,  escaped :  more  than  two  hundred  of  them  remained  dead 
upon  the  field  of  action,  and  double  that  number  mortally 
wounded.  The  loss  of  the  English  was  twenty-five  killed  and 
forty-four  wounded.  This  engagement,  which  proved  a  deci 
sive  one,  was  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  English.  The 
great  and  arduous  work  was  now  completed.  The  few  re 
maining  Indians  that  inhabited  the  eastern  country  now  ex 
pressed  a  desire  to  bury  the  bloody  hatchet  and  to^make  peace 
with  the  English.  Their  request  was  cheerfully  complied 
with,  and  they  continued  ever  after  the  faithful  friends  of  the 
English. 

From  this  important  period  —  which,  being  the  5th  day  of 
December,  1679  —  ought  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  now 
flourishing  states  of  New  England  to  receive  their  date.  It 
was  at  this  period  that  her  hardy  sons  quitted  the  sanguine  field 
and  exchanged  their  implements  of  death  for  such  as  were 
better  calculated  for  the  cultivation  and  tillage  of  their  farms. 
The  forests  with  which  they  were  encompassed  no  longer 
abounded  with  fierce  and  untutored  savages.  The  Indian 
death  song  and  war  whoop  was  no  longer  heard.  The  greater 
part  of  the  Indians  that  survived  the  many  bloody  engage 
ments  had  sought  peace  and  retirement  far  westward  The 


76  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

prisoners  which  the  English  had  captured  were  liberated  upon 
condition*"  of  resorting  to  and  remaining  wjth  them.  They 
proved  faithful  to  their  promise ;  they  took  possession  of  the 
country  bounding  on  the  great  lakes,  and  in  possession  of 
which  their  descendants  remain  to  the  present  day  —  a  de 
scription  of  whose  manners  and  customs  will  be  found  in  the 
succeeding  chapter. 

We  shall  close  this  with  a  few  remarks  relative  to  the  state, 
customs,  and  ludicrous  opinions  of  the  Indians  in  New  Eng 
land  when  first  visited  by  our  forefathers,  and  of  their  rapid 
depopulation  since  that  period. 

We  cannot  even  hazard  a  conjecture  respecting  the  Indian 
population  of  New  England  at  the  time  of  its  first  settlement 
by  the  English.  Captain  Smith,  in  a  voyage  to  this  coast 
ill  1614,  supposed  that  on  Massachusetts  Island  there  were 
about  three  thousand  Indians.  All  accounts  agree  that  the 
sea  coast  and  neighboring  islands  were  thickly  inhabited. 

Three  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Plymouth  colony  a 
very  mortal  sickness,  supposed  to  have  been  the  plague,  or 
perhaps  the  yellow  fever,  raged  with  great  violence  among 
the  Indians  in  the  eastern  parts  of  New  England.  Whole 
towns  were  Depopulated.  The  living  were  not  able  to  bury 
the  dead ;  and  their  bones  were  found  lying  above  ground 
many  years  after.  The  Massachusetts  Indians  are  said  to 
have  been  reduced  from  thirty  thousand  to  three  hundred 
fighting  men.  In  1633,  the  small  pox  swept  off  great  num 
bers  of  the  Indians  in  Massachusetts. 

In  1763,  on  the  Island  of  Nantucket,  in  the  space  of  four 
months  the  Indians  were  reduced  by  a  mortal  sickness  from 
three  hundred  and  twenty  to  eighty-five  souls.  The  hand  of 
Providence  is  notable  in  these  surprising  instances  of  mortal 
ity  among  the  Indians  to  m*ake  room  for  the  whites.  Com 
paratively  few  have  perished  by  wars ;  and  the  descendants 
of  the  few  that  were  not  driven  to  the  westward  by  the  English 
waste  and  moulder  away  and  in  a  manner  unaccountable  dis 
appear. 


COMMENCEMENT    OP   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       77 

The  number  of  Indians  in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  1774, 
was  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  sixty-three ;  but  their 
number  is  now  doubtless  much  lessened.  The  principal  part, 
of  their  population  in  this  state  is  at  Mohegan,  in  the  county 
of  New  London.  These  are  the  descendants  of  the  Mohe- 
gans,  of  whom  frequent  mention  is  made  in  the  foregoing 
pages  as  being  very  serviceable,  under  the  command  of  Uncus, 
to  the  English,  in  their  many  engagements  with  the  natives. 
The  Mohegans  have  ever  exhibited  great  reverence  for  the 
descendants  of  their  royal  sachem.  After  the  death  of  Until  s, 
his  body  was  conveyed,  by  his  request,  to  Norwich,  and  there 
interred  in  the  neighborhood  of  one  of  his  forts.  This  spot 
was  selected  by  him  previous  to  his  death ;  and  it  was  his 
dying  request  that  the  whole  family  of  Uncus  should  be  there 
buried— -  a  request  which  has  been  strictly  complied  with  by 
the  Mohegans,  who,  although  the  distance  is  seven  miles  from 
their  own  burying  ground,  have  deposited,  and  continue  to 
deposit  there,  the  descendants  of  their  revered  sachem. 

The  number  of  Indians  in  Rhode  Island,  in  1783,  was  only 
five  hundred  and  twenty-five.  More  than  harff  of  these  live 
in  Charleston,  in  the  county  of  Washington.  In  1774  the 
number  of  Indians  in  Rhode  Island  was  one  thousand  four 
hundred  and  eighty-two  ;  so  that,  in  nine  years,  the  decrease 
was  nine  hundred  and  fifty-seven.  We  have  not  been  able  to 
ascertain  the  exact  state  of  the  Indian  population  in  Massa 
chusetts  and  New  Hampshire.  In  1784  there  was  a  tribe  of 
about  forty  Indians  at  Norridgewalk,  in  the  Province  of 
Maine,  with  some  few  other  scattering  remains  of  tribes  in 
other  parts,  and  a  number  of  towns  thinly  inhabited  round 
Cape  Cod. 

When  the  English  first  arrived  in  America,  the  Indians 
had  no  time  or  places  set  apart  for  religious  worship.  The 
first  settlers  in  New  England  were  at  great  pains  to  introduce 
among  them  the  habits  of  civilized  life  and  to  instruct  them 
in  the  Christian  religion.  A  few  years'  intercourse  with  the 


78  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Indians  induced  them  to  establish  several  good  and  natural 
regulations. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Elliot,  of  Roxbury,  rie'ar  Boston,  who  has 
been  styled  the  great  "Indian  apostle,"  with  much  labor 
learned  the  Natic  dialect  of  the  Indian  languages.  He  pub 
lished  an  Indian  grammar,  and  preached  in  Indian  to  several 
tribes,  and,  in  1664,  translated  the  Bible  and  several  religious 
books  into  the  Indian  language.  He  relates  several  pertinent 
queries  of  the  Indians  respecting  the  Christian  religion ; 
among  others,  whether  Jesus  Christ,  the  Mediator,  or  Inter 
preter,  could  understand  prayer  in  the  Indian  language.  If 
the  father  be  bad  and  the  child  good,  why  should  God,  in  the 
second  commandment,  be  offended  with  the  child  ?  How  the 
Indians  came  to  differ  so  much  from  the  English  in  the 
knowledge  of  God  and  Jesus  Christ,  since  they  all  sprang 
from  one  father.  Mr.  Elliot  was  indefatigable  in  his  labors, 
and  travelled  through  all  parts  of  Massachusetts  and  Plym 
outh  colonies  as  far  as  Cape  Cod.  The  colony  had  such  a 
veneration  for  him,  that,  in  an  act  of  the  General  Assembly 
relating  to  Indians,  they  express  themselves  thus  : ."  By  the 
advice  of  the  said  magistrates  and  of  Mr.  Elliot." 

Concerning  the  religion  of  the  untaught  natives  of  New 
England,  who  once  held  a  plurality  of  deities,  after  the  arri 
val  of  the  English  they  supposed  there  were  only  three,  be 
cause  they  saw  people  of  three  kinds  of  complexions ;  viz., 
English,  negroes,  and  themselves. 

It  was  a  notion  pretty  generally  prevailing  .among  them 
that  it  was  not  the  same  God  made  them  who  made  us,  but 
that  they  were  created  after  the  white  people ;  and  it  is  prob 
able  they  supposed  their  God  gained  some  special  skill  by 
seeing  the  white  people  made^,  and  so  made  them  better.  For 
it  is  certain  they  looked  upon  themselves  and  their  methods 
of  living,  which  they  say  their  God  expressly  prescribed  for 
them,  as  vastly  preferable  to  the  white  people  and  their 
methods. 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES    WITH    NATIVES.        79 

With  regard  to  a  future  state  of  existence,  many  of  them 
imagined  that  the  chichung,  that  is,  the  shadow,  or  what  sur 
vived  the  body,  would  at  death  go  southward,  and  in  an  un 
known  but  curious  place ;  would  enjoy  some  kind  of  happi 
ness,  such  as  hunting,  feasting,  dancing,  and  the  like.  And 
what  they  supposed  would  contribute  much  to  their  happiness 
was,  that  they  should  there  never  be  weary  of  those  enter~ 
tainments. 

The  natives  of  New  England  believed  not  only  a  plurality 
of  gods,  who  made  and  governed  the  several  nations  of  the 
world,  but  they  made  deities  of  every  tiling  they  imagined  to 
be  great,  powerful,  beneficial,  and  hurtful  to  mankind :  yet 
they  conceived  an  almighty  Being,  whom  they  called  Kich- 
tau,  who  at  first,  according  to  their  tradition,  made  a  man 
and  woman  out  of  stone;  but  upon  some  dislike  destroyed 
them  again,  and  then  made  another  couple  out  of  a  tree,  from 
whom  descended  all  the  nations  of  the  earth ;  but  how  they 
came  to  be  scattered  and  dispersed  into  countries  -so  remote 
from  one  another,  they  could  not  tell.  They  believed  their 
supreme  God  to  be  a  good  Being,  and  paid  a  sort  of  acknowl 
edgment  to  him  for  plenty,  victory,  and  other  benefits. 

The  immortality  of  the  soul  was  universally  believed  among 
them.  When  good  men  died  they  said  their  souls  went  to 
Kichtau,  where  they  met  with  their  friends  and  enjoyed  all 
manner  of  pleasures.  When  the  wicked  died  they  went  to 
Kichtau  also,  but  were  commanded  to  walk  away,  and  so 
wander  about  in  restless  discontent  and  darkness  forever. 
'  The  natives  of  New  England,  in  general,  were  quick  of 
apprehension,  and  ingenious  ;  and,  when  pleased,  nothing  could 
exceed  their  courtesy  and  friendship.  Gravity  and  eloquence 
distinguished  them  in  council,  address  and  bravery  in  war. 
They  were  not  more  easily  provoked  than  the  English ;  but 
when  once  they  had  received  an  injury  it  was  never  forgotten. 
In  anger  they  were  not  like  the  English,  talkative  and  bois 
terous  but  sullen  and  revenreful.  The  men  declined  all 


80  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

labor,  and  spent  their  time  in  hunting,  lishmg,  shooting,  and 
warlike  exercises.  They  imposed  all  the  drudgery  upon  their 
women,  who  gathered  and  brought  home  their  wood,  planted, 
dressed,  and  gathered  their  corn.  When  they  travelled  the 
women  carried  their  children,  packs,  and  provisions.  The 
women  submitted  patiently  to  such  treatment :  this  ungener 
ous  usage  of  their  husbands  they  repaid  with  smiles  and  good 
humor. 

The  clothing  of  the  .natives  was  the  skins  of  wild  beasts. 
The  men  threw  a  mantle  of  skins  over  them,  and  wore  a 
small  flap;  which  were  termed  Indian  breeches.  The  women 
were  much  more  modest :  they  wore  a  coat  of  skins,  girt  about 
their  loins,  which  reached  down  to  their  hams,  which  they 
never  put  off  in  company.  If  the  husband  chose  to  dispose 
of  hig  wife's  beaver  petticoat,  she  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
part  with  it  until  he  had  provided  another  of  some  sort.  In 
the  winter  their  blanket  of  skins,  which  hung  loose  in  sum 
mer,  was  tied  or  wrapped  more  closely  about  them.  The 
old  men  in  the  severe  seasons  also  wore  a  sort  of  trousers, 
made  of  skins  and  fastened  to  their  girdles;  and  on  their 
feet  they  wore  moccasons  made  of  moose  leather ;  and  their 
chiefs,  or  sachems,  wore  on  their  heads  a  cap  decorated  with 
feathers. 

Their  houses,  or  wigwams,  were-at  best  but  miserable  cells. 
They  were  constructed  generally  like  arbors,  or  small  young 
trees  bent  and  twisted  together,  and  so  curiously  covered  with 
mats  or  bark  that  they  were  tolerably  dry  and  warm.  The 
natives  made  their  fires  in  the  centre  of  the  house ;  and  there' 
was  an  opening  at  the  top,  which  emitted  the  smoke.  For 
the  convenience  of  wood  and  water  these  huts  were  common 
ly  erected  in  groves,  near  some  river,  brook,  or  living  spring ; 
when  either  failed,  the  family  removed  to  another  place. 

They  lived  in  a  poor,  low  manner ;  their  food  was  coarse 
and  simple,  without  any  kind  of  seasoning  ;  they  had  neither 
spice,  salt,  or  bread.  Their  food  was  principally  the  entrails 


COMMENCEMENT    OF   HOSTILITIES    WITH   NATIVES.       81 

of  moose,  deer,  bears,  iind  all  kinds  of  wild  beasts  and  fowls : 
of  fish  and  snakes  they  were  extremely  fond.  They  had 
strong  stomachs,  and  nothing  came  amiss.  They  had  no  set 
meals,  but,  like  other  wild  creatures,  ate  when  they  were  hun 
gry  and  could  find  any  thing  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  nature. 
They  had  but  little  food  from  the  earth  except  what  it  spon 
taneously  produced.  Indian  corn,  beans,  and  squashes  were 
the  only  eatables  for  which  the  natives  of  New  England 
labored. 

Their  household  furniture  was  of  but  small  value.  Their 
beds  were  composed  of  mats  or  skins.  They  had  neither  chairs 
nor  stools  ;  but  commonly  sat  upon  the  ground,  with  their 
elbows  upon  their  knees.  A  few  wooden  and  stone  vessels 
and  instruments  served  all  the  purposes  of  domestic  life. 
Their  knife  was -a  sharp  stone,  shell,  or  kind  of  reed,  which 
they  sharpened  in  such 'a  manner  as  to  cut  their  hair,  make 
their  bows  and  arrows,  &c.  They  made  their  axes  of  stone, 
which  they  shaped  somewhat  similar  to  our  axes,  but  with 
the  difference  of  theirs  being  made  with  a  neck  instead  of  an 
eye,  and  fastened  with  a  with  like  a  blacksmith's  chisel. 

The  manner  of  the  courtship  and  marriage  of  the  natives 
manifested  the  impurity  of  their  morals.  When  a  young 
Indian  wished  for  marriage,  he  presented  the  girl  with  whom 
he  was  enamoured  with  bracelets,  belts,  and  chains  of  wampum. 
If  she  received  his  presents  they  cohabited  together  for  a 
time  upon  trial ;  if  they  pleased  each  other  they  were  joined 
in  marriage  ;  but  if,  after  a  few  weeks,  they  were  not  suited, 
the  man,  leaving  his  presents,  quitted  the  girl  and  sought 
another  mistress,  and  she  another  lover.  In  this  manner  they 
courted  until  two  met  who  were  agreeable  to  each  other. 

The  natives  of  New  England,  although  they  consisted  (jf  a 
great  number  of  different  nations  and  clans,  appear  to  have 
spoken  radically  the  same  language :  from  Piscataqua  to 
Connecticut  it  was  so  nearly  the  same  that  the  different  tribes 
could  converse  tolerably  together.  The  Mobegan,  or  Pequot, 


82  INDIAN    NAlvRATlVES. 

language  was  essentially  that  of  all  the  Indians  in  New  Eng 
land.  The  word  Mohegan  is  a  corruption  of  Mulihekaneew 
in  the  singular,  or  of  Muhhekaneek  in  the  plural  number. 
The  Penobscots  bordering  on  Nova  Scotia,  the  Indians  of 
St.  Francis  in  Canada,  the  Delawares  in  Pennsylvania,  the 
Shawanese  on  the  Ohio,  and  the  Chippewaus  at  the  west 
ward  of  Lake  Huron,  all  now  speak  the  same  radical  lan 
guage. 


WASHINGTON'S  EXPEDITION  IN  1753; 

AND 

DEFEAT   OF   GENERAL   BRADDOCK,   BY  THE 
INDIANS,  IN  1755. 

IN  1753  the  French  and  Indians  began  to  make  inroads 
on  our  western  frontiers  along  the  Ohio.  Governor  Dinwid- 
die,  of  Virginia,  was  very  desirous  to  get  a  letter  of  remon 
strance  to  their  commander-in-chief.  He  had  applied  to  sev 
eral  young  gentlemen  of  his  acquaintance ;  but  they  were  all 
so  deficient  in  courage  that  they  could  not  be  prevailed  on 
for  love  or  money  U  venture  out  among  the  savages.  Our 
beloved  Washington,  happening  to  hear  of  it,  instantly  waited 
on  his  excellency  and  offered  his  services,  but  not  without 
being  terribly  afraid  lest  his  want  of  a  beard  should  go  against 
him.  However,  the  governor  was  so  charmed  with  his  mod 
esty  and  manly  air  that  he  never  asked  him  a  syllable  about 
his  age ;  but,  after  thanking  him  for  "  a  noble  youth,"  and 
insisting  on  his  taking  a  glass  of  wine  with  him,  slipped  a 
commission  into  his  hand.  The  next  day,  accompanied  by  an 
interpreter  and  a  couple  of  servants,  he  set  out  on  his  expe 
dition,  which  was,  from  start  to  pole,  as  disagreeable  and  dan 
gerous  as  any  thing  Hercules  himself  could  have  wished. 
Soaking  rains,  chilling  blasts,  roaring  floods,  pathless  woods, 
and  mountains  clad  in  snows  opposed  his  course,  but  opposed 
in  vain.  The  glorious  ambition  to  serve  his  country  imparted 
an  animation  to  his  nerves  which  rendered  him  superior  to  all 
difficulties, 

(83) 


84  INDIAN    NARIIAT1VES. 

Returning  homewards  he  was  waylaid  and  shot  at  by  a 
French  Indian;  and  though  the  copper-colored  ruffian  was 
not  fifteen  steps  distant  when  he  fired  at  him,  yet  not  even  so 
much  as  the  smell  of  lead  passed  on  the  clothes  of  our  young 
hero.  On  his  return  to  Virginia  it  was  found  that  he  had 
executed  his  negotiations,  both  with  the  French  and  Indians, 
with  such  fidelity  and  judgment  that  he  received  the  hearti 
est  thanks  of  the  governor  and  council  for  the  very  important 
services  he  had  done  his  country. 

He  was  now,  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age,  appointed 
major  and  adjutant  general  of  the  Virginia  forces.  Soon  after 
this,  the  Indians  continuing  their  encroachments,  orders  were 
given  by  the  English  government  for  the  colonies  to  arm  and 
unite  in  one  confederacy.  Virginia  took  the  lead,  and  raised 
a  regiment  of  four  hundred  men,  at  the  head  of  which  she 
placed  her  darling  Washington. 

With  this  handful  of  brave  fellows  Colonel  Washington, 
not  yet  twenty-three  years  of  age,  boldly  pushed  out  into  the 
Indian  country,  and  there,  for  a  considerable  time,  Hannibal- 
like,  maintained  the  war  against  three  times  the  number  of 
French  and  Indians.  At'  the  Red  Stones  he  came  up  with  a 
strong  party  of  the  enemy,  whom  he  engaged  and  effectually 
defeated,  after  having  killed  and  taken  thirty-one  men.  From 
his  prisoners  he  obtained  undoubted  intelligence  that  the 
French  forces  on  the  Ohio  consisted  of  upwards  of  a  thousand 
regulars  and  many  hundreds  of  Indians.  But,  notwithstand 
ing  this  disheartening  advice,  he  still  pressed  on  undauntedly 
against  the  enemy,  and  at  a"  place  called  the  Little  Meadows 
built  a  fort,  which  he  .called  Fort  Necessity.  Here  he  waited, 
hourly  and  anxiously  looking  for  succors  from  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania ;  but  he  looked  in  vain.  Nobody  came  to  his 
assistance.  Not  long  after  this,  his  small  force,  now  reduced 
to  three  hundred  men,  were  attacked  by  an  army  of  eleven 
hundred  French  and  Indians.  Never  did  the  true  Virginian 
valor  shine  more  gloriously  than  on  this  trying  occasion. 


WASHINGTON'S  EXPEDITION,  ETC.  85 

To  see  three  hundred  young  fellows,  commanded  by  a 
smoothfaced  boy,  all  unaccustomed  to  the  terrors  of  war ;  far 
from  home  and  from  all  hopes  of  help ;  shut  up  in  a  dreary 
wilderness,  and  surrounded  by  four  times  their  number  oi 
savage  foes  ;  and  yet,  without  sign  of  fear,  without  thought  of 
surrender,  preparing  for  mortal  combat,  —  O,  it  was  a  noble 
sight!  Scarcely  since  the  days  of  Leonidas  and  his  three 
hundred  deathless  Spartans  had  the  sun  beheld  its  equal. 
With  hideous  whoops  and  yells  the  enemy  came  on  like  a  host 
of  tigers.  The  woods,  and  rocks,  and  tall  tree  tops,  as  the 
Indians,  climbing  to  the  tops  of  the  trees,  poured  down  their 
bullets  into  the  fort,  were  in  one  continued  blaze  and  crash  of 
firearms.  Nor  were  our  young  warriors  idle,  but,  animated 
by  their  gallant  chief,  plied  their  rifles  with  such  spirit  that 
their  little  fort  represented  a  volcano  in  full  blast,  roaring  and 
discharging  thick  sheets  of  liquid  ,fire  and  of  leaden  deaths 
among  their  foes.  For  three  glorious  hours,  salamander-like, 
enveloped  in  smoke  and  flame,  they  sustained  the  attack  of 
the  enemy's  whole  force,  and  laid  two  hundred  of  them  dead 
on  the  spot.  Discouraged  by  such  desperate  resistance,  the 
French  general,  the  Count  de  Villiers,  sent  in  a  flag  to  Wash 
ington,  extolling  his  gallantry  to  the  skies,  and  offering  him 
the  most  honorable  terms.  It  was  stipulated  that  Colonel 
Washington  and  his  little  band  of  heroes  should  march  away 
with  all  the  honors  of  war,  and  carry  with  them  their  military 
stores  and  baggage. 

In  the  spring  of  1755  Washington,  while  busied  in  the 
highest  military  operations,  was  summoned  to  attend  General 
Braddock,  who,  in  the  month  of  February,  arrived  at  Alexan 
dria  with  two  thousand  British  troops.  The  Assembly  of 
Virginia  appointed  eight  hundred  provincials  to  join  him 
The  object  of  this  army  was  to  march  through  the  country 
by  the  way  of  Will's  Creek,  to  Fort  Du  Quesne,  now  Pitts 
burg",  or  Fort  Pitt.  As  no  person  was  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  frontier  country  as  Washington,  and  none  stood  so 


86  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

high  in  military  fame,  it  was  thought  he  would  be  infinitely 
serviceable  to  General  Braddock.  At  the  request  of  the 
governor  and  council  he  cheerfully  quitted  his  own  command 
to  act  as  volunteer  aid-de-camp  to  that  very  imprudent  and 
unfortunate  general.  The  army,  near  three  thousand  strong, 
marched  from  Alexandria,  and  proceeded  unmolested  within 
a  few  miles  of  Fort  Pitt.  On  the  morning  of  the  day  in 
which  they  expected  to  arrive  the  provincial  scouts  discov 
ered  a  large  party  of  French  and  Itdians  lying  in  ambush. 
Washington,  with  his  usual  modesty,  observed  to  General 
Braddock  what  sort  of  enemy  he  had  now  to  deal  with  —  an 
enemy  who  would  not,  like  the  Europeans,  come  forward  to  a 
fair  contest  in  the  field,  but,  concealed  behind  rocks  and  trees, 
carry  on  a  deadly  warfare  with  their  rifles.  He  concluded 
with  begging  that  General  Braddock  would  grant  him  the 
honor  to  let  him  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Virginia 
riflemen  and  fight  them  in  their  own  way.  And  it  was  gen 
erally  thought  that  our  young  hero  and  his  eight  hundred 
hearts  of  hickory  would  very  easily  have  beaten  them  too  ; 
for  they  were  not  superior  to  the  force  which,  with  only  three 
hundred,  he  had  handled  so  roughly  a  twelvemonth  before. 
But  General  Braddock,  who  had  all  along  treated  the  Ameri 
can  officers  and  soldiers  with  infinite  contempt,  instead  of  fol 
lowing  this  truly  salutary  advice,  swelled  and  reddened  with 
most  unmanly  rage.  "  High  times,  by  G — d ! "  he  exclaimed, 
strutting  to  and  fro,  with  arms  akimbo.  "  High  times,  when 
a  young  buckskin  can  teach  a  British  general  how  to  fight !  " 
Washington  withdrew,  biting  his  lips  with  grief  and  indigna 
tion  to  think  whaT  numbers  of  brave  fellows  would  draw  short 
breath  that  day  through  the  pride  and  obstinacy  of  one  epau- 
letted  fool.  The  troops  were  ordered  to  form  and  .advance 
in  columns  through  the  woods.  In  a  little  time  the  ruin 
which  Washington  had  predicted  ensued.  This  poor,  devoted 
army,  pushed  on  by  their  madcap  general,  fell  into  the  fatal 
snare  which  was  laid  for  them.  All  at  once  a  thousand  rifles 


WASHINGTON'S  EXPEDITION,  ETC.  87 

began  the  work  of  death.  The  ground  was  instantly  covered 
with  the  dying  and  the  dead.  The  British  troops,  thus  slaugh 
tered  by  hundreds,  and  by  an  enemy  whom  they  could  not 
see,  were  thrown  irrecoverably  into  panic  and  confusion ;  and 
in  a  few  minutes  their  haughty  general,  with  twelve  hundred 
of  his  brave  but  unfortunate  countrymen,  bit  the  ground. 
Poor  Braddock  closed  the  tragedy  with  great  decency.  He 
was  mortally  wounded  in  the  beginning  of  the  action,  and 
Washington  had  him  placed  in  a  cart  ready  for  retreat.  Close 
on  the  left,  where  the  weight  of  the  French  and  Indian  fire 
principally  fell,  Washington  and  his  Virginia  riflemen,  dressed 
in  blue,  sustained  the  shock.  At  every  discharge  of  their 
rifles  the  wounded  general  cried  out,  "  0  my  brave  Virginia 
blues,  would  to  God  I  could  live  to  reward  you  for  such 
gallantry ! "  But  he  died.  Washington  buried  him  in  the 
road,  and,  to  save  him  from  discovery  and  the  scalping  knife, 
ordered  the  wagons  on  their  retreat  to  drive  over  his  grave. 
0  God,  what  is  man  ?  .  Even  a  thing  of  nought. 

Amidst  all  this  fearful  consternation  and  carnage,  amidst 
all  the  uproar  and  horrors  of  a  rout,  rendered  still  more 
dreadful  by  the  groans  of  the  dying,  the  screams  of  the 
wounded,  the  piercing  shrieks  of  the  women,  and  the  yells  of 
the  furious  assaulting  savages,  Washington,  calm  and  self- 
collected,  rallied  his  faithful  riflemen,  led  them  on  to  the 
charge,  killed  numbers  of  the  enemy  who  were  rushing  on 
with  tomahawks,  checked  their  pursuit,  and  brought  off  the 
shattered  remains  of  the  British  army. 

With  respect  to  our  beloved  Washington  we  cannot  but 
mention  here  two  very  -extraordinary  speeches  that  were  ut 
tered  about  him  at  this  time,  and  which,  as  things  have  turned 
out,  look  a  good  deal-like  prophecies.  A  famous' Indian  war 
rior,  who  assisted  in  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  was  often  heard 
to  swear  that  Washington  was  not  born  to  be  killed  by  a 
bullet ;  "  for,"  continued  he,  "  I  had  seventeen  fair  fires  at 
him  with  my  rifle ;  and,  after  all,  I  could  not  bring  him  to  the 


88  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

ground."  And  indeed,  whoever  considers  that  a  good  rifle, 
levelled  by  a  proper  marksman,  hardly  ever  misses  its  aim, 
will  readily  enough  conclude,  with  this  unlettered  savage,  that 
seme  invisible  hand  must  have  turned  aside  his  bullets. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Davies,  in  a  sermon  occasioned  by  General 
Braddock's  defeat,  has  these  remarkable  words :  "  I  beg  leave 
to  point  the  attention  of  the  public  to  that  heroic  youth,  Col 
onel  George  Washington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence 
has  preserved  for  some  great  service  to  this  country." 


EXPEPITION  AND   DEFEAT   OF   GENERAL 
HARMER  BY  THE  INDIANS,  1790. 

ALTHOUGH  a  peace  was  happily  effected  between  the  two 
contending  parties,  Great  Britain  and  America,  in  1783,  yet 
the  savages,  who  had  been  persuaded  to  take  a  part  with  the 
former,  were  unwilling  to  bury  the  bloody  hatchet.  They 
had  not  sufficiently  bathed  that  destructive  weapon  in  the 
blood  of  the  Americans.  Without  any  pretext  whatever,  they 
continued  to  exercise  towards  them  the  most  wanton  acts  of 
barbarity.  It  appeared  from  respectable  evidence  that  from 
the  year  1783  until  the  month  of  October,  1790,  the  time  the 
United  States  commenced  offensive  operations  against  the  said 
Indians,  that  on  the  Ohio  and  the  frontiers  on  the  south  side 
thereof,  they  killed,  wounded,  and  took  prisoners  about  one 
thousand  five  hundred  men,  women,  and  children,  besides  car 
rying  off  upwards'  of  two  thousand  horses  and  other  property 
to  the  amount  of  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

The  particulars  of  many  of  the  instances  of  barbarity  ex 
ercised  upon  the  prisoners  of  different  ages  and  sexes,  al 
though  supported  by  indisputable  evidence,  are  of  too  shocking 
a  nature  to  be  presented  to  the  public.  It  is  sufficient  here 
to  observe  that  the  scalping  knife  and  tomahawk  were  the 
mildest  instruments  of  death ;  that,  in  some  cases  torture  by 
fire  and  other  execrable  means  were  used. 

But  the  outrages  which  *vere  committed  upon  the  frontier 
inhabitants  were  not  the  only  injuries  that  were  sustained. 
Repeated  attacks  upon  detachments  of  the  troops  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  were  at  different  times  made.  The  following,  from 
8  *  (89) 


00  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

its  peculiar  enormity,  deserves  recital:  In  April,  1790,  Major 
Doughty,  in  service  of  the  United  States,  was  ordered  to  the 
friendly  Chicasaws  on  public  business.  He  performed  this 
duty  in  a  boat,  having  with  him  a  party  of  fifteen  men. 
While  ascending  the  Tennessee  River  he  was  met  by  a  party 
of  forty  Indians  in  four  canoes,  consisting  principally  of 
Shawanese  and  outcast  Cherokees.  They  approached  under 
a  white  flag,  the  well-known  emblom  of  peace.  "They  came 
on  board  the  major's  boat,  received  his  presents,  continued 
with  him  nearly  an  hour,  and  then  departed  in  the  most 
friendly  manner.  But  they  had  scarcely  cleared  his  oars  be 
fore  they  poured  in  a  fire  upon  his  crew,  which  was  returned 
as  soon  as  circumstances  would  permit,  and  a  most  unequal 
combat  was  sustained  for  several  hours,  when  they  abandoned 
their  design,  but  not  until  they  had  killed  and  wounded  eleven 
out  of  fifteen  of  the  boat's  crew. 

All  overtures  of  peace  failing,  and  the  depredations  still 
continuing,  an  attempt  at  coercion  became  indispensable. 
Accordingly,  on  the  30th  of  September,  1790,  the  president, 
by  and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  despatched  General  Harmer,  with  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty  federal  troops  and  eleven  hundred  and  thirty- 
three  militia  under  his  command,  to  attack  and  destroy  their 
principal  villages. 

The  troops,  after  seventeen  days'  march  from  Miami, 
reached  the  great  Miami  village  without  any  other  molesta 
tion  than  that  of  having  a  number  of  their  packhorses  stolen* 
On  their  arrival  they  found  the  village  deserted,  and  all  the 
valuable  buildings  in  flames,  set  on  fire  by  the  Indians.  After 
a  short  tarry  they  proceeded  to  the  neighboring  villages  with 
out  molestation  and  destroyed  five  of  them  and  a  large  quan 
tity  of  corn,  computed  at  fifteen  thousand  bushels,  which  they 
found  buried  in  different  places,  and  very  large  quantities  of 
vegetables  of  every  kind. 

The  first  opposition  that  was  met  with,  a  party  of  about  one 


EXPEDITION    AND    DEFEAT    OF    GEN.    HARMER.  01 

hundred  and  fifty  Kentucky  militia  and  thirty  regular  troops, 
all  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Harding,  of  Kentucky, 
were  detached  from  the  main  body  lying  in  the  great  Miami 
village,  to  pursue  the  trail  of  a  party  of  Indians  which  had 
the  day  before  been  discovered.  After  a  pursuit  of  about  six 
miles  they  came  up  with  and  were  attacked  on  surprise  by  a 
body  of  Indians  who  were  concealed  in  the  thickets  on  every 
side  of  a  large  plain ;  and  on  the  first  onset  the  militia,  with 
out  exchanging  a  single  shot,  made  a  most  precipitate  retreat, 
and  left  the  regular  troops  to  stand  the  whole  charge  of  the 
Indians.  The  conflict  was  short  and  bjpody ;  the  troops  were 
soon  overpowered  by  numbers ;  and  all  fell,  except  two  offi 
cers  and  two  or  three  privates,  after  defending  themselves  at 
their  bayonet  points  with  the  greatest  possible  obstinacy. 
Ensign  Hartshorn  was  one  of  the  officers  who  providentially 
escaped;  and  his  escape  appeared  to  depend  more  on  a  lucky 
circumstance  of  faltering  over  a  log  in  his  retreat,  and  by  that 
means  screening  himself  from  the  eye  of  his  pursuers,  than 
from  any  other  circumstance.  Captain  Armstrong,  who  com 
manded  the  party,  likewise  made  his  escape  by  plunging  him 
self  into  a  pond,  or  swamp,  up  to  his.  neck,  within  two  hundred 
yards  of  the  field  of  action,  where  he  remained  the  whole  night 
a  spectator  to  the  horrid  scene  of  the  war  dance  performed 
over  the  -dead  and  wounded  bodies  of  the  poor  soldiers  that 
had  fallen  the  preceding  day ;  where  their  shrieks,  mixed  with 
the  horrid  yells  of  the  savages,  rendered  his  situation  shocking. 
After  this  some  few  skirmishes  succeeded,  but  nothing  ma 
terial  until  the  second  capital  action,  which  happened  two 
days  after  the  army  left  the  Miami  village,  l^t  ten  miles' 
distance  from  the  town  the  general  ordered  a  halt,  and  de 
tached  from  four  to  five  hundred  militia  and  about  sixty  leg- 
ular  soldiers,  under  the  command  of  Major  "Wyllys  and  Colo 
nel  Harding,  who  were  ordered  to  march  back  to  the  town. 
On  their  first  entrance  there  appeared  a  small  body  of  In 
dians,  who  immediately  fled  at  the  first  onset,  and  by  that 


92  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

means  decoyed  the  whole  body  of  the  militia,  by  making  their 
flight  in  different  directions  and  encouraging  the  militia  to 
pursue.  By  this  stratagem  the  few  regular  troops  were  left 
alone,  and  the  Indians  had  effected  their  design ;  for,  the  mo 
ment  they  found  the  small  handful  of  regular  troops  detached 
from  the  main  body  of  the  militia,  they  commenced  the  attack 
with  their  whole  force,  excepting  the  flying  parties  that  had 
divided  tl^e  militia ;  and  although  they  soon  found  some  part 
of  the  militia  returning  on  their  backs,  pursued  their  object 
of  routing  and  destroying  the  troops  as  the  only  sure  plan  of 
success,  which,  after  a  most  bloody  conflict  on  each  side,  they 
effected.  • 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  intrepidity  of  the  savages  on  this 
occasion.  The  militia  they  appeared  to  despise,  and,  with  all 
the  undauntedness  conceivable,  threw  down  their  guns  and 
rushed  upon  the  bayonets  of  the  regular  soldiers.  A  number 
of  them  fell,  but  being  so  far  superior  in  numbers  the  regu 
lars  were  soon  overpowered ;  for,  while  the  poor  soldier  had 
his  bayonet  in  one  Indian,  two  more  would  sink  their  toma 
hawks  in  his  head.  The  defeat  of  the  troops  was  complete ; 
the  dead  and  wounded  were  left  on  the  field  of  action  in  pos 
session  of  the  savages. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  official  return  of  the  killed 
and  wounded  in  the  expedition :  — 

Killed  of  the  Federal  Troops. 

I  major,  1  lieutenant,  73  rank  and  file  ;  total,  75.  Wound 
ed,  3  rank  and  file. 

Killed  of  the  Militia. 

1  major,  3  captains,  2  lieutenants,  4  ensigns,  98  rank  and 
file ;  total,  180.  Wounded,  2  lieutenants,  1  ensign,  25  rank 
and  file;  total,  28. 

The  regular  troops,  all  but  nine,  including  two  commissioned 


EXPEDITION  AND  DEFEAT  OF  GEN.  HARMER.     93 

officers,  were  killed.  Among  the  slain  was  Major  Wyllys 
and  a  number  of  brave  and  valuable  soldiers.  The  Indians, 
it  appeared  from  some  cause,  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  pur 
sue  their  successes  from  the  field  of  action ;  as  most  of  the 
troops  that  were  not  killed  or  badly  wounded  made  their 
escape,  which  they  could  not  have  effected -had  the  enemy 
pursued  with  their  usual  fury. 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  GENERALS  SC01T  AND  WIL 
KINSON,  IN  MAY  AND  AUGUST,   1791. 

GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

SIR,  —  In  prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  I  marched  with 
eight  hundred  and  fifty  troops  under  my  command,  four  miles 
from  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  on  the  23d  of  May ;  and  on  the 
24th  I  resumed  my  march  and  pushed  forward  with  the  ut 
most  industry,  directing  my  route  to  Ouiattannan  in  the  best 
manner  my  guides  and  information  enabled  me,  though  I 
found  myself  greatly  deficient  in  both. 

By  the  31st  I  had  marched  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
miles  over  a  country  cut  by  four  large  branches  of  White 
River,  and  many  smaller  streams  with  steep,  muddy  banks. 
During  this  march  I  traversed  a  -country  alternately  inter 
spersed  with  the  most  luxurious  soil  and  deep  clayey  bogs, 
from  one  to  five  miles  wide,  rendered  almost  impervious  by 
brush  and  briers.  Rain  fell  in  torrents  every  day,  with  fre 
quent  blasts  of  wind  and  thunder  storms.  These  obstacles 
impeded  my  progress,  wore  down  my  horses,  and  destroyed 
my  provisions. 

On  the  morning  of  the  1st  instant,  as  the  army  entered 
an  extensive  prairie,  I  perceived  an  Indian  on  horseback  a 
few  miles  to  the  right.  I  immediately  made  a  detachment  tc^. 
intercept  him ;  but  he  escaped.  Finding  myself  discovered,  I 
determined  to  advance  with  all  the  rapidity  my  circumstances 
would  permit,  rather  with  the  hope  than  the  expectation  of 
reaching  the  object  sought  that  day ;  for  my  guides  were 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  GENERALS  SCOTT  AND  WILKINSON.      95 

strangers  to  the  country  which  I  occupied.  At  one  o'clock, 
having  marched  by  computation  one  hundred  and  fifty-five 
miles  from  the  Ohio,  as  I  penetrated  a  grove  which  bordered 
on  an  extensive  prairie,  I  discovered  two  small  villages  to  my 
left,  at  two  and  four  miles'  distance. 

My  guides  now  recognized  the  ground,  and  informed  me 
that  the  main  town  was*four  or  five  miles  in  front,  be 
hind  a  point  of  wood  which  jutted  into  the  prairie.  I  imme 
diately  detached  Colonel  John  Hardin  with  sixty  mounted 
infantry,  and  a  troop  of  light  horse  under  Captain  M'Coy, 
to  attack  the  villages  to  the  left,  and  moved  on  briskly  with 
my  main  body  in  order  of  battle  towards  tfce  town,  the  smoke 
of  which  was  discernible.  My  guides  were  deceived  with 
respect  to  the  situation  of  the  town  ;  for,  instead  of  standing  at 
the  edge  of  the  plain  through  which  I  marched,  I  found  in 
the  low  ground  bordering  on  the  Wabash,  on  turning  the 
point  of  woods,  one  house  presented  in  my  front.  Captain 
Price  was  ordered  to  assault  that  with  forty  men.  He  ex 
ecuted  the  command  with  great  gallantry,  and  killed  two 
warriors. 

When  I  gained  the  summit  of  the  eminence  which  over 
looks  the  villages  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  I  discovered 
the  enemy  in  great  confusion,  endeavoring  to  make  their  es-. 
cape  over  the  river  in  canoes.  I  instantly  ordered  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Commandant  Wilkinson  to  rush  forward  with  the 
first  battalion.  The  order  was  executed  with  promptitude, 
and  this  detachment  gained  the  bank  of  the  river  just  as  the 
rear  of  the  enemy  had  embarked ;  and,  regardless  of  a  brisk 
fire  kept  up  from  a  Kickapoo  town  on  the  opposite  bank,  they 
»in  a  few  minutes,  by  a  well-directed  fire  from  their  rifles,  de 
stroyed  all  the  savages  with  which  five  canoes  were  crowded. 

The  enemy  still  kept  possession  of  the  Kickapoo  town. 
I  determined  to  dislodge  them,  and  for  the  purpose  ordered 
Captains  King's  and  Logsdon's  companies  to  march  down 
the  rivej:  below  the  town  and  cross,  under  the  conduct  of 


96  INDIAN  NARRATIVES." 

Major  Barbee.  Several  of  the  .men  swam  the  river,  and 
others  passed  in  a  small  canoe.  This  movement  was  unob 
served,  and  my  men  had  taken  post  on  the  bank  before  they 
were  discovered  by  the  enemy,  who  immediately  abandoned 
the  village.  About  this  time  word  was  brought  me  that  Colo 
nel  Hardin  was  encumbered  with  prisoners,  and  had  discov 
ered  a  stronger  village,  farther  to^my  left,  than  those  I  had 
observed,  which  he  was  proceeding  to  attack.  I  immediately 
detached  Captain  Brown,  with  his  company,  to  support  the 
colonel ;  but  the  distance  being  six  miles,  before  the  captain 
arrived  the  business  was  done,  and  Colonel  Hardin  joined  me 
little  before  sunset,  having  killed  six  warriors  and  taken  fifty- 
two  prisoners.  Captain  Bull,  the  warrior  who  discovered  me 
in  the  morning,  had  gained  the  main  town  and  given  the 
alarm  a  short  time  before  me  ;  but  the  villages  to  the  left  were 
uninformed  of  my  approach,  and  had  no  retreat.  The  next 
morning  I  determined  to  detach  my  lieutenant  colonel  com 
mandant  with  five  hundred  men  to  destroy  the  important  town 
of  Kethlipecanunk,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Eel  River,  eighteen 
miles  from  my  camp,  and  on  the  west  side  of  Wabash.  But 
on  examination  I  discovered  my  men  and  horses  to  be  crippled 
and  worn  down  by  a  long,  laborious  march,  and  the  active 
exertions  of  the  preceding  day ;  that  three  hundred  and  sixty 
men  only  could  be  found  in  capacity  to  undertake  the  enter 
prise,  and  they  prepared  to  march  on  foot. 

Colonel  Wilkinson  marched  with  this  detachment  at  half 
past  five  in  the  evening,  and  returned  to  my  camp  the  next 
day  at  one  o'clock,  having  marched  thirty-six  miles  in  twelve 
hours,  «,  and  destroyed  the  most  important  settlement  of  the 
enemy  in  that  quarter  of  the  federal  territory. 

The  following  is  Colonel  Wilkinson's  report  respecting  the 
enterprise  :  — 

SIR,  —  The  detachment  under  my  command,  destined  to 
attack  the  village  Kethlipecanunk,  was  put  in  motion  at  half 


EXPEDITIONS  OP  GENERALS  SCOTT  AND  WILKINSON.      97 

past  five  o'clock  last  evening.  Knowing  that  an  enemy,  whose 
chief  dependence  is  in  his  dexterity  as  a  marksman,  and 
alerfciess  in  covering  himself  behind  trees,  stumps,  and  other 
impediments  to  fair  sight,  would  not  hazard  an  action  in  the 
night,  I  determined  to  pusjj.  my  march  until  I  approached  the 
vicinity  of  the  villages  where  I  knew  the  country  to  be  cham 
paign.  I  gained  my  point  without  a  halt  twenty  minutes  be 
fore  eleven  o'clock,  lay  upon  my  arms  until  four  o'clock,  and 
half  an  hour  after  assaulted  the  town  at  all  quarters.  The 
enemy  was  vigilant,  gave  way  on  my  approach,  and  in  canoes 
crossed  Eel  Creek,  which  washed  the  north-east  part  of  the 
town ;  that  creek  was.  not  fordable.  My  corps  dashed  forward 
with  the  impetuosity  becoming  volunteers,  and  were  saluted 
by  the  enemy  with  a  brisk  fire  from  the  opposite  side  of  the 
creek.  Dauntless  they  rushed  on  to  the  water's  edge,  and, 
finding  the  river  impassable,  returned  a  volley  which  so  galled 
and  disconcerted  their  antagonists  that  they  threw  awa^  their 
fire  without  effect.  In  five  minutes  the  Indians  were  driven 
from  their  covering  and  fled  with  precipitation.  I  have  three 
men  slightly  wounded.  At  half  past  five  the  town  was  in 
flames,  and  at  six  o'clock  I  commenced  my  retreat. 
I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c., 

JAMES  WILKINSON, 
Brigadier  General  Scott. 

Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kethlipecanunk  were  Frencn, 
and  lived  in  a  state  of  civilization.  Misunderstanding  the 
object  of  a  white  ffog,  which  appeared  on  an  eminence  oppo 
site  to  me  in  the  afternoon  of  the  first,  I  liberated  an  aged 
squaw,  and  sent  with  her  a  message  to  the  savages,  that,  if  they 
would  come  in  and  surrender,  their  towns  should  be  spared 
and  they  should  receive  good  treatment.  It  was  afterwards 
found  that  this  white  flag  was  not  intended  as  a  signal  of  par 
ley,  but  was  placed  there  to  mark  the  spot  where  a  person  of 
distinction  among  the  Indians,  who  had  died  some  time  before, 
9 


98  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

was  interred,  On  the  4th  I  determined  to  discharge  sixteen 
of  the  weakest  and  most  infirm  of  my  prisoners  with  a  talk 
to  the  "Wabash  tribes,  a  copy  of  which  follows.  My  moires 
to  this  measure  were,  to  rid  the  army  of  a  heavy  encumbrance, 
to  'gratify  the  impulses  of  humanity,  to  increase  the  panic  my 
operations  had  produced,  and,  by  distracting  the  council  of 
the  enemy,  to  favor  the  views  of  government. 

On  the  same  day,  after  having  burned  the  towns  and  ad 
jacent  villages  and  destroyed  the  growing  corn  and  pulse,  I 
began  my  march  for  the  rapids  of  Ohio,  where  I  arrived  the 
14th,  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man  by  the  enemy,  and  five 
only  wounded,  having  killed  thirty-two,  chiefly  warriors  of 
size  and  figure,  and  taken  fifty-eight  prisoners. 


To  the  various  Tribes  of  the  Peankashaws  and  all  the  Nations 
of  Red  People  living  on  the  Waters  of  the  Wabash  River. 

The  sovereign  council  of  the  thirteen  United  States,  hav 
ing  long  patiently  borne  your  depredations  against  their  set 
tlements  on  this  side  of  the  great  mountains,  in  hopes  that 
you  would  see  your  error  and  correct  it,  by  entering  into 
bonds  of  amity  and  lasting  peace,  moved  by  compassion, 
and  pitying  your  misguided  councils,  have  not  unfrequent- 
ly  addressed  you  on  this  subject,  but  without  effect.  At 
length  their  patience  is  exhausted,  and  they  have  stretched 
forth  the  arm  of  power  against  you.  Their  mighty  sons  and 
chief  warriors  have  at  length  taken  up  the  hatchet;  they 
have  penetrated  far  into  your  country,  to  meet  your  warriors 
and  punish  them  for  their  transgressions.  But  you  fled  before 
them  and  decline  the  battle,  leaving  your  wives  and  children 
to  their  mercy.  They  have  destroyed  your  old  town,  Ouiat- 
tanau,  and  the  neighboring  villages,  and  have  taken  many 
prisoners.  Resting  here  two  days,  to  give  you  time  to  collect 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  GENERALS  SCOTT  AND  WILKINSON.      99 

your  strength,  they  have  proceeded  to  your  town  of  Kethli- 
pecanunk ;  but  you  again  fled  before  them ;  and  that  great 
town  has  been  destroyed.  After  giving  you  this  evidence  of 
their  power  they  have  stopped  their  ha*nds,  because  they  are 
as  merciful  as  strong ;  and  they  again  indulge  the  hope  that 
you  will  come  to  a  sense  of  your  true  interest,  and  determine 
to  make  a  lasting  peace  with  them  and  all  their  children  for 
ever.  The  United  States  have  no  desire  to  destroy  the  red 
people,  although  they  have^  the  power  to  do  it ;  but  should 
you  decline  this  invitation  and  pursue  your  unprovoked  hos 
tilities,  their  strength  will  again  be  exerted  against  you,  your 
warriors  will  be  slaughtered,  your  wives  and  children  carried 
into  captivity  ;  and  you  may  be  assured  that  those  who  escape 
the  fury  of  our  mighty  chiefs  shall  find  no  resting-place  on 
this  side  the  great  lakes.  The  warriors  of  the  United  States 
wish  not  to  distress  or  destroy  women  and  children  or  old 
men ;  and  although  policy  obliges  them  to  retain  some  in  cap 
tivity,  yet  compassion  and  humanity  have  induced  them  to 
set  others  at  liberty,  who  will  deliver  you  this  talk.  Those 
who  are  carried  off  will  be  left  in  the  care  of  our  great  chief 
and  warrior  General  St.  Clair,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Miami 
and  opposite  to  the  Licking  River,  where  they  will  be  treated 
with  humanity  and  tenderness.  If  you  wish  to  recover  them, 
repair  to  that  place  by  the  first  day  of  July  next.  Determine 
with  true  hearts  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  smoke  the  pipe  of 
peace  :  they  will  then  be  restored  to  you,  and  you  may  again, 
set  down  in  security  at  your  old  towns,  and  live  in  peace  and 
happiness,  unmolested  by  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
who  will  become  your  friends  and  protectors,  and  will  be 
ready  to  furnish  you  with  all  the  necessaries  you  may  require. 
But  should  you  foolishly  persist  in  your  warfare,  the  sons  of 
war  will  be  let  loose  against  you,  and  the  hatchet  will  never 
be  buried  until  your  country  is  desolated  and  your  people 
humbled  to  the  dust. 

(Signed)  CHARLES  SCOTT,  Brig.  Gen. 


GENERAL  WILKINSON'S  EXPEDITION. 

GENERAL    WILKINSON   TO    GOVERNOR    ST.  CLAIR. 

"  SIR,  —  Having  carried  into  complete  effect  the  enterprise 
which  you  were  pleased  to  direct  against  L'Anguille,  and 
having  done  the  savages  every  other  damage  on  the  Wabash 
to  which  I  conceived  my  force  adequate,  I  embrace  the  first 
moment's  recess  from  active  duty  to  detail  to  your  excellency 
the  operations  of  the  expedition  intrusted  to  my  command. 

I  left  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Washington  on  the  1st 
instant  at  one  o'clock,  and,  agreeably  to  my  original  plan, 
feinted  boldly  at  the  Miami  villages  by  the  most  direct  course 
the  nature  of  the  ground  over  which  I  had  to  march  would 
permit.  I  persevered  in  this  plan  until  the  morning  of  the 
4th  instant,  and  thereby  avoided  the  hunting  ground  of  the 
enemy  and  the  paths  which  led  direct  from  White  River  to 
the  Wabash,  leaving  the  head  waters  of  the  first  to  my  left. 
I  then,  being  about  seventy  miles  advanced  of  Fort  Wash 
ington,  turned  north-west.  I  made  no  discovery  until  the  5th, 
about  nine  o'clock,  A.  M.,  when  I  crossed  three  much  fre 
quented  paths  within  two  miles  of  each  other,  and  all  bearing 
east  of  north.  My  guides  were  urgent  for  me  to  follow  these 
paths,  which  betrayed  their  ignorance  of  the  country,  and 
convinced  me  I  had  to  depend  on  my  own  judgment  only. 
In  the  afternoon  of  that  day  I  was  obliged  to  cross  a  deep 
bog,  which  injured  several  of  my  horses  exceedingly,  and  a 
few  miles  beyond  I  struck  a  path,  bearing  north  by  west, 
marked  by  the  Tecent  footsteps  of  five  or  six  savages.  My 


GENERAL    WILKINSON'S    EXPEDITION.  101 

guides  renewed  their  application  to  me  to  follow  this  path ; 
but  I  pursued  my  own  course.  I  had  not  got  clear  of  my 
encampment  next  morning  before  my  advance  reported  an 
impassable  bog  in  my  front,  extending  several  miles  on  either 
hand  ;  and  the  guides  asserted  that  the  whole  country  to  the 
"Wabash  was  cut  by  such  bogs,  and  that  it  would  be  impossi 
ble  for  me  to  proceed  unless  I  followed  the  Indian  paths, 
which  avoided  these  bogs,  or  led  through  them  at  places  where 
they  were  least  difficult.  Although  I  had  little  regard  to  this 
information,  as  delay  was  dangerous,  and  every  thing  depend 
ed  on  the  preservation  of  my  horses,  I  determined  to  return 
to  the  right  and  fall  into  the  path  I  had  passed  the  evening 
before,  which  varied  in  its  course  from  north  by  west  to  north 
east.  The  country  had  now  become  pondy  in  every  direc 
tion.  I  therefore  resolved  to  pursue  this  path  until  noon,  in 
the  hope  that  it  would  conduct  me  to  better  ground,  or  to 
some  devious  trace,  which  might  lead  to  the  object  sought. 

At  seven  o'clock  I  crossed  an  east  branch  of  the  Calumet 
River  about  forty  yards  wide,  and  about  noon  my  advance 
guard  fired  on  a  small  party  of  warriors  and  took  a  prisoner ; 
the  rest  ran  off  to  the  eastward.  I  halted  about  a  mile  be 
yond  the  spot  where  this  affair  happened,  and,  on  examining 
the  prisoner,  found  him  to  be  a  Delaware,  living  near  the  site 
of  the  late  Miami  village,  which,  he  informed,  was  about 
thirty  miles  distant.  I  immediately  retrograded  four  miles, 
and  filed  off  by  the  right  over  some  rising  ground,  which  I 
had  observed  between  the  east  branch  of  the  Calumet  River 
and  a  creek  four  or  five  miles  in  advance  of  it,  taking  my  course 
north,  sixty  degrees  west.  This  measure  fortunately  extri 
cated  me  from  the  bogs  and  ponds,  and  soon  placed  me  on 
firm  ground.  Late  in  the  afternoon  I  crossed  one  path  run 
ning  from  north  to  south,  and. shortly  after  fell  in  with  anoth 
er  varying  from  north-west  to  north.  I  pursued  this  about 
two  miles,  when  I  encamped ;  but,  finding  it  still  inclining 
northward,  I  determined  to  abandon  it  in  the  morning!  I 
9* 


102  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

resumed  my  march  on  the  6th  at  four  o'clock.  The  Calumet 
being  to  the  westward  of  me,  I  was  fearful  I  should  strike 
the  "Wabash  too  high  up,  and,  perhaps,  fall  in  with  the  small 
town,  which  you  mentioned  to  me,  at  the  mouth  of  the  forme* 
river.  I  therefore  steered  a  due  west  course,  and  at  six 
o'clock  A.  M.  crossed  a  road  much  used  both  by  horse 
and  foot,  bearing  due  north.  I  now  knew  that  I  was  near 
a  Shawanese  village,  generally  supposed  to  be  on  the  waters 
of  White  River,  but  actually  on  the  waters  of  the  Calumet, 
and  was  sensible  that  every  thing  depended  on  the  celerity 
and  silence  of  my  movements,  as  my  real  object  had  become 
manifest.  I  therefore  pushed  my  march  vigorously,  leaving 
an  officer  and  twenty  men  in  ambush  to. watch  the  road,  in 
order  to  intercept  or  beat  off  any  party  of  the  enemy  which 
might  casually  be  passing  that  way,  and  thereby  prevent,  as 
long  as  possible,  the  discovery  of  my  real  intentions. 

At  eight  o'clock  I  crossed  Calumet  River,  now  eighty  yards 
wide,  and  running  down  north  north-west.  I  was  now  sensi 
ble  from  my  reckoning,  compared  with  my  own  observations 
during  the  late  expedition  under  General  Scott  and  the  in 
formation  received  from  your  excellency  and  others,  that  I 
could  not  be  very  fai^from  L'Anguille.  The  party  left  at  the 
road  soon  fell  in  with  four  warriors  encamped  half  a  mile 
from  the  right  of  my  line  of  march,  killed  one,  and  drove  off 
the  others  to  the  northward.  My  situation  had  now  become 
extremely  critical ;  the  whole  country  to  the  north  being  in 
alarm,  which  made  me  greatly  anxious  to  continue  my  march 
during  the  night :  but  I  had  no  path  to  direct  me,  and  it  was 
impossible  for  me  to  keep  my  course,  or  for  horsemen  to 
march  through  a  thick,  swampy  country  in  utter  darkness.  I 
quitted  my  camp  on  the  7th  as  soon  as  I  could  see  my  way  ; 
crossed  one  path  at  three  miles'  distance,  bearing  north-east ; 
and  at  seven  miles  fell  into  another  very  much  used,  bearing 
north-west  by  north,  which  I  at  once  adopted  as  the  direct  route 
to  my  object,  and  pushed  forward  with  the  utmost  despatch-  I 


GENERAL    WILKINSON'S-  EXPEDITION  103 

halted  at  twelve  o'clock  to  refresh  the  horses  and  examine 
the  men's  arms  and  ammunition,  marched  again  at  half  past 
one,  and  at*  fifteen  minutes  before  five  struck  the  Wabash 
at  one  and  a  half  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  Eel  River, 
being  the  very  spot  for  which  I  had  aimed  from  the  com 
mencement  of  my  march.  I  crossed  the  river,  and,  following 
the  path  a  north  by  east  course,  at  the  distance  of  two  and  a 
half  miles  my  reconnoitring  party  announced  Eel  River  in  . 
front  and  the  town  on  the  opposite  bank.  I  dismounted,  ran 
forward,  and  examined  the  situation  of  the  town  as  far  as 
was  practicable  without  exposing  myself;  but  the  whole  face 
of  the  country,  from  the  Wabash  to  the  margin  of  Eel  River, 
being  a  continued  thicket  of  brambles,  blackjacks,  weeds,  and 
shrubs  of  various  kinds,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  get  a 
satisfactory  view  without  endangering  a  discovery.  I  imme 
diately  determined  to  post  two  companies  near  the  bank  of 
the  river  opposite  to  the  town  and  above  the  ground  I  then 
occupied,  to  make  a  detour  with  Major  Caldwell  and  the 
second  battalion  until  I  fell  into  the  Miami  trace,  and  by  that 
route  to  cross  the  river  above  and  gain  the  rear  of  the  town, 
and  to  leave  directions  with  Major  M'Dowell,  who  commanded 
the  first  battalion,  to  lie  perdu  until  I  commenced  the  attack ; 
then  to  dash  through  the  river  with  his  corps  and  the  ad 
vanced  guard  and  assault  the  house  in  front  and  upon  the  left. 
In  the  moment  I  was  about  to  put  this  arrangement  into 
execution,  word  was  brought  me  that  the  enemy  had  taken 
the  alarm  and  were  flying,  I  ^instantly  ordered  a  general 
charge,  which  was  obeyed  with  alacrity  :  the  men,  forcing  their 
way  over  every  obstacle,  plunged  through  the  river  with  vast 
intrepidity.  The  enemy  was  unable  to  make  the  smallest  re 
sistance.  Six  warriors,  and,  in  the  hurry  and  confusion  of 
the  charge,  two  squaws  and  a  child,  were  killed  ;  thirty -four 
prisoners  were  taken,  and  an  unfortunate  captive  released ; 
with  the  loss  of  two  men  killed  and  one  wounded.  I  found 
this  town  scattered  along  Eel  River  for  full  three  miles,  ou 


104  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

an  uneven,  shrubby,  oak  barren,  intersected  alternately  by 
bogs  almost  impassable  and  impervious  thickets  of  plum  and 
hazel.  Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  if  T  may  credit 
the  report  of  the  prisoners,  very  few  who  were  in  town  es 
caped  :  expecting  a  second  expedition,  their  goods  were  gen 
erally  packed  up  or  buried.  Sixty  warriors  had  crossed  the 
"Wabash  to  watch  the  paths  leading  from  the  Ohio.  The 
head  chief,  with  all  the  prisoners  and  a  number  of  families, 
was  out  digging  a  root,  which  they  substitute  in  the  place  of 
the  potato ;  and  about  one  hour  before  my  arrival,  all  the 
warriors  except  eight  had  mounted  their  horses  and  rode  up 
the  river  to  a  French  store  to  purchase  ammunition.  This 
ammunition  had  arrived  from  the  Miami  village  that  very 
day,  and  the  squaws  informed  me  was  stored  aboat  two  miles 
from  town.  I  detached  Major  Caldwell  in  quest  of  it ;  but  he 
failed  to  make  any  discovery,  although  he  scoured  the  coun 
try  for  seven  or  eight  miles  up  the  river.  I  encamped  in  the 
town  that  night,  and  the  next  morning  I  cut  up  the  corn 
scarcely  in  the  milk,  burned  the  cabins,  mounted  my  young 
warriors,  squaws,  and  children  in  the  best  manner  in  my  pow 
er,  and,  leaving  two  infirm  squaws  and  a  child  with  a  short 
talk,  (which  will  be  found  annexed,)  I  commenced  my  march 
for  the  Kickapoo  town  in  the  prairie.  I  felt  my  prisoners  a 
vast  encumbrance  ;  but  I  was  not  in  force  to  justify  a  detach 
ment,  having  barely  five  hundred  and  twenty-three  rank  and 
file,  and  being  then  in  the  bosom  of  the  Ouiattanau  country, 
one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  removed  from  succor,  and  not 
more  than  one  and  a  half  days'  forced  march  from  the  Patta- 
wamees,  Shawanese,  and  Delawares. 

Not  being  able  to  discover  any  path  in  the  direct  course  to 
the  Kickapoo  town,  I  marched  by  the  road  leading  to  Tippe- 
canoe,  in  the  hope  of  finding  some  diverting  trace  which 
might  favor  my  design.  I  encamped  that  evening  about  six 
miles  from  Kenapacomaque,  the  Indian  name  for  the  town  I 
had  destroyed,  and  marched  the  next  morning  at  four  o'clock 


GENERAL  WILKINSON'S  EXPEDITION.  105 

My  course  continued  west  till  about  nine  o'clock,  when  I 
turned  to  the  north-west  on  a  small  hunting  path,  and  at  a 
short  distance  launched  into  the  boundless  prairies  of  the 
west,  with  the  intention  to  pursue  that  course  until  I  should 
strike  a  road  which  leads  from  the  Pattawamees  of  Lake 
Michigan  immediately  to  the  town  I  sought.  "With  this  view 
I  pushed  forward  through  bog  after  bog,  to  the  saddle  skirts, 
in  mud  and  water,  and  after  persevering  for  eight  hours  I 
found  myself  environed  on  all  sides  with  morasses  which  for 
bade  my  advancing,  and  at  the  same  time  rendered  it  difficult 
for  me  to  extricate  my  little  army.  The  way  by  which  we 
had  entered  was  so  much  beat  and  softened  by  the  horses  that 
it  was  almost  impossible  to  return  by  that  route,  and  my  guides 
pronounced  the  morass  in  front  impassable.  A  chain  of  thin 
groves  extending  in  the  direction  to  the  Wabash  at  this  time 
presented  to  my  left ;  it  was  necessary  I  should  gain  these 
groves,  and  for  this  purpose  I  dismounted,  went  forward,  and, 
leading  my  horse  through  a  bog  to  the  armpits  in  mud  and 
water,  with  difficulty  and  fatigue  I  accomplished  my  object, 
and,  changing  my  course  to  south  by  west,  regained  the  Tip- 
pecanoe  road  at  five  o'clock,  and  encamped  on  it  at  seven 
o'clock,  after  a  march  of  thirty  miles,  which  broke  down  sev 
eral  of  my  horses. 

I  am  the  more  minute  in  detailing  the  occurrences  of  this 
day,  because  they  produced  the  most  unfavorable  effect.  I 
was  in  motion  at  four  next  morning ;  and  at  eight  o'clock  my 
advanced  guard  made  some  discoveries,  which  induced  me  to 
believe  we  were  near  an  Indian  village.  I  immediately 
pushed  that  body  forward  in  a  trot,  and  followed  with  Majoi 
Caldwell  and  the  second  battalion,  leaving  Major  M'Dowell 
to  take  charge  of  the  prisoners.  I  reached  Tippecanoe  at 
twelve  o'clock,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  enemy,  who 
watched  my  motions  and  abandoned  the  place  that  morning. 
After  the  destruction  of  this  town  in  June  last,  the  enemy  had 
returned  and  cultivated  their  corn  and  pulse,  which  I  found 


106  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Vi  high  perfection  and  in  much  greater  quantity  than  at 
L'Anguille.  To  refresh  my  horses  and  give  time  "to  cut  down 
the  corn,  I  determined  to  halt  until  the  next  morning,  and  then 
resume  my  march  to  the  Kickapoo  town  in  the  prairie  by  the 
road  which  leads  from  Ouiattanau  to  that  place.  In  the 
course  of  the  day  I  had  discovered  some  murmurings  and 
discontent  among  the  men,  which  I  found,  on  inquiry,  to  pro 
ceed  from  their  reluctance  to  advance  into  the  enemy's  coun 
try.  This  induced  me  to  call  for  a  &tate  of  the  horses  and 
provisions,  when  to  my  great  mortification  two  hundred  and 
seventy  horses  were  returned  lame  i  nd  tired,  with  barely  five 
days'  provision  for  the  men. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  was  compelled  to  abandon  my 
designs  upon  the  Kickapoos  of  the  prairie ,  and,  with  a  degree 
of  anguish  not  to  be  cpmprehended  but  by  those  who  have 
experienced  similar  disappointments,  I  marched  forward  to  a 
town  of  the  same  nation,  situate  about  three  leagues  west  of 
Ouiattanau.  As  I  advanced  to  the  town  the  enemy  made 
some  show  of  fighting  me,  but  vanished  at  my  approach.  I 
destroyed  this  town,  consisting  of  thirty  houses,  with  a  con 
siderable  quantity  of  corn  in  the  milk  ;  and  the  same  day  I 
moved  on  to  Ouiattanau,  where  I  forded  the  Wabash,  and 
proceeded  to  the  site  of  the  villages  on  the  margin  of  the 
prairie,  where  I  encamped  at  seven  o'clock.  At  this  town 
and  the  villages  destroyed  by  General  Scott  in  June  we  found 
the  corn  had  been  replanted  and  was  now  in  high  cultivation  ; 
several  fields  being  well  ploughed,  all  which  we  destroyed. 
On  the  12th  I  resumed  my  march,  and,  falling  into  General 
Scott's  return  trace,  I  arrived  without  material  accident  at  the 
rapids  of  the  Ohio  on  the  21st  instant,  after  a  march,  by  accu 
rate  computation,  of  four  hundred  and  fifty-one  miles  from 
Fort  Washington.  . 

The  services  which  I  have  been  able  to  render  fall  short 
of  my  wishes,  my  intention,  and  expectation.  But,  sir,  when 
you  reflect  on  the  causes  which  checked  my  career  and 


GENERAL    WILKINSON'S    EXPEDITION.  107 

blasted  my  designs,  I  flatter  myself  you  will  believe  every 
thing  has  been  done  which  could  be  done  in  my  circumstances. 
I  have  destroyed  the  chief  town  of  the  Ouiattanau  nation, 
and  made  prisoners  the  sons  and  sisters  of  the  king.  I  have 
burned  a  respectable  Kickapoo  village,  and  cut  down  at  least 
four  hundred  and  thirty  acres  of  corn  chiefly  in  the  milk. 
The  Ouiattanaus  left  without  horses,  home,  or  provision,  must 
cease  to  war,  and  will  find  active  employ  to  subsist  their 
squaws  and  children  during  the  impending  winter. 

Should  these  services  secure  to  the  country  which  I  imme 
diately  represented,  and  the  corps  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
command,  the  favorable  consideration  of  government,  I  shall 
infer  the  approbation  of  my  own  conduct,  which,  added  to  a 
consciousness  of  having  done  my  duty,  will  constitute  the  rich 
est  reward  I  can  enjoy. 

With  the  most  perfect  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your 
excellency's  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

JAMES  WILKINSON. 

Governor  St.  Clair. 


A  Talk  from  Colonel  Wilkinson  to  the  Indian  Nations  living 
on  the  River  Wabash. 

The  arms  of  the  United  States  are  again  exerted  against 
you,  and  again  your  towns  are  in  flames,  and  your  wives  and 
children  made  captives.  Again  you  are  cautioned  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  reason,  to  sue  for  peace,  and  submit  to  the  pro 
tection  of  the  United  States,  who  are  willing  to  become  your 
friends  and  fathers  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  are  determined  to 
punish  you  for  every  injury  you  may  offer  to  their  children. 
Regard  not  those  evil  counsellors  who,  to  secure  to  them 
selves  the  benefits  of  your  trade,  advise  you  to  measures 
which  involve  you,  your  women,  and  children  in  trouble  and 
distress.  The  United  States  wish  to  give  you  peace,  because 


108  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

it  is  good  in  the  eyes  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  all  his  children 
should  unite  and  live  like  brothers  ;  but  if  you  foolishly  pre 
fer  war,  their  warriors  are  ready  to  meet  you  in  battle,  and 
will  not  be  the  first  to  lay  down  the  hatchet.  You  may  find 
your  squaws  and  your  children  under  the  protection  of  our 
great  chief  and  warrior  General  St.  Clair,  at  Fort  Wash 
ington  ;  to  him  you  will  make  all  applications  for  an  exchange 
of  prisoners  or  for  peace. 

JAMES  WILKINSON. 


DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR  BY  THE 
INDIANS,  1791.    ' 

GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OP  WAR. 

FORT  WASHINGTON,  November  9,  1791. 

SIR, — Yesterday  afternoon  the  remains  of  the  army  under 
my  command  got  back  to  this  place ;  and  I  have  now  the  pain 
ful  task  to  give  an  account  of  as  warm  and  as  unfortunate  an 
action  as  almost  any  that  has  been  fought,  in  which  every 
corps  was  engaged  and  worsted  except  the  first  regiment,  that 
had  been  detached  upon  a  service  I  had  the  honor  to  inform 
you  of  in  my  last  despatch,  and  had  not  joined  me. 

On  the  3d  instant  the  army  had  reached  a  creek  about 
twelve  yards  wide,  running  to  the  southward  of  west,  which  I 
believe  to  have  been  the  River  St.  Mary,  that  empties  into 
the  Miami  of  the  lake,  arrived  at  the  village  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  having  marched  near  nine  miles,  and  were 
immediately  encamped  upon  a  very  commanding  piece  of 
ground  in  two  lines,  having  the  above-mentioned  creek  in 
front.  The  right  wing,  composed  of  Butler's,  Clarke's,  and 
Patterson's  battalions,  commanded  by  Major  General  Butler, 
formed  the  first  line ;  and  the  left  wing,  consisting  of  Bedin- 
ger's  and  Gaither's  battalions  and  the  second  regiment,  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Drake,  formed  the  second  line,  with  an 
interval  between  them  of  about  seventy  yards,  which  was  all 
the  ground  would  allow. 

The  right  flank  was  pretty  well  secured  by  the  creek,  a 

10  (109) 


110  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

steep  bank,  and  Faulkener's  corps  :  some  of  the  cavalry  and 
their  pickets  covered  the  left  flank.  The  militia  were  thrown 
over  the  creek,  and  advanced  about  one  quarter  of  a  mile,  and 
encamped  in  the  same  order.  There  were  a  few  Indians  who 
appeared  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  creek,  but  fled  with  the 
utmost  precipitation  on  the  advance  of  the  militia.  At  this 
place,  which  I  judged  to  be  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  Miami 
village,  I  had  determined  to  throw  up  a  slight  work,  the  plan 
of  which  was  concerted  that  evening  with  Major  Ferguson, 
wherein  to  have  deposited  the  men's  knapsacks  and  every 
thing  else  that  was  not  of  absolute  necessity,  and  to  have 
moved  on  to  attack  the  enemy  as  soon  as  the  first  regiment 
was  come  up.  But  they  did  not  permit  me  to  execute  either ; 
for  on  the  4th,  about  half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  and  when 
the  men  had  been  just  dismissed  from  the  parade,  —  for  it  was 
a  constant  practice  to  have  them  all  under  arms  a  consider 
able  time  before  light,  —  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  militia. 
Those  gave  way  in  a  very  little  time,  and  rushed  into  camp 
through  Major  Butler's  battalion,  which,  together  with  part 
of  Clarke's,  they  threw  into  considerable  disorder,  and  which, 
notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  both  these  officers,  was  never 
altogether  remedied :  the  Indians  followed  close  at  their  heels. 
The  fire,  however,  of  the  front  line  checked  them ;  but  almost 
instantaneously  a  very  heavy  attack  began  upon  that  line, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  it  was  extended  to  the  second  likewise. 
The  great  weight  of  it  was  directed  against  the  centre  of 
each,  where  the  artillery  was  placed,  and  from  which  the  men 
were  repeatedly  driven  with  great  slaughter.  Finding  no 
great  effect  from  the  fire,  and  confusion  beginning  to  spread 
from  the  great  number  of  men  who  were  fallen  in  all  quar 
ters,  it  became  necessary  to  try  what  could  be  done  by  the 
bayonet. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Drake  was  accordingly  ordered  to  make 
a  charge  with  a  part  of  the  second  line  and  to  turn  the  left 


DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR.         Ill 

flank  of  the  enemy.  This  was  executed  with  great  spirit. 
The  Indians  instantly  gave  way,  and  were  driven  back  three 
or  four  hundred  yards  ;  but,  for  want  of  a  sufficient  number 
of  riflemen  to  pursue  this  advantage,  they  soon  returned,  and 
the  troops  were  obliged  to  give  back  in  their  turn.  At  this 
moment  they  had  entered  our  camp  by  the  left  flank,  having 
pursued  back  the  troops  that  were  posted  there. 

Another  charge  was  made  here  by  the  second  regiment, 
Butler's  and  Clarke's  battalions,  with  equal  effect ;  and  it  was 
repeated  several  times,  and  always  with  .success.  But  in  all 
of  them  many  men  were  lost,  and  particularly  the  officers, 
which,  with  some  raw  troops,  was  a  loss  altogether  irremedi« 
able.  In  that  I  just  spoke  of,  made  by  the  second  regiment 
and  Butler's  battalion,  Major  Butler  was  dangerously  wounded, 
and  every  officer  of  the  second  regiment  fell  except  three, 
one  of  Which,  Captain  Greaton,  was  shot  through  the  body. 

Our  artillery  being  now  silenced,  and  all  the  officers  killed 
except  Captain  Ford,  who  was  badly  wounded,  —  more  than 
half  of  the  army  fallen,  being  cut  off  from  the  road,  —  it  be 
came  necessary  to  attempt  the  regaining  it,  and  to  make  a 
retreat,  if  possible.  To  this  purpose  the  remains  of  the  army 
were  formed,  as  well  as  circumstances  would  admit,  towards 
the  right  of  the  encampment ;  from  which,  by  the  way  of  the 
second  line,  another  charge  was  made  upon  the  enemy,  as  if 
with  the  design  to  turn  their  right  flank,  but,  in  fact,  to  gain 
the  road.  '  This  was  effected  ;  and  as  soon  as  it  was  open  the 
militia  took  along  it,  followed  by  the  troops,  Major  Clarke  with 
his  battalion  covering  the  rear. 

The  retreat  in  those  circumstances  was,  you  may  be  sure, 
a  precipitate  one  ;  it  was,  in  fact,  a  flight.  The  camp  and 
the  artillery  were  abandoned  ;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for 
not  a  horse  was  left  alive  to  have  drawn  it  off  had  it  other 
wise  been  practicable.  But  the  most  disgraceful  part  of  the 
business  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw  away 


112  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which 
continued  about  four  miles,  had  ceased. 

I  found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many  miles,  but 
was  not  able  to  remedy  it ;  for,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  upon  one  that  could  not  be  pricked  out  of 
a  walk,  I  could  not  get  forward  myself;  and  the  orders  I  sent 
forward,  either  to  halt  the  front  or  prevent  the  men  from 
parting  with  their  arms,  were  unattended  to. 

The  route  continued  quite  to  Fort  Jefferson,  twenty-nine 
miles,  which  was  reached  a  little  after  sunsetting.  The  action 
began  about  half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  and  the  retreat  was 
attempted  at  half  an  hour  after  nine  o'clock. 

I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  get  returns  of  the  killed  and 
wounded.  But  Major  General  Butler,  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Oldham,  of  the  militia,  Major  Ferguson,  Major  Hart,  and 
Major  Clarke  are  among  the  former. 

I  have  now,  sir,  finished  my  melancholy  tale  —  a  tale  that 
will  be  felt,  sensibly  felt,  by  every  one  that  has  sympathy  for 
private  distress  or  for  public  misfortune.  I  have  nothing, 
sir,  to  say  to  the  charge  of  the  troops  but  their  want  of  dis 
cipline,  which,  from  the  short  time  they  had  been  in  service, 
it  was  impossible  they  should  have  acquired,  and  which  ren 
dered  it  very  difficult,  when  they  were  thrown  into  confusion, 
to  reduce  them  again  to  order ;  and  is  one  reason  why  the 
loss  has  fallen  so  heavy  upon  the  officers,  who  did  every  thing 
in  their  power  to  effect  it.  Neither  were  my  own  exertions 
wanting ;  but  worn  down  with  illness,  and  suffering  under  a 
painful  disease,  unable  either  to  mount  or  dismount  a  horse 
without  assistance,  they  were  not  so  great  as  they  otherwise 
would,  or  perhaps  ought  to  have  been. 

We  were  overpowered  by  numbers.  But  it  is  no  more 
than  justice  to  observe,  that,  though  composed  of  so  many 
different  species  of  troops,  the  utmost  harmony  prevailed 
through  the  whole  army  during  the  campaign. 


DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR.          113 

At  Fort  Jefferson  I  found  the  firsf  regiment,  which  had 
returned  from  the  service  they  had  been  sent  upon  with 
out  either  overtaking  the  deserters  or  meeting  the  convoy 
of  provisions.  I  am  not  certain,  sir,  whether  I  ought  to  con 
sider  the  absenca  of  this  regiment  from  the  field  of  action  as 
fortunate  or  otherwise.  I  incline  to  think  it  was  fortunate  ; 
for  I  very  much  doubt  whether,  had  it  been  in  the  action,  the 
fortune  of  the  day  had  been  turned ;  and  if  it  had  not,  the 
triumph  of  the  enemy  would  have  been  more  complete,  and 
the  country  would  have  been  destitute  of  every  means  of 
defence. 

Taking  a  view  of  the  situation  of  our  broken  troops  at 
Fort  Jefferson,  and  that  there  were  no  provisions  in  the  fort,  1 
called  on  the  field  officers  for  their  advice  what  would  be 
proper  further  to  be  done ;  and  it  was  their  unanimous  opin 
ion  that  the  addition  of  the  first  regiment,  unbroken  as  it  was, 
did  not  put  the  army  on  so  respectable  a  footing  as  it  was  in 
the  morning,  because  a  great  part  of  it  was  now  unarmed ; 
that  it  had  been  found  unequal  to  the  enemy,  and  should  they 
come  on,  which  was  probable,  would  be  found  so  again ; 
that  the  troops  could  not  be  thrown  into  the  fort,  both  be 
cause  it  was  too  small  and  that  there  was  no  provision  in  it ; 
that  provisions  were  known  to  be  upon  the  road  at  the 
distance  of  one,  or  at  most  two,  marches ;  that  therefore  it 
would  be  proper  to  move  without  loss  of  time  to  meet  the 
provisions,  when  the  men  might  have  the  sooner  an  opportu 
nity  of  some  refreshment ;  and  that  a  proper  detachment  might 
be  sent  back  with  it,  to  have  it  safely  deposited  in  the  fort. 

This  advice  was  accepted,  and  the  army  was  put  in  motion 
again  at  ten  o'clock,  and  marched  all  night,  and  the'  succeed 
ing  day  met  with  a  quantity  of  flour.  Part  of  it  was  distributed 
immediately,  part  taken  back  to  supply  the  army  on  the  march 
to  Fort  Hamilton,  and  the  remainder,  about  fifty  horseloads, 
sent  forward  -to  Fort  Jefferson. 

I  have  said,  sir,  in  the  former  part  of  my  communication. 
10*" 


114  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

that  we  were  overpowered  by  numbers ;  of  that,  however,  I 
have  no  other  evidence  but  the  weight  of  the  fire,  which  was 
always  a  most  deadly  one,  and  generally  delivered  from  the 
ground ;  few  of  the  enemy  showing  themselves  on  foot,  except 
when  they  were  charged,  and  that  in  a  few  minutes  our  whole 
camp,  which  extended  above  three  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in 
length,  was  entirely  surrounded  and  attacked  on  all  quarters. 

The  loss,  sir,  the  public  has  sustained  by  the  fall  of  so  many 
officers,  particularly  General  Butler  and  Major  Ferguson, 
cannot  be  too  much  regretted ;  but  it  is  a  circumstance  that 
will  alleviate  the  misfortune,  in"  some  measure,  that  all  of 
them  'fell  most  gallantly  doing  their  duty. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR. 

Honorable  secretary  of  war. 


The  defeat  of  General  St.  Clair  took  place  within  six  miles 
of  the  Miami  village.  The  loss  on  this  occasion  was  about 
six  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  (said  to  be  nearly  equal  to 
Braddock's  defeat,)  with  seven  pieces  of  artillery  and  all  the 
stores.  General  St.  Clair  had  about  twelve  hundred  men ; 
had  reason  to  expect  an  attack ;  and  kept  his  men  under  arms 
all  night,  drawn  up  in  a  square.  The  attack  commenced  about 
dawn  of  day  on  all  the  lines,  but  principally  on  the  rear  lines, 
which  were  composed  of  the  militia.  The  Indians  gave  one 
fire  and  rushed  on,  tomahawk  in  hand.  The  mihjtia  gave  way 
to  the  centre ;  and  before  the  artillery  could  be  brought  into 
action  the  matrosses  were  all  killed,  and  it  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  It  was  retaken ;  but  was  useless,  for  want  of 
men  to  manage  the  pieces. 

The  action  was  continued  obstinately  until  nine  o'clock, 
when  the  troops  gave  way.  St.  Clair  rallied  his  men,  and 
brought  them  off  in  tolerable  order,  with  most  of  the  wounded. 


DEFEAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR.         115 

to  Fort  Jefferson,  thirty  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  action.     The 
enemy  pursued  five  miles. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  return  of  the  officers  killed 
and  wounded  in  the  engagement :  — 

Killed.  —  1  major  general,  1  lieutenant  colonel,  4  majors, 
11  captains,  10  lieutenants,  9  ensigns,  1  surgeon;  total,  37. 

Wounded.  —  2  lieutenant  colonels,  1  major,  11  captains, 
6  lieutenants,  6  ensigns,  1  surgeon ;  total,  27. 

Beside  the  above  there  were  about  five  hundred  and  fifty 
privates  killed,  and  many  more  wounded.  Few  officers  of 
distinction  escaped  except  General  St.  Clair,  who  had  many 
narrow  escapes ;  eight  balls  passed  through  his  clothes.  The 
attack  was  conducted  with  astonishing  intrepidity  on  the  part 
of  the  Indians.  In  a  few  moments  the  general's  tent  was 
surrounded :  however,  he  was  rescued  by  a  party  of  regular 
soldiers,  who  repelled  the  enemy  with  fixed  bayonets.  There 
was  a  party  of  the  Chickasaw  nation  on  their  way  to  joit 
General  St.  Clair,  but  did  not  arrive  in  season.  There  was 
but  one  fellow  only  of  that  nation  in  the  action,  who  killed 
and  scalped  eleven  of  the  enemy  with  his  own  hands,  and 
engaging  with  the  twelfth  he  fell,  greatly  lamented  by  the 
Americans. 

Major  General  Butler  was  wounded  and  carried  to  a  con 
venient  place  to  have  his  wounds  dressed ;  but  an  Indian,  hav 
ing  discovered  the  place  to  which  he  was  conveyed,  broke 
through  the  troops  who  attended  him,  and  tomahawked  and 
scalped  the  former  before  he  was  killed  by  the  troops. 

Agreeably  to  the  statement  of  the  Indians,  they  killed  six 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  American  troops,  and  took  seven 
pieces  of  cannon,  two  hundred  oxen,  and  a  great  number  of 
horses,  but  no  prisoners ;  and  that  their  loss  was  only  fifty- 
six  warriors  killed.  They  stated  that  they  were  four  thousand 
strong,  and  were  commanded  by  one  of  the  Missasago  In* 


116  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

dians,  who  had  been  in  the  British  service  in  the  late  war ; 
that  he  planned  and  conducted  the  attack,  which  was  even 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  a  majority  of  the  chiefs  ;  and  that, 
after  the  Americans  began  their  retreat,  he  told  the  Indians 
they  had  killed  enough,  and  that  it  was  proper  to  give  over 
the  pursuit,  and  return  and  enjoy  the  booty  they  had  taken. 
He  was  six  feet  in  height,  about  forty-five  years  of  age,  of  a 
very  sour,  and  morose  countenance,  and  apparently  very 
crafty  and  subtle.  His  dress  was  Indian  hose  and  moccasons, 
a  blue  petticoat  that  came  half  way  down  his  thighs,  a  Euro 
pean  waistcoat  and  surtout :  his  head  was  bound  with  an  Indian 
cap,  that  hung  half  way  down  his  back,  and  was  almost  entirely 
filled  with  plated  silver  broaches  to  the  number  of  more  than 
two  hundred.  He  had  two  earrings  to  each  ear  j  the  upper 
part  of  each  was  formed  of  three  silver  medals  about  the 
size  of  a  dollar ;  the  lower  part  was  formed  of  quarter  dol 
lars,  and  fell  more  than  twelve  inches  from  his  ear ;  one 
from  each  ear  over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  back.  He 
had  three  very  large  nose  jewels  of  silver  that  were  curiously 
painted. 

The  party  of  friendly  Chickasaws,  who  were  on  their  way 
to  join  the  American  troops,  arrived  at  Fort  Jefferson  two 
days  after  the  bloody  action.  They  were  commanded  by 
Piomingo,  or  the  Mountain  Leader.  On  their  way  they  dis 
covered  that  the  troops  had  been  defeated,  but  saw  but  one 
of  the  enemy,  who,  mistaking  Piomingo's  party  for  some  of 
his  own  comrades,  made  up  to  them.  He  perceived  his  mis 
take,  but  too  late  to  retreat.  He  was  accosted  by  Piomingo 
with  "  Rascal,  you  have  been  killing  white  men."  He  en 
deavored  to  exculpate  himself;  but  Piomingo  ordered  two  of 
his  warriors  to  expand  his  arms,  and  a  third,  an  old  man, 
("for,"  says  Piomingo,  "none  of  my  young  men  shall  dis 
grace  themselves  so  much  as  to  kill  a  wretch  like  thee,")  to 
shoot  him  through  the  heart,  which  was  accordingly  executed  : 
they  afterwards  took  off  his  scalp. 


•  DEFEAT    OP    GENERAL    ST.  GLAIR.  117 

During  Si.  Glair's  bloody  engagement  Adjutant  Burgess 
received  two  wounds,  the  second  of  which  proved  mortal. 
After  the  receipt  of  the*first  he  continued  to  fight  with  distin-  ' 
guished  gallantry  ;  the  second  unfortunately  stopped  his  prog 
ress.  Faint  with  the  loss  of  blood,  he  fell :  a  woman,  who 
attended  him  and  was  particularly  attached  to  him,  raised  him 
up,  and,  while  supporting  him  in  her  arms,  received  a  ball  in 
her  breast,  which  put  an  immediate  end  to  her  existence. 


DEPREDATIONS   OF   THE   INDIANS   ON  THE 
FRONTIERS  IN  1791,  1792,  AND  1793. 

ON  the  10th  of  December,  1791,  as  two  men  and  three 
boys  were  fishing  on  Floyd's  fork  of  Salt  River,  they  were 
suddenly  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  killed  the  two 
men  and  made  prisoners  of  the  boys.  Soon  after  they  lib 
erated  one  of  the  lads,  first  presenting  him  with  a  tomahawk, 
which  they  desired  him  to  carry  to  his  friends  and  inform 
them  what  had  become  of  his  companions. 

About  the  20th  a  party  of  Indians  attacked  the  house  of  a 
Mr.  Chenoweth,  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash :  they 
killed  and  scalped  two  of  his  children,  and  tomahawked  and 
scalped  his  wife,  whom  they  left  for  dead.  Mr.  C.,  who  had 
his  arm  broken  by  the  fire  of  the  savages,  with  the  remainder 
of  the  family  made  his  escape.  A  sick  daughter,  who  was 
confined  to  her  chamber,  and  who,  during  the  bloody  affray, 
had  been  forgotten  by  her  father,  remained  ignorant  of  the 
horrid  massacre  until  the  succeeding  day ;  when,  no  one  of 
the  family  coming  to  her  assistance,  she  succeeded  in  crawling 
down  stairs,  where  she  was  inexpressibly  shocked  at  the  sight 
of  a  beloved  parent  stretched  upon  the  floor,  almost  lifeless, 
and  beside  of  whom  lay  the  mangled  bodies  of  her  dear 
brothers.  Fortunately  her  unhappy  father  returned  the 
succeeding  day  to  the  house,  and  conveyed  the  two  surviving 
members  of  his  family  to  the  house  of  a  friend,  where  they 
finally  recovered. 

On  the  24th  a  party  of  Indians  attacked  the  dwelling  house 
of  a  Mr.  John  Merril,  in  Nelson  county,  Kentucky.  Mr. 


DEPREDATIONS   OF  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  FRONTIERS.     119 

Merril,  who  was  first  alarmed  by  the  barking  of  his  dog, 
hastened  to  the  door  to  discover  the  cause,  on  opening  ol 
which  he  received  the  fire  of  the  Indians,  which  broke  his 
right  leg  and  arm.  The  Indians  now  attempted  to  enter  the 
house,  but  were  prevented  by  the  doors  being  immediately 
closed  and  secured  by  Mrs.  Merril  and  her  daughter.  The 
Indians  succeeded  in  hewing  away  a  part  of  the  door,  through 
which  passage  one  of  them  attempted  to  enter  ;  but  the  heroic 
mother,  in  the  midst  of  her  screaming  children  and  groaning 
husband,  seized  an  axe  and  gave  the  ruffian  a  fatal  blow; 
after  which  she  hauled  him  through  the  passage  into  the 
house.  The  others,  unconscious  of  the  fate  of  their  compan 
ion,  supposing  that  they  had  now  nearly  succeeded  in  their 
object,  rushed  forward,  four  of  whom  Mrs.  Merril  in  like 
manner  despatched  before  the  others  discovered  their  mistake. 
The  remaining  Indians,  after  retiring  for  a  few  moments,  re 
turned  and  renewed  their  efforts  to  enter  the  house.  Despair 
ing  of  succeeding  at  the  door,  they  got  on  the  top  of  the  house 
and  attempted  to  descend  the  chimney ;  to  prevent  which  Mr. 
Merril  directed  his  little  son  to  empty  upon  the  fire  The  con 
tents  of  a  feather  bed,  which  had  the  desired  effect,  as  the 
smoke  and  heat  caused  thereby  soon  brought  down  rather 
unexpectedly  two  of  the  enemy.  Mr.  Merril,  exerting  every 
faculty  at  this  critical  moment,  seized  a  billet  of  wood,  with 
which  he  soon  despatched  the  two  half-smothered  Indians ; 
while  in  the  mean  time  his  heroic  wife  was  busily  engaged  in 
defending  the  door  against  the  efforts  of  the  only  remaining 
one,  whom  she  so  severely  wounded  with  an  axe  that  he  was 
soon  glad  to  retire. 

A  prisoner,  who  escaped  from  the  enemy  soon  after  the 
transaction,  informed  that  the  wounded,  savage  above  men 
tioned  was  the  only  one  that  escaped  of  the  party,  which  con 
sisted  of  eight ;  that  on  his  return,  being  asked  by  the  prison 
er,  "  What  news  ?  "  he  answered,  "  Bad  news  for  poor  Indian ; 
me  lose  a  son,  me  lose  a  brother :  the  squaws  have  taken  the 
breach  clout,  and  fight  worse  than  the  Long  Knives." 


120  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  Marietta  to  his  Frien* 
in  Washington. 

MARIETTA,  March  4,  1793. 

About  eight  weeks  since  two  brothers,  by  the  name  of 
Johnson,  one  twelve  the  other  nine  years  old,  were  playing 
on  the  western  bank  of  Short  Creek,  about  twelve  miles  from 
"Wheeling,  skipping  stones  in  the  water.  At  a  distance  they 
discovered  two  men,  who  appeared  to  be  settlers,  being  dressed 
with  coats  and  hats.  These  men,  to  amuse  and  deceive  the 
children,  as  they  even  showed,  engaged  in  the  same  sport, 
advancing  towards  the  boys,  till  by  degrees  they  got  so  near 
that  the  children  discovered  them  to  be  Indians ;  but  it  was 
then  too  late  to  make  their  escape.  The  Indians  seized  and 
carried  them  six  miles  into  the  woods,  where  they  made  a  fire 
and  took  up  their  lodgings  for  the  night :  their  rifles  and  tom 
ahawks  they  rested  against  a  tree,  and  then  laid  down,  each 
Indian  with  a  boy  on  his  arm.  The  children,  as  may  be  sup 
posed,  kept  awake..  The  oldest  began  to  move,  and,  finding 
his  Indian  sound  asleep,  by  degrees  disengaged  himself  and 
went  to  the  fire,  which  had  then  got  low,  and  stirred  it  up. 
The  Indian  not  waking,  he  whispered  to  his  brother,  who 
likewise  crept  away,  and  both  of  them  went  to  the  fire.  The 
oldest  boy  then  observed  to  his  brother,  "  I  think  we  can  kill 
these  Indians  and  get  away  from  them."  The  youngest  agreed 
in  the  proposal  of  attempting  it.  The  oldest  then  took  one 
of  the  rifles,  and  placed  the  muzzle,  which  he  rested  on  a 
small  stick  that  he  found  for  the  purpose,  close  to  the  head 
of  one  of  the  Indians,  and,  committing  the  execution  of  this 
part  of  the  business  to  his  brother,  ordered  him  to  pull  the 
trigger  at  the  moment  he  saw  him  strike  the  other  Indian 
with  one  of  the  tomahawks.  The  oldest  gave  the  signal ;  the 
youngest  pulled  trigger.  The  rifle  shot  away  the  lower  part 
of  the  Indian's  face  and  left  him  senseless.  He  then  told  his 


DEPREDATIONS  OP  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  FRONTIERS.     121 

brother  to  lay  on,  for  he  had  done  for  his ;  after  which  he 
snatehed  up  the  gun  and  ran.  The  boy  with  the  tomahawk 
gave  the  stroke  with  the  wrong  end :  the  Indian  started  on 
his  seat :  the  boy  found  the  mistake,  and,  turning  the  toma 
hawk  in  his  hand,  gave  him  another  blow,  which  brought  him 
to  the  ground :  he  repeated  his  strokes  until  he  had  despatched 
him,  and  then  made  the  best  of  his  way  after  his  brother. 
When  the  boys  had  found  the  path  which  they  recollected  to 
have  travelled  before,  the  oldest  fixed  his  hat  on  a  bush,  as  a 
directory  to  find  the  scene  of  action  the  next  day.  The  tom 
ahawked  Indian  was  found  near  the  place  where  the  boys 
had  left  him.  The  other  was  not  there,  but  was  tracked  by 
his  blood,  and  although  so  weakened  by  his  wounds  that  he 
could  not  raise  his  rifle  to  fire  at  his  pursuers,  the  whites,  they 
suffered  him  to  escape :  but  it  is  supposed  he  must  have  died 
rof  his  wounds.  These  two  Indians  were  sent  out  to  reconnoi 
tre  the  best  place  for  an  attack,  which  was  to  have  been  made 
by  a  body  of  warriors  waiting  in  the  neighborhood. 
11 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  INDIAN*  BY  GENERAL  WAYNE, 
AUGUST  20,  1794. 

GENERAL  WAYNE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

SIR,  —  It  is  with  infinite  pleasure  that  I  announce  to  you 
the  brilliant  success  of  the  federal  army  under  my  command, 
in  a  general  action  with  the  combined  force  of  the  hostile  In 
dians,  and  a  considerable  number  of  the  volunteers  and  militia 
of  Detroit,  on  the  20th  of  August,  on  the  banks  of  the  Miamis, , 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  British  post  and  garrison  at  the  foot  of 
the  Rapids. 

The  army  advanced  from  Fort  Washington  on  the  15th, 
and  arrived  at  Roach  de  Bout  on  the  18th;  and  the  19th  we 
were  employed  in  making  a  temporary  post  for  the  reception 
of  our  stores  and  baggage,  and  in  reconnoitring  the  position 
of  the  enemy,  who  were  encamped  behind  a  thick  bushy  wood 
and  the  British  fort. 

At  eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  the  army  again 
advanced  in  columns  agreeably  to  the  standing  order  of  the 
march,  the  legion  on  the  right,  its  right  flank  covered  by  the 
Miamis  ;  one  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers  on  the  left, 
under  Brigadier  General  Todd,  and  the  other  in  the  rear, 
under  Brigadier  General  Barbee.  A  select  battalion  of 
mounted  volunteers  moved  in  front  of  the  legation,  com 
manded  by  Major  Price,  who  was  directed  to  keep  sufficiently 
advanced,  and  to  give  timely  notice  for  the  troops  to  form  in 
case  of  action,  it  being  yet  undetermined  whether  the  Indians 
would  decide  for  peace  or  war. 

(J3S) 


DEFEAT    OP    THE    INDIANS    BY    GENERAL    WAYNE.        123 

After  advancing  about  five  miles,  Major  Price's  corps  re 
ceived  so  severe  a  fire  from  the  enemy,  who  were  secreted  in 
the  woods  and  high  grass,  as  to  compel  them  to  retreat. 

The  legion  was  immediately  formed  in  two  lines,  princi 
pally  in  a  close,  thick  wood,  which  extended  for  miles  on  our 
left  and  for  a  very  considerable  distance  in  front,  the  ground 
being  covered  with  old  fallen  timber,  probably  occasioned  by 
a  tornado,  which  rendered  it  impracticable  for  the  cavalry  to 
act  with  effect,  and  afforded  the  enemy  the  most  favorable 
covert  for  their  mode  of  warfare.  The  savages  were  formed 
in  three  lines,  within  supporting  distance  of  each  other,  and 
extending  for  near  two  miles  at  right  angles  with  the  river. 
I  soon  discovered,  from  the  weight  of  the  fire  and  extent  of 
their  lines,  that  the  enemy  were  in  full  force  in  front,  in  pos 
session  of  their  favorite  ground,  and  endeavoring  to  turn  our 
left  flank.  I  therefore  gave  orders  for  the  second  line  to  ad 
vance  to  support  the  first,  and  directed  Major  General  Scott 
to  gain  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  savages,  with  the  whole 
of  the  mounted  volunteers,  by  a  circuitous  route.  At  the 
same  time  I  ordered  the  front  line  to  advance  and  charge  with 
trailed  arms,  and  rouse  the  Indians  from  their  coverts  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  and,  when  up,  to  deliver  a  close  and 
well-directed  fire  on  their  backs,  followed  by  a  brisk  charge, 
so  as  not  to  give  them  time  to  load  again  or  to  form  their  lines. 

I  also  ordered  Captain  M.  Campbell,  who  commanded  the 
legionary  cavalry,  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the -enemy  next  the 
river,  and  which  afforded  a  favorable  field  for  that  corps  to  act 
in.  All  those  orders  were  obeyed  with  spirit  arid  promptitude  ; 
but  such  was  the  impetuosity  of  the  charge  by  the  first  line 
of  infantry  that  the  Indians  and  Canadian  militia  and  volun 
teers  were«driven  from  all  their  coverts,  in  so  short  a  time, 
that,  although  every  possible  exertion  was  used  by  the  officers 
of  the  second  line  of  the  legion,  and  by  Generals  Scott,  Wood, 
and  Barbee,  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  to  gain  their  proper 
positions,  but  part  of  each  could  get  up  in  season  to  participate 


124  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

in  the  action ;  the  enemy  being  driven  in  the  course  of  one 
hour  more  than  two  miles  through  the  thick  woods  already 
mentioned  by  less  than  one.  half  their  number. 

From  every  account  the  enemy  amounted  to  two  thousand 
combatants ;  the  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  were 
short  of  nine  hundred.  This  horde .  of  savages,  with  their 
allies,  abandoned  themselves  to  flight  and  dispersed  with  ter 
ror  and  dismay,  leaving  our  victorious  army  in  lull  and  quiet 
possession  of  the  field  of  battle,  which  terminated  under  tl^e- 
influence  of  the  guns  of  the  British  garrison. 

The  bravery  and  conduct  of  every  officer  belonging  to  the 
army,  from  the  generals  down  to  the  ensigns,  merit  my  ap 
probation. 

Lieutenant  Covington,'  upon  whom  the  command  of  the 
cavalry  devolved,  Captain  Campbell  being  killed,  cut  down 
two  savages  with  his  own  hand,  and  Lieutenant  Webb  one,  in 
turning  the  enemy's  left  flank. 

The  wounds  received  by  Captains  Slough,  Prior,  Van  Ran- 
selaer,  and  Rawlins,  and  Lieutenants  M'Kenny  and  Smith, 
bear  honorable  testimony  of  their  bravery  and  conduct.  In 
fact,  every  officer  and  soldier  who  had  an  opportunity  to  come 
into  action  displayed  that  true  bravery  which  will  always 
insure  success.  And  here  permit  me  to  declare  that  I  have 
never  discovered  more  true  spirit  and  anxiety  for  action  than 
appeared  to  pervade  the  whole  of  the  mounted  volunteers ; 
and  I  am  well  persuaded,  that,  had  the  enemy  maintained 
their  favorite  ground  for  one  half  hour  longer,  they  would 
have  most  severely  felt  the  prowess  of  that  corps. 

But  whilst  I  pay  this  just  tribute  to  the  living,  I  must  not 
neglect  the  gallant  dead,  among  whom  we  have  to  lament  the 
early  death  of  those  worthy  and  brave  officers,  Cap'tain  Camp 
bell  and  Lieutenant  Towles,  who  fell  in  the  first  charge. 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  more  than  double  to  that  of  the 
federal  army.  The  woods  were  strewed  for  a  considerable 
distance  with  dead  bodies  of  Indians  and  their  white  auxiliaries. 


DEFEAT    OF    THE    INDIANS    BY    GENERAL    WAYNE.        125 

the  latter  armed  with  British  muskets  and  bayonets.  We 
remained  three  days  and  nights  on  the  banks  of  the  Miamis, 
in  front  of  the  field  of  battle,  during  which  time  all  the  houses 
and  cornfields  were  consumed  and  destroyed  for  a  consider 
able  distance  above  and  below  the  garrison,  among  which 
were  the  houses,  stores,  and  property  of  Colonel  M'Kee,  the 
British  Indian  agent  and  principal  stimulator  of  the  war  now 
existing  between  the  United  States  and  the  savages. 

The  army  returned  to  head  quarters  on  the  27th  by  easy 
marches,  laying  waste  the  villages  and  cornfields  for  about 
fifty  miles  on  each  side  of  the  Miamis.  It  is  not  improbable 
but  that  the  enemy  may  make  one  desperate  effort  against  the 
army,  as  it  is  said  a  reenforcement  was  hourly  expected  at 
Fort  Miamis  from  Niagara,  as  well  as  numerous  tribes  of  In 
dians  living  on  the  margins  and  islands  of  the  lakes.  This 
is  an  event  rather  to  be  wished  for  than  dreaded  whilst  the 
army  remains  in  force  ;  their  numbers  will  only  tend  to  con 
fuse  the  savages,  and  the  victory  will  be  the  more  complete 
and  decisive,  and  may  eventually  insure  a  permanent  and 
happy  peace. 

The  following  is  a  return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  and 
missing  of  the  federal  army  in  the  late  action,  to  wit :  — 

Killed.  —  1  captain,  1  lieutenant,  3  sergeants,  28  privates ; 
total,  33. 

Wounded.  —  4  captains,  2  lieutenants,  1  ensign,  4  sergeants, 
3  corporals,  2  musicians,  84  privates ;  total,  100. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble 
servant, 

ANTHONY  WAYNE. 
To  the  secretary  of  war. 

The  following  circumstances,  which  took  place  previous  to 
and  during  General  Wayne's  engagement,  are  worthy  of 
record. 

11* 


126  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

At  the  instant  Captain  Campbell  was  ^attempting  to  turn 
the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  three  of  them  plunged  into  the 
river.  Two  friendly  negroes,  being  on  the  opposite  side  and 
observing  the  Indians  making  for  the  shore,  placed  them 
selves  on  the  bank  behind  a  log,  and,  as  soon  as  the  Indians 
approached  within  shot,  one  of  the  negroes  fired  and  killed 
one  of  the  Indians.  The  other  two  got  hold  of  him  to  drag 
him  out,  when  the  other  negro  fired  and  killed  another.  The 
remaining  Indian  got  hold  of  both  those  dead  to  pull  them 
ashore ;  when  the  negro  who  killed  the  first,  having  again  re 
loaded,  fired  and  killed  the  third,  and  they  all  floated  down 
the  river. 

Another  circumstance  is  also  related ;  viz.,  a  soldier,  soon 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  action,  proceeding  some  distance 
from  the  camp,  met  an  Indian.  They  attacked  each  other,  the. 
soldier  with  his  bayonet  and  the  Indian  with  his  tomahawk. 
Some  of  the  soldiers  passing  by  that  way  two  days  after 
found  them  both  dead  —  the  soldier  with  his  bayonet  in  the 
body  of-  the  Indian,  and  the  Indian  with  his  tomahawk  in  the 
soldier's  head. 

The  following  circumstance  took  place  previous  to  the 
action  :  A  Mr.  Wells,  who,  when  very  young,  was  taken  pris 
oner  by  the  Indians,  and  had  resided  several  years  among 
them,  had  made  his  escape,  and  was  employed  by  General 
Wayne  as  a  spy.  The  day  before  the  action  he  was  taken 
by  the  Indians,  who  determined  to  put  him  to  death.  Find 
ing  it  impossible  to  escape,  he  informed  them  that  General 
Wayne  had  not  five  hundred  men  under  his  command,  and 
did  not  expect  an  attack.  On  hearing  this,  the  Indians  at 
tacked  General  Wayne  with  a  confidence  inspired  by  their 
supposed  superiority  of  numbers,  and  were  repulsed  as  be 
fore  mentioned.  After  the  action,  Major  Campbell,  in  whose 
custody  the  Indians  had  left  Wells,  inquired  his  motives  for 
deceiving  them.  He  answered,  "  For  the  good  of  my  country." 
For  this  heroic  action  he  was  unfeelingly  delivered  to  the 


DEFEAT    OF    THE    INDIANS    BY    GENERAL    WAYNE.        127 

Indians,  in  whose  hands  it  is  supposed  he  experienced  every 
torture  that  savage  barbarity  could  invent  or  inflict.  The 
circumstances  respecting  Mr.  Wells  were  related  by  a  British 
drummer  who  deserted  from  the  fort  to  General  Wayne. 

A  council  of  Indians  was  held  a  few  days  after  their  defeat 
by  General  Wayne,  in  which  British  agents  endeavored  to 
persuade  them  to  risk  another  action ;  but  this  they  refused 
to  do,  expressing  a  willingness  to  bury  the  bloody  hatchet  and 
return  to  their  homes.  Their  loss  they  declared  to  be  two 
hundred,  and  that  their  whole  force  at  the  commencement  of 
the  action  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  Indians  and  eighty 
Canadians.  The  body  of  the  collector  of  Niagara  was  found 
among  the  slain. 


A  NARRATIVE   OF  THE   CAPTIVITY  OF 
MRS.  JOHNSON. 

Notices  of  the  Wittard  Family. 

To  trace  the  progress  of  families  from  their  origin-  to  the 
present  day,  when,  perhaps,  they  are  spread  over  the  four 
quarters  of  the  globe,  and  no  memorandums  are  found  except 
in  the  uncertain  pages  of  memory,  is  a  task  which  can  be 
but  feebly  performed.  In  noticing  the  name  of  Willard, 
which  was  my  family  name,  I  cannot  pretend  to  accuracy ; 
but  the  information  which  I  have  collected  will,  perhaps,  be 
of  some  service  to  others  who  possess  a  greater  stock ;  and 
if  the  various  branches  of  families  would  contribute  their 
mites,  it  would  be  an  easy  way  of  remedying  the  deficiency 
which  at  present  exists  in  American  genealogy. 

The  first  person  by  the  name  of  "Willard  who  settled  in  this 
country  was  Major  Willard,  whose  name  is  recorded  in  the 
history  of  New  England  wars.  In  the  year  1675,  in  the 
time  of  "  Philip's  war,"  (a  notorious  Indian,  who  lived  within 
the  present  limits  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island,)  Major  Wil 
lard,  who  then  lived  in  the  town  of  Lancaster,  in  Massachu 
setts,  commanded  a  troop  of  horse ;  and  among  his  vigorous 
services  he  relieved  the  town  of  Brookfield  from  the  Nipnet 
Indians,  who  had  burned  every  house  but  one,  and  had  al 
most  reduced  that  to  capitulation.  When  Lancaster  was 
destroyed  by  the  Indians  Major  Willard  removed  to  Salem, 
where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  days.  He  had  two  sons  ;  one 
of  whom  was  a  settled  minister  in  the  town  of  Groton,  from 

(128) 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON.  129 

which  place  he  was  driven  by  the  Indians,  and  was  afterwards 
installed  in  Boston.  His  other  son,  Simon,  established  him 
self  on  Still  River,  since  taken  from  Lancaster  and  incorpo 
rated  into  the  town  of  Harvard.  He  had  nine  sons ;  Simon, 
Henry,  Hezekiah,  John,  Joseph,  Josiah,  Samuel,  Jonathan, 
and  James.  Josiah  removed  to  Winchester,  in  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  afterwards  commanded  Fort  Dummer ;  the  rest 
inherited  the  substance  of  their  father,  and  lived  to  very  ad 
vanced  ages  in  the  vicinity  of  their  birth.  -They  all  left 
numerous  families,  who  spread  over  the  United  States.  His 
eldest  son,  Simon,  was  my  grandfather.  He  had  two  sons, 
Aaron  and  Moses :  Aaron  lived  in  Lancaster,  and  Moses,  my 
father,  removed  to  Lunenburg.  I  ought  to  remark,  that  my 
grandmother  Willard,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  married 
a  person  by  the  name  of  Farnsworth,  by  whom  she  had  three 
sons,  who  were  the  first  settlers  of  Charlestown,  No.  4.  One 
of  them  was  killed  by  the  Indians. 

My  father  had  twelve  children.  He  removed  to  Charles- 
town,  No.  4,  in  1742,  and  soon  had  the  pleasure  to  find  his 
children  settled  around  him.  He  was  killed  by  the  Indians 
in  1756.  My  mother  died  in  March,  1797,*  and  had  lived 
to  see  twelve  children,  ninety-two  grandchildren,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-three  great-grandchildren,  and  four  great-great 
grandchildren.  The  whole  that  survive  are  now  settled  on 
Connecticut  River. 

Notices  of  Mr.  James  Johnson. 

In  the  year  1730  my  great-uncle,  Colonel  Josiah  Willard, 
while  at  Boston,  was  invited  to  take  a  walk  on  the  Long 
Wharf  to  view  some  transports  who  had  just  landed  from 
Ireland.  A  number  of  gentlemen  present  were  viewing  the 

*  At  the  age  of  eighty-four  she  busied  herself  in  making  a  cover 
lid,  which  contains  something  of  the  remarkable  ;  she  did  not  quite 
complete  it.  It  now  contains  upwards  of  five  thousand  pieces 


130  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

exercise  of  some  lads,  who  were  placed  on  shore  to  exhibit 
their  activity  to  those  who  wished  to  purchase.  My  uncle 
spied  a  boy  of  some  vivacity,  of.  about  ten  years  of  age,  and 
who  was  the  only  one  in  the  crew  who  spoke  English.  He 
bargained  for  him.  I  have  never  been  able  to  learn  the 
.price ;  but  as  he  was  afterwards  my  husband,  I  am  willing  to 
suppose  it  a  considerable  sum.  He  questioned  the  boy  re 
specting  his  parentage  and  descent.  All  the  information  he 
could  get  was,  that  young  James,  a  considerable  time  previous, 
went  to  sea  with  his  uncle,  who  commanded  a  ship  and  had 
the  appearance  of  a  man  of  property;  that  this  uncle  was 
taken  sick  at  sea  and  died  :  immediately  after  his  death  they 
came  in  sight  of  this  ship  of  Irish  transports,  and  he  wa's  put 
on  board.  His  being  the  only  one  of  the  crew  who  spoke 
English  and  other  circumstances  have  led  his  friends  to  con 
clude  that  this  removal  on  board  the  Irish  ship  was  done  to 
facilitate  the  sequestration  of  his  uncle's  property.  He  lived 
with  Colonel  Willard  until  he  was  twenty  years  old,  and 
then  bought  the  other  year  of  his  time.  In  1748  Governor 
Shirley  gave  him  a  lieutenant's  commission  under  Edward 
Hartwell,  Esq. 

Situation  of  the  Country  in  1744. 

It  is  an  old  maxim,  that,  after  a  man  is  in  possession  of  a 
small,  independent  property,  it  is  easy  for  him  to  acquire  a 
great  fortune.  Just  so  with  countries  :  possess  them  of  a 
few  inhabitants,  and  let  those  be  unmolested  by  Indians  and 
enemies,  the  land  will  soon  swarm  with  inhabitants.  But 
when  a  feeble  band  only  are  gathered  together  and  obliged  to 
contend  with  pestilence,  famine,  and  the  sword,  their  melan 
choly  numbers  will  decrease  and  waste  away.  The  situation 
of  our  ancestors  has  often  been  described  in  language  that 
did  honor  to  the  hearts  that  conceived  it.  The  boisterous 
ocean,  with  unknown  shores,  hemmed  them  in  on  one  side .;  and 
a  forest,  swarming  with  savages  yelling  for  their  blood,  threat- 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  131 

cned  on  the  other.  But  the  same  undaunted  spirit  which  has 
defended  them  in  so  many  perils  fauoyed  them  above  despair 
in  their  early  struggles  for  safety  and  liberty.  I  shall  be 
pardoned  for  the  digression  when  I  observe  that  I  have  in  all 
my  travels  felt  a  degree  of  pride  in  recollecting  that  I  be 
longed  to  a  country  whose  valor  was  distinguished  and  whose 
spirit  had  never  been  debased  by  servile  submission. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  in  1744, 1  made  a  visit  from  Leorn- 
inste»*  to  Charlestown  to  visit  my  parents.  Through  a  long 
wilderness  from  Lunenburg  to  Lower  Ashuelot,  no\v  Swan- 
zey,  we  travelled  two  days :  a  solitary  house  was  all  the 
mark  of  cultivation  that  occurred  on  the  journey.  Guided 
by  marked  trees,  we  travelled  cautiously  through  the  gloomy 
forest  where  now  the  well-tilled  farms  occupy  each  rod  of 
ground.  From  Ashuelot  to  Charlestown  the  passage  was 
opposed,  now  by  the  Hill  of  Difficulty,  an'd  now  by  the 
Slough  Despond.  A  few  solitary  inhabitants,  who  appeared 
the  representatives  of  wretchedness,  were  scattered  on  the  way. 

When  I  approached  the  town  of  Charlestown,  the  first  ob 
ject  that  met  my  eyes  was  a  party  of  Indians  holding  a  war 
dance  :  a  cask  of  rum,  which  the  inhabitants  had  suffered 
them  to  partake  of,  had  raised  their  spirits  to  all  the  horrid 
yells  and  feats  of  distortion  which  characterize  the  nation. 
I  was  chilled  at  the  sight,  and  passed  tremblingly  by.  J4ft  this 
time  Charlestown  contained  nine  or  ten  families,  who  lived 
in  huts  not  far  distant  from  each  other.  The  Indians  were 
numerous,  and  associated  in  a  friendly  manner  with  the  whites. 
It  was  the  most  northerly  settlement  on  Connecticut  River, 
and  the  adjacent  country  was  terribly  wild.  A  saw  mill  was 
erected,  and  the  first  boards  were  sawed  while  I  was  there. 
The  inhabitants  commemorated  the  event  with  a  dance,  which 
took  place  on  the  new  boards.  In  those  days  there  was  such 
ti  mixture  on  the  frontiers  of  savages  and  settlers,  without 
established  laws  to  govern  them,  that  the  state  of  society  can 
not  be  easily  described  ;  and  the  impending  dangers  of  war 


32  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

where  it  was  known  that  the  savages  would  join  the  enemies 
of  our  country,  retarded  the  progress  of  refinement  and  culti 
vation.  The  inhabitants  of  Charlestown  began  to  erect  a  fort, 
and  took  some  steps  towards  clearing  their  farms  ;  but  war 
soon  checked  their  industry. 

Charlestown. 

In  the  year  1740  the  first  settlement  was  made  in  the  town 
of  Charlestown,  then  known  by  the  name  of  No.  4,  by  three 
families,  who  emigrated  from  Lunenburg,  by  the  name  of 
Farnsworth :  that  part  of  New  Hampshire  west  of  Merrimack 
River  was  then  a  trackless  wilderness.  Within  a  few  years 
past  instances  have  been  known  of  new  townships,  totally  un 
inhabited,  becoming  flourishing  and  thick-settled  villages  in 
the  course  of  sjx  or  seven  years.  But  in  those  days,  when 
government  was  weak,  when  savages  were  on  our  borders  and 
Frenchmen  in  Canada,  population  extended  with  timorous 
and  tardy  paces :  in  the  course  of  twelve  years  the  families 
increased  only  to  twenty-two  or  three.  The  human  race  will 
not  flourish  unless  fostered  by  the  warm  sunshine  of  peace. 

During  the  first  twenty  years  of  its  existence  as  a  settled 
place,  until  the  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  it 
suffered  all  the  consternation  and  ravages  of  war ;  not  that 
warfare  which  civilized  nations  wage  with  each  other,  but  the 
cruel  carnage  of  savages'  and  Frenchmen.  Sometimes  en 
gaged  in  the  duties  of  the  camp,  at  others  sequestering  them 
selves  from  surrounding  enemies,  they  became  familiar  with 
danger,  but  not  with  industrious  husbandry. 

In  the  year  1744  the  inhabitants  began  to  erect  a  fort  for 
their  safety.  When  the  Cape  Breton  war  commenced  the 
Indians  assumed  the  hatchet  and  began  their  depredations  on 
Charlestown  on  the  19th  of  April,  1746,  by  burning  the  mills 
and  taking  Captain  John  Spafford,  Isaac  Parker,  and  Ste 
phen  Farnsworth  prisoners.  On  the  2d  of  May  following 
Seth  Putnam  was  killed.  Two  days  after  Captain  Payne 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON  133 

arrived  with  a  troop  of  horse,  from  Massachusetts,  to  defend 
the  place.  About  twenty  of  his  men  had  the  curiosity  to 
view  the  place  where  Putnam  was  killed,  and  were  ambushed 
by  the  Indians.  Captain  Stevens,  who  commanded  a  few 
men,  rushed  out  of  the  fort  to  their  relief:  a  sharp  combat 
ensued,  in  which  the  Indians  were  routed.  They  left  some 
guns  and  blankets  on  the  field  of  action ;  Tmt  they  carried  their 
dead  off  with  them,  which  is  a  policy  they  never  omit.  En 
sign  Obadiah  Sartwell  was  captured ;  and  Samuel  Farnsworth, 
Elijah  Allen,  Peter  Perin,  Aaron  Lyon,  and  Joseph  Massey 
fell  victims  to  Indian  vengeance. 

On  the  19th  of  June  a  severe  engagement  took  place. 
Captain  Brown,  from  Stow,  in  Massachusetts,  had  previously 
arrived  with  some  troops  :  a  party  of  his  joined  a  number  of 
Captain  Stevens's  soldiers  to  go  into  the  meadow  after  their 
horses.  The  dogs  discovered  an  ambush,  which  put  them 
into  a  posture  for  action  and  gave  them  the  advantage  of  the 
first  fire.  This  disconcerted  the  savages,  who,  being  on  higher 
ground,  overshot  and  did  but  little  damage  to  the  English. 
The  enemy  were  routed,  and  even  seen  to  drag  several  dead 
bodies  after  them.  They  left  behind  them  guns,  spears,  and 
blankets,  which  sold  for  forty  pounds,  old  tenor.  During  the 
time  Captain  Josiah  Brown  assisted  in  defending  tbe  fort 
Jedediah  Winchel  was  killed;  Samuel  Stanhope,  Cornet  Ba 
ker  and  David  Parker  were  wounded.  During  this  summer 
the  fort  was  entirely  blockaded,  and  all  were  obliged  to  take 
refuge  withiii  the  pickets.  On  the  3d  of  August  one  Philips 
was  killed  within  a  few  feet  of  the  fort  as  he  accidentally 
stepped  out :  at  night  a  soldier  crept  to  him  with  a  rope,  and 
he  was  drawn  into  the  fort  and  interred.  In  the  summer  of 
the  year  1746  Captain  Ephraim  Brown,  from  Sudbury,  ar 
rived  with  a  troop  of  horse  to  relieve  Captain  Josiah  Brown. 
The  Sudbury  troop  tarried  about  a  month,  and  were  relieved 
by  a  company  commanded  by  Captain  Winchester,  who  de 
fended  the  place  till  autumn,  when  the  inhabitants,  fatigued 
12 


134  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

with  watching  and  weary  of  the  dangers  of  the  forest,  desert 
ed  the  place  entirely  for  about  six  months.  In  the  month  of 
August,  previous  to  the  evacuation,  the  Indians,  assisted  by 
their  brethren  the  French,  were  very  troublesome  «nd  mis 
chievous  :  they  destroyed  all  the  horses,  hogs,  and  cattle.  An 
attack  was  made  on  the  fort  which  lasted  two  days.  My 
father  at  this  time  lost  ten  cattle  ;  but  the  people  were  secured 
behind  their  wooden  walls,  and  received  but  little  damage. 

In  this  recess  of  the  settlement  of  No.  4  the  Indians  and 
French  were  icelocked  in  Canada,  and  the  frontiers  suffered 
only  in  apprehension.  In  March,  1747,  Captain  Phinehas 
Stevens,  who  commanded  a  ranging  party  of  about  thirty 
men,  marched  to  No.  4  and  took  possession  of  the  fort.  He 
found  it  uninjured  by  the  enemy ;  and  an  old  spaniel  and  a 
cat,  who  had  been  domesticated  before  the  evacuation,  had 
guarded  it  safely  through  the  winter,  and  gave  the  troops  a 
iiearty  welcome  to  their  tenement. 

Captain  Stevens  was  of  eminent  service  to  the  infant  settle 
ment.  In  1748  he  moved  his  family  to  the  place,  and  en 
couraged  the  settlers  by  his  fortitude  and  industry.  In  the 
early  part  of  his  life,  when  Rutland  suffered  by  savage  ven 
geance,  when  the  Rev.  Mr.  Willard  was  murdered,  he  was 
taken  prisoner  and  carried  to  St.  Francis.  This  informed 
him  of  the  Indian  customs  and  familiarized  him  with  their 
mode  of  warfare.  He  was  an  active,  penetrating  soldier,  and 
a  respectable,  worthy  citizen. 

In  a  few  days  after  the  fort  was  taken  possession  of  by 
Captain  Stevens's  troops  a  party  of  five  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  commanded  by  Monsieur  Debelcie,  sallied  from 
their  .den  in  Canada  and  made  a  furious  attack  on  the  fort 
The  battle  lasted  five  days,  and  every  stratagem  which  French 
policy  or  Indian  malice  could  invent  was  practised  to  reduce 
the  garrison.  Sometimes  they  made  an  onset  by  a  discharge 
of  musketry;  at  others  they  discharged  fire  arrows,  which 
communicated  fire  to  several  parts  "of  the  fort.  But  these 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  135 

were  insufficient  to  daunt  the  courage  of  the  little  band  that 
were  assailed.  Their  next  step  was  to  fill  a  cart  with  com 
bustibles,  and  roll  it  against  the  walls,  to  communicate  fire; 
but  the  English  kept  up  such  a  brisk,  incessant  fire  that  they 
were  defeated  in  the  project.  At  length  the  monsieurs,  tired 
with  fighting,  beat  a  parley.  Two  Indians,  formerly  acquaint 
ed  with  Captain  Stevens,  came  as  negotiators,  and  wished  to 
exchange  some  furs  for  corn  :  this  Captain  Stevens  refused, 
but  offered  a  bushel  of  corn  For  each  hostage  they  .would 
leave  to  be  exchanged  at  some  firture  day.  These  terms  were 
not  complied  with ;  and  on  the  fifth  day  the  enemy  retreated, 
at  which  time  the  soldiers  in  the  garrison  honored  them  with 
as  brisk  a  discharge  as  they  could  afford,  to  let  them  know 
that  they  were  neither  disheartened  nor  exhausted  in  ammu 
nition.  The  garrison  had  none  killed ;  and  only  one,  by  the 
name  of  Brown,  was  wounded. 

Perhaps  no  place  was  ever  defended  with  greater  bravery 
than  this  fort  during  this  action.  Thirty  or  forty  men,  when 
attacked  by  five  hundred,  must  have  an  uncommon  degree  of 
fortitude  and  vigilance  to  defend  themselves  during  a  siege 
of  five  days.  But  Captain  Stevens  was  equal  to  the  task, 
and  will  be  applauded  by  posterity.  After  the  battle  he  sent 
an  express  to  Boston  with  the  tidings.  Governor  Charles 
Knowles  happened  then  to  be  at  Boston,  arid  rewarded  Cap 
tain  Stevens  with  a  handsome  sword ;  in  gratitude  for  which 
•the  place  was  afterwards  called  Charlestown. 

In  November,  1747,  a  body  of  the  troops  set  out  from  the 
fort  to  return  to  Massachusetts.  They  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  the  Indians  fired  on  them.  Isaac  Goodale  and  Na 
thaniel  Gould  were  killed,  and  one  Anderson  taken  prisoner. 
From  this  period  until  the  end  of  the  Cape  Breton  war  the 
fort  was  defended  by  Captain  Stevens.  Soldiers  passed  and 
repassed  to  Canada ;  but  the  inhabitants  took  sanctuary  in  the 
fort,  and  made  but  little  progress  in  cultivation.  During  the 
Indian  wars,  which  lasted  till  the  year  1760,  Charleston  n  was 


136  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

noted  more  for  its  feats  of  war  than  a  place  of  rapid  improve 
ment.  Settlers  thought  it  more  prudent  to  remain  with  their 
friends  in  safety  than  risk  their  scalps  with  savage  power. 
Since  that  period  it  has  become  a  flourishing  village,  and  con 
tains  all  that  a  rural  situation  affords  of  the  useful  and  the 
pleasant.  Numerous  farms  and  stately  buildings  now  flourish 
where  the  savage  roamed  the  forest.  The  prosperity  of  the 
town  was  greatly  promoted  by  the  Rev.  Bulkely  Olcott,  who 
was  a  settled  minister  there  about  thirty-two  years.  In  the 
character  of  this  good  man  were  combined  the  agreeable  .com 
panion,  the  industrious  citizen,  and  the  unaffected  Christian. 
During  the  whole  of  his  ministry  his  solicitude  for  the  happi 
ness  of  his  parishioners  was  as  conspicuous  in  the  benefits 
they  received  from  his  assistance  a.i  in  their  sincere  attach 
ment  to  his  person.  As  a  divine  he  was  pathetic,  devout,  and 
instructive,  and  may  with  propriety  be  said  to  have 

Shown,  the  path  to  heaven,  and  led  the  way. 

He  was  highly  respected  through  life.  In  June,  1793,  he 
died,  much  lamented. 

Removal  to  Charlestown,  fyc. 

In  May,  1749,  we  received  information  of  the  cessation  of 
arms  between  Great  Britain  and  France.  I  had  then  been 
married  about  two  years,  and  Mr.  Johnson's  enterprising 
spirit  was  zealous  to  remove  to  Charlestown.  In  June  we 
undertook  the  hazardous  and  fatiguing  journey.  We  arrived 
safe  at  the  fort,  and  found  five  families,  who  had  ventured  so 
far  into  the  woods  during  hostilities.  But  the  gloomy  forest 
and  the  warlike  appearance  of  the  place  soon  made  me  liome- 
sicJ£.  Two  or  three  days  after  my  arrival  orders  came  from 
Massachusetts  to  withdraw  the  troops.  Government  placed 
confidence  in  the  proffered  peace  of  Frenchmen,  and  withdrew 
even  the  appearance  of  hostility.  *  But  French  treachery  and 
savage  malice  will  ever  keep  pace  with  each  other.  Without 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  137 

even  the  suspicion  of  danger,  the  inhabitants  went  about  their 
business  of  husbandry.  The  day  the  soldiers  left  the  fort 
Ensign  Obadiah  Sartvvell  went  to  harrow  some  corn,  and 
took  Enos  Stevens,  the  fourth  son  of  Phinehas  Stevens,  Esq., 
to  ride  horse  :  my  father  and  two  brothers  were  at  work  In 
the  meadow.  Early  in  the  afternoon  the  Indians  appeared 
and  shot  Ensign  Sartwell  and  the  horse,  and  took  young 
Stevens  a  prisoner.  In  addition  to  this  my  father  and  broth 
ers  were  in  the  meadow,  and  we  supposed  they  must  be 
destroyed.  My  husband  was  gone  to  Northfield.  In  the 
fort  were  seven  women  and  four  men  :  the  anxiety  and  grief 
we  experienced  were  the  highest  imaginable.  The  next  night 
we  despatched  a  post  to  Boston  to  carry  the  news  of  our 
disaster  ;  but  my  father  and  brothers  did  not  return.  The 
next  day  but  one  my  husband  and  five  or  six  others  arrived 
from  Northfield.  We  kept  close  in  the  garrison,  suffering 
every  apprehension  for  ten  or  twelve  days,  when  the  sentry 
from  the  box  cried  out  that  troops  were  coming  :  joyful  at  the 
relief,  we  all  mounted  on  the  top  of  the  fort,  and  among  the 
rest  discovered  my  father.  He,  on  hearing  the  guns,  sup 
posed  the  fort  was  destroyed,  left  his  team  in  the  meadow, 
and  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  Northfield  with  my  two 
brothers.  The  soldiers  were  about  thirty  in  number,  and 
headed  by  Major  Josiah  Willard,  of  Fort  Dummer.  Enos 
Stevens  was  carried  to  Montreal  ;  but  the  French  commander 
sent  him  back  directly  by  the  way  of  Albany.  This  was  the 
last  damage  done  the  frontiers  during  the  Cape  Breton 


Cursory  Notices. 

A  detail  of  the  miseries  of  a  "  frontier  man  "  must  excite 
the  pity  of  every  child  of  humanity.  The  gloominess  of  the 
rude  forest,  the  distance  from  friends  and  competent  defence, 
and  the  daily  inroads  and  nocturnal  yells  of  hostile  Indians, 
awaken  those  keen  apprehensions  and  anxieties  which  con 
ception  only  can  picture.  If  the  peaceful  employment  of  bus 
12* 


138  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

bandry  is  pursued,  the  loaded  musket  must  stand  by  his  side ; 
if  he  visits  a  neighbor,  or  resorts  on  Sundays  to  the  sacred 
house  of  prayer,  the  weapons  of  war  must  bear  him  company ; 
at  home  the  distresses  of  a  wife  and  the  tears  of  lisping 
children  often  unman  the  soul  that  real  danger  assailed  in 
vain.  Those  who  can  recollect  the  war  that  existed  between 
France  and  England  fifty  years  ago  may  figure  to  them 
selves  the  unhappy  situation  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  fron 
tiers  of  New  Hampshire  :  the  malice  of  the  French  in  Can 
ada,  and  the  exasperated  savages  that  dwelt  in  their  vicinity, 
rendered  the  tedious  days  and  frightful  nights  a  season  of 
unequalled  calamities.  The  daily  reports  of  captured  families 
and  slaughtered  friends  mingled  grie'f  with  fear.  Had  there 
been  an  organized  government  to  stretch  forth  its  protecting 
arni  in  any  case  of  danger,  the  misery  might  have  been  in  a 
degree  alleviated.  But  the  infancy  of  our  country  did  not 
admit  of  this  blessing.  While  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  was  petitioning  to  England  for  a  fleet  and  an  army, 
Benning  Wentworth,  the  supine  governor  of  New  Hampshire, 
obeyed  implicitly  the  advice  of  his  friend  Shirley,  and  re 
mained  inactively  secure  at  his  seat  at  Portsmouth.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  year  1745  the  Quixotic  expedition  to 
Louisburg  was  projected,  the  success  of  which  originated 
from  the  merest  accident  rather  than  from  military  valor  or 
generalship :  this  drained  the  thinly  inhabited  State  of  New 
Hampshire  of  most  of  its  effective  men.  From  that  period 
till  the  peace,  which  took  place  in  the  year  1749,  the  vision 
ary  schemes  of  Shirley  kept  the  best  soldiers  imbodied  in 
some  remote  place,  as  a  force  to  execute  some  impolitic  pro 
ject.  The  conquest  of  Canada  and  the  attack  upon  Crown 
Point-  are  recorded  as  specimens  of  the  wild  projects  which 
were  to  employ  the  infant  forces  of  New  England.  During 
this  time  the  frontiers  sustained  additional  miseries  by  having 
the  small  forces  of  the  state  deducted  for  purposes  which 
could  be  of  no  immediate  service  to  them.  The  savages  com 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  130 

mitted  frequent  depredations  on  the  defenceless  inhabitants ; 
and  the  ease  with  which  they  gained  their  prey  encouraged 
their  boldness,  and  by  scattering  in  small  parties  they  were 
able  to  infest  the  whole  frontier  of  New  Hampshire,  from 
Fort  Dummer,  on  Connecticut  River,  to  the  lowest  settlement 
on  the  Merrimack.  During  this  war,  which  is  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Cape  Breton  war,  the  town  of  No.  4  could 
hardly  be  said  to  be  inhabited  :  some  adventurers  had  made 
a  beginning,  but  few  were  considered  as  belonging  to  the 
town.  Captain  Stevens,  whose  valor  is  recorded  as  an  in 
stance  of  consummate  generalship,  part  of  the  time  kept  the 
fort,  which  afforded  a  shelter  to  the  enterprising  settlers  in 
times  of  imminent  danger.  But  even  his  vigilance  did  not 
save  the  town  from  numerous  scenes  of  carnage.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  peace,  in  1749,  the  enterprising  spirit 
of  New  England  rose  superior  to  the  dangers  of  the  forest, 
and  they  began  to  venture  innovation.  The  Indians,  still 
thirsty  for  plunder  and  rapine,  and  regardless  of  the  peace 
which  their  masters  the  French  had  concluded,  kept  up  a 
flying  warfare,  and  committed  several  outrages  upon  lives 
and  property.  This  kept  the  increasing  inhabitants  in  a  state 
of  alarm  for  three  or  four  years  :  most  of  the  time  they  per 
formed  their  daily  work  without  molestation,  but  retreated  to 
the  fort  at  each  returning  night. 

Our  country  has  so  long  been  exposed  to.  Indian  wars  that 
recitals  of  exploits  and  sufferings,  of  escapes  and  deliverances, 
have  become  both  numerous  and  trite.  The  air  of  novelty 
will  not  be  attempted  in  the  following  pages  :  simple  facts, 
unadorned,  are  what  the  reader  must  expect :  pity  for  my  suf 
ferings  and  admiration  at  my  safe  return  is  all  that  my  histo 
ry  can  excite.  The  aged  man,  while  perusing,  will  probably 
turn  his  attention  to  the  .period  when  the  facts  took  place ; 
his  memory  will  be  refreshed  with  the  sad  tidings  of  his  coun 
try's  sufferings,  which  gave,  a  daily  wound  to  his  feelings, 
between  the  years  1740  and  1760.  By  contrasting  those  days 


140  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

with  the  present  he  may  rejoice  that  he  witnesses  thgse  times 
which  many  have  "  waited  for,  but  died  without  the  sight." 
Those  "  in  early  life,"  while  they  commiserate  the  sufferings 
which  their  parents  and  ancestors  endured,  may  felicitate 
themselves  that  their  lines  "fell  in  a  land  of  peace,  where 
neither  savages  nor  neighboring  wars  molest  their  happiness 


Situation  until  August  31,  1754. 

Some  of  the  soldiers  who  arrived  with  Major  Willard,  with 
the  inhabitants  who  bore  arms,  were  commanded  by  Captain 
Stevens  the  rest  of  the  year  1749  and  part  of  the  following 
spring;  after  which  the  inhabitants  resided  pretty  much  in 
the  fort  until  the  spring  or  fall  of  the  year  1752.  They  cul 
tivated  their  lands  in  some  degree,  but  they  put  but  little 
confidence  in  the  savages. 

The  continuation  of  peace  began  by  degrees  'to  appease  the 
resentment  of  the  Indians,  and  they  appeared  to  discover  a 
wish  for  friendly  intercourse.  The  inhabitants  in  No.  4  and 
its  vicinity  relaxed  their  watchfulness  and  ventured  more 
boldly  into  their  fields.  Every  appearance  of  hostility  at 
length  vanished.  The  Indians  expressed  a  wish  to  traffic ; 
the  inhabitants  laid  by  their  fears,  and  thought  no  more  of 
tomahawks  or  scalping  knives.  Mr.  Johnson  now  thought 
himself  justified  in  removing  to  his  farm,  a  hundred  rods  dis 
tant  from  the  fort,  which  was  then  the  uppermost  settlement 
on  Connecticut  River.  He  pursued  his  occupation  of  trade, 
and  the  Indians  made  frequent  visits  to  traffic  their  furs  for 
his  merchandise.  He  frequently  credited  them  for  blankets 
and  other  necessaries,  and  in  most  instances  they  were  punc 
tual  in  payment.  During  the  year  1753  all  was  harmony 
and  safety ;  settlements  increased  with  tolerable  rapidity ;  and 
the  new  country  began  to  assume  the  appearance  of  cul 
tivation. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  141 

The  commencement  of  the  year  1754  began  to  threaten 
another  rupture  between  the  .French  and  English ;  and  as  the 
dividing  line  between  Canada  and  the  English  colonies  was 
tlje  object  of  contention,  it  was  readily  seen  that  the  frontier 
towns  would  be  in  imminent  danger.  But  as  immediate  war 
was  not  expected,  Mr.  Johnson  thought  that  he  might  risk 
the  safety  of  his  family  while  he  made  a  tour  to  Connecticut 
for  trade.  He  set  out  the  last  of  May ;  and  his  absence  of 
three  months  was  a  tedious  and  a  bitter  season  to  me.  Soon 
after  his  departure  every  body  was  "  tremblingly  alive  "  with 
fear.  The  Indians  were  reported  to  be  on  their  march  for 
our  destruction  ;  and  our  distance  from  sources  of  information 
gave  full  latitude  for  exaggeration  of  news  before  it  reached 
our  ears.  The  fears  of  the  night  were  horrible  beyond  de 
scription  ;  and  even  the  light  of  day  was  far  from  dispelling 
painful  anxiety.  While  looking  from  the  windows  of  my  log 
house  and  seeing  my  neighbors  tread  cautiously  by  each  hedge 
and  hillock  lest  some  secreted  savage  might  start  forth  to  take 
their  scalp,  my  fears  would  baffle  description.  Alarms  grew 
louder  and  louder,  till  our  apprehensions  were  too  strongly 
confirmed  by  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Mr.  Malloon's  family 
on  Merrimack  River.  This  reached  us  about  the  20th  of 
August.  Imagination  ROW  saw  and  heard  a  thousand  Indians ; 
and  I  never  went  round  my  own  house  without  first  looking 
with  trembling  caution  by  each  corner  to  see  if  a  tomahawk 
was  not  raised  for  my  destruction. 

On  the  24th  of  August  I  wasr  relieved  from  all  my  fears 
by  the  arrival  of  my  husband.  He  brought  intelligence  from 
Connecticut  that  a  war  was  expected  the  next  spring,  but  that 
no  immediate  danger  was  contemplated.  He  had  made  prep 
arations  to  remove  to  Northfield  as  soon  as  our  stock  of  hay 
was  consumed  and  our  dozen  of  swine  had  demolished  our 
ample  stores  of  grain,  which  would  secure  his  family  and 
property  from  the  miseries  and  ravages  of  war.  Our  eldest 
POP  Sylvanus,  who  was  six  years  old,  was  in  the  mean  tima 


142  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

to  be  put  to  school  at  Springfield.  Mr.  Johnson  brought  home 
a  large  addition  to  his  stores,  and  the  neighbors  made  frequen* 
parties  at  our  house  to  express  their  joy  for  his  return;  and 
time  passed  merrily  off  by  the  aid  of  spirit  and  a  ripe  yard 
of  melons.  As  I  was  in  the  last  days  of  pregnancy,  I  could 
not  join  so  heartily  in  their  good  cheer  as  I  otherwise  might. 
Yet  in  a  new  country  pleasure  is  often  derived  from  sources 
unknown  to  those  less  accustomed  to  the  woods.  The  return 
of  my  husband,  the  relief  from  danger,  and  the  crowds  of 
happy  friends  combined  to  render  my  situation  peculiarly 
agreeable.  I  now  boasted  with  exultation  that  I  should,  with 
husband,  friends,  and  luxuries,  live  happy  in  spite  of  the  fear 
of  savages. 

On  the  evening  of  the  29th  of  August  our  house  was  vis 
ited  by  a  party  of  neighbors,  who  spent  the  time  very  cheer 
fully  with  watermelons  and  flip  till  midnight.  They  all  then 
retired  in  high  spirits  except  a  spruce  young  spark,  who 
tarried  to  keep  company  with  my  sister.  We  then  went  to 
bed  with  feelings  well  tuned  for  sleep,  and  rested  with  fine 
composure  till  midway  between  daybreak  and  sunrise,  when 
we  were  roused  by  neighbor  Labarree's  knocking  at  the  door, 
who  had  shouldered  his  axe  to  do  a  day's  work  for  my  hus 
band.  Mr.  Johnson  slipped  on  his  jacket  and  trousers  and 
stepped  to  the  door  to  let  him  in.  But  by  opening  the  door 
he  opened  a  scene  terrible  to  describe.  "  Indians !  Indians  !  " 
were  the  first  words  I  heard.  He  sprang  to  his  guns ;  but 
Labarree,  heedless  of  danger,  instead  of  closing  the  door  to 
keep  them  out,  began  to  rally  our  hired  men  up  stairs  for 
not  rising  earlier.  But  in  an  instant  a  crowd  of  savages, 
fixed  horribly  for  war,  rushed  furiously  in.  I  screamed  and 
begged  my  friends  to  ask  for  quarter.  By  this  time  they 
were  all  over  the  house  —  some  up  stairs,  some  hauling  my 
sister  out  of  bed ;  another  had  hold  of  me ;  and  one  was  ap 
proaching  Mr.  Johnson,  who  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  floor 
to  deliver  himself  up.  But  the  Indian,  supposing  that  lie 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.   JOHNSON.  14 

would  make  resistance  and  be  more  than  his  matcn,  went  t 
the  doofr  and  brought  three  of  his  comrades,  and  the  fou? 
boui*l  him.  I  was  led  to  the  door,  fainting  and  trembling 
There  stood  my  friend  Labarree  bound.  Ebenezer  Farns 
worth,  whom  they  found  up  chamber,  they  were  putting  in 
the  same  situation ;  and,  to  complete  the  shocking  scene,  my 
three  little  children  were  driven  naked  to  the  place  where  I 
stood.  On  viewing  myself  I  found  that  I,  too,  was  naked. 
An  Indian  had  plundered  three  gowns,  who,  on  seeing  my 
situation,  gave  me  the  whole.  I  asked  another  for  a  petti 
coat  ;  but  he  refused  it.  After  what  little  plunder  their  hurry 
would  allow  them  to  get  was  confusedly  bundled  up,  we  were 
ordered  to  march.  After  going  about  twenty  rods  we  fell 
behind  a  rising  ground,  where  we  halted  to  pack  the  things 
in  a  better  manner :  while  there  a  savage  went  back,  as  we 
supposed,  to  fire  the  buildings.  Farns  worth  proposed  to  my 
husband  to  go  back  with  him,  to  get  a  quantity  of  pork  from 
the  cellar  to  help  us  on  our  journey ;  but  Mr.  Johnson  pru 
dently  replied,  that,  by  that  means,  the  Indians  might  find  the 
rum,  and  in  a  fit  of  intoxication  kill  us  all.  The  Indian  pres 
ently  returned  with  marks  of  fear  in  his  countenance,*  and 
we  were  hurried  on  with  all  violence.  Two  savages  laid  hold 
of  each  of  my  arms,  and  hurried  me  through  thorny  thickets 
in  a  most  unmerciful  manner.  I  lost  a  shoe  and  suffered 
exceedingly.  We  heard  the  alarm  guns  from  the  fort.  This 
added  new  speed  to  the  flight  of  the  savages.  They  were 
apprehensive  that  soldiers  might  be  sent  for  our  relief.  When 

*  This,  as  we  afterwards  found,  was  occasioned  by  his  meeting  Mr. 
Osmer  at  the  door  of  the  house,  who  lodged  in  the  chamber  and  had 
secreted  himself  behind  a  box,  and  was  then  making  his  escape.  He 
ran  directly  to  the  fort,  and  the  alarm  guns  were  fired.  My  father, 
Mr.  Moses  Willard,  "was  then  second  in  command.  Captain  Stevens 
was  for  sallying  out  with  a  party  for  our  relief ;  but  my  father  begged 
him  to  desist,  as  the  Indians  made  it  an  invariable  practice  to  kil' 
their  prisoners  when  attacked. 


144  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

we  had  got  a  mile  and  a  half  my  faintness  obliged  me  to  sit. 
This  being  observed  by  an  Indian,  he  drew  his  knife,  as  I 
supposed,  to  put  an  end  to  my  existence.  But  he  only  cut 
some  band  with  which  my  gown  was  tied,  and  then  pushed 
me  on.  My  little  children  were  .crying,  my  husband  and  the 
other  two  men  were  bound,  and  my  sister  and  myself  were 
obliged  to  make  the  beet  of  our  way  with  all  our  might.  The 
loss  of  my  shoe  rendered  travelling  extremely  painful.  At 
the  distance  of  three  miles  there  was  a  general  halt.  The 
savages,  supposing  that  we  as  well  as  themselves  might  have 
an  appetite  for  breakfast,  gave  us.  a  loaf  of  bread,  some  raisins, 
and  apples  which  they  had  taken  from  the  house.  While  we 
were  forcing  down  our  scanty  breakfast  a  horse  came  in  sight, 
known  to  us  all  by  the  name  of  Scoggin,  belonging  to  Phinehas 
Stevens,  Esq.  One  of  the  Indians  attempted  to  shoot  him, 
but  was  prevented  by  Mr.  Johnson.  They  then  expressed  a 
wish  to  catch  him,  saying,  by  pointing  to  me,  for  squaw  to 
ride.  My  husband  had  previously  been  unbound  to  assist  the 
children  ;  he,  with  two  Indians,  caught  the  horse  on  the  banks 
of  the  river.  By  this  time  my  legs  and  feet  were  covered 
with  blood,  which  being  noticed  by  Mr.  Labarree,  he,  with 
that  humanity  which  never  forsook  him,  took  his  own  stock 
ings  and  presented  them  to  me,  and  the  Indians  gave  me  a 
pair  of  moccasons.  Bags  and  blankets  wrere  thrown  over 
Scoggin,  and  I  mounted  on  the  top  of  them,  and  on  we  jogged 
about  seven  miles  to  the  upper  end  of  Wilcott's  Island.  We 
there  halted  and  prepared  to  cross  the  river.  Rafts  were 
made  of  dry  timber.  Two  Indians  and  Farnsworth  crossed 
first ;  Labarree,  by  signs,  got  permission  to  swim  the  horse ; 
and  Mr.  Johnson  was  allowed  to  swim  by  the  raft  that  I  was 
on,  to  push  it  along.  We  all  arrived  safe  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  A  fire  was 
kindled,  and  some  of  their  stolen  kettles  were  hung  over  it 
and  filled  with  porridge.  The  savages  took  delight  in  view 
ing  their  spoil,  which  amounted  to  forty  or  fifty  pounds  in 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.   JOHNSON.  145 

value.  They  then  with  a  true  savage  yell  gave  the  war 
whoop  and  bade  defiance  to  danger.  As  our  tarry  in  this  place 
lasted  an  hour,  I  had  time  to  reflect  on  our  miserable  situation. 
Captives,  in  the  power  of  unmerciful  savages,  without  pro 
vision  and  almost  without  clothes,  in  a  wilderness  where  we 
must  sojourn  as  long  as  the  children  of  Israel  did  for  aught 
we  knew ;  and,  what  added  to  our  distress,  not  one  of  our  sav 
age  masters  could  understand  a  worcl  of  English.  Here,  after 
being  hurried  from  home  with  such  rapidity,  I  have  leisure  to 
inform  the  reader  respecting  our  Indian  masters.  They  were 
eleven  *  in  number,  men  of  middle  age  except  one,  a  youth 
of  sixteen,  who  in  our  journey  discovered  a  very  mischievous 
and  troublesome  disposition.  According  to  their  national 
practice,  he  who  first  laid  hands  on  a  prisoner  considered  him 
as  his  property.  My  master,  who  was  the  one  that  took  my 
hand  when  I  sat  on  the  bed,  was  as  clever  an  Indian  as  ever 
I  saw.  He  even  evinced,  at  numerous  times,  a  disposition 
that  showed  he  was  by  no  means  void  of  compassion.  The 
four  who  took  my  husband  claimed  him  as  their  property ; 
and  my  sister,  three  children,  Labarree,  and  Farnsworth  had 
each  a  master.  When  the  time  came  for  us  to  prepare  to 
march  I  almost  expired  at  the  thought  of  leaving  my  aged 
parents,  brothers,  sisters,  and  friends,  and  travel  with  savages 
through  a  dismal  forest  to  unknown  regions,  in  the  alarm 
ing  situation  I  then  was  in,  with  three  small  children.  The 
eldest,  Sylvanus,  was  but  six  years  old ;  my  eldest  daughter, 
Susanna,  was  four ;  and  Polly,  the  other,  two.  My  sister 
Miriam  was  fourteen.  My  husband  was  barefoot,  and  other 
wise  thinly  clothed.  His  master  had  taken  his  jacket,  and 
nothing  but  his  shirt  and  trousers  remained.  My  two  daugh- 


*  Mr.  Labarree  is  very  positive,  and  I  tliink  Mr.  Johnson  was  of  the 
same  opinion,  that  seventeen  Indians  attacked  the  house.     The  other 
six  might  have  been  a  scouting  party,  that  watched  till  we  were  oul 
"•f  danger,  and  then  took  another  route. 
13 


14:6  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

ters  had  nothing  but  their  shifts,  and  I  only  the  gown  that 
was  handed  me  by  the  savages.  In  addition  to  the  sufferings 
which  arose  from  my  own  deplorable  condition,  I  could  not 
but  feel  for  my^pfriend  Labarree.  He  had  left  a  wife  and 
four  small  children  behirid  to  lament  his  loss  and  to  render 
his  situation  extremely  unhappy.  With  all  these  misfortunes 
lying  heavily  upon  me,  the  reader  can  imagine  my  situation. 
The  Indians  pronounced  the  dreadful  word  "  munch,"  march  ; 
and  on  we  must  go.  I  was  put  on  the  horse ;  Mr.  Johnson 
took  one  daughter ;  and  Mr.  Labarree,  being  unbound,  took 
the  other.  We  went  six  or  eight  miles  and  stopped  for  the 
night.  The  men  were  made  secure  by  having  their  legs  put 
in  split  sticks,  somewhat  like  stocks,  and  tied  with  cords, 
which  were  tied  torthe  limbs  of  trees  too  high  to  be  reached. 
My  sister,  much  to  her  mortification,  must  lie  between  two 
Indians,  with  a  cord  thrown  over  her  and  passing  under  each 
of  them.  The  little  children  had  blankets ;  and  I  was  allowed 
one  for  my  use.  Thus  we  took  lodging  for  the  night,  with 
the  sky  for  a  covering  and  the  ground  for  a  pillow.  The  fa 
tigues  of  the  preceding  day  obliged  me  to  sleep  several  hours, 
in  spite  of  the  horrors  which  surrounded  me.  The  Indians 
observed  great  silence,  and  never  spoke  but  when  really  ne 
cessary  ;  and  all  the  prisoners  were  disposed  to  say  but  little. 
My  children'  were  much  more  peaceable  than  could  be  ima 
gined  ;  gloomy  fear  imposed  a  deadly  silence. 

History  of  our  Journey  through  the  Wilderness  till  we  came  to 
the  Waters  that  enter  Lake  Champlain. 

In  the  morning  we  were  roused  before  sunrise  :  the  Indians 
struck  up  a  fire,  hung  on  their  stolen  kettles,  and  made  us 
some  water  gruel  for  breakfast.  After  a  few  sips  of  this 
meagre  fare  I  was  again  put  on  the  horse,  with  my  husband 
by  my  side  to  hold  me  on.  My  two  fellow-prisoners  took 
the  little  girls,  and  we  marched  sorrowfully  on  for  an  hour  or 
two,  when  a  keener  distress  was  added  to  my  multiplied  afflic- 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.   JOHNSON.  14.7 

tions.  I  was  taken  with  the  pangs  of  childbirth.  The  In 
dians  signified  to  us  that  we  must  go  on  to  a  brook.  When 
we  got  there  they  showed  some  humanity  by  making  a  booth 
for  me.  Here  the  compassionate  reader  will  drop  a  fresh 
tear  for  my  inexpressible  distress  ;  fifteen  or  twenty  miles 
from  the  abode  of  any  civilized  being,  in  the  open  wilderness, 
rendered  cold  by  a  rainy  day,  in  one  of  the  most  perilous 
hours,  and  unsupplied  with  the  least  necessary  that  could 
yield  convenience  in  the  hazardous  moment.  My  children 
were  crying  at  a  distance,  where  they  were  held  by  their 
masters,  and  only  my  husband  and  sister  to  attend  me.  None 
but  mothers  can  figure  to  themselves  my  unhappy  fortune. 
The  Indians  kept  aloof  the  whole  time.  About  ten  o'clock  a 
daughter  was  born.  They  then  brought  me  some  articles  of 
clothing  for  the  child  which  they  had  taken  from  the  house. 
My  master  looked  into  the  booth  and  clapped  his  hands  with 
joy,  crying,  '•  Two  moneys  for  me !  two  moneys  for  me ! "  I  was 
permitted  to  rest  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The  Indians 
were  employed  in  making  a  bier  for  the  prisoners  to  carry 
me  on,  and  another  booth  for  my  lodging  during  night.  They 
brought  a  needle,  and  two  pins,  and  some  bark  to  tie  the 
child's  clothes,  which  they  gave  my  sister,  and  a  large  wooden 
spoon  to  feed  it  with.  At  dusk  they  made  some  porridge, 
and  brought  a  cup  to  steep  some  roots  in,  which  Mr.  Labarree 
had  provided.  In  the  evening  I  was  removed  to  the  new 
booth.  For  supper  they  made  more  porridge  and  some 
johnny  cakes.  My  portion  was  brought  me  in  a  little  bark. 
I  slept  that  night  far  beyond  expectation. 

In  the  morning  we  were  summoned  for  the  journey,  after 
the  usual  breakfast  of  meal  and  water.  I,  with  my  infant  in 
my  arms,  was  laid  on  the  litter,  which  was  supported  alter 
nately  by  Mr.  Johnson,  Labarree,  and  Farns\yorth.  My  sis 
ter  and  son  were  put  upon  Scoggin,  and  the  two  little  girls 
rode  on  their  masters'  backs.  Thus  we  proceeded  two  miles, 
when  my  carriers  grew  too  faint  to  proceed  any  farther.  This 


148  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

being  observed  by  oui  sable  masters,  a  general  halt  was 
called,  and  they  imbodied  themselves  for  council.  My  master 
soon  made  signs  to  Mr.  Johnson  that  if  I  could  ride  on  the 
horse  I  might  proceed,  otherwise  I  must  be  left  behind.  Here 
I  observed  marks  of  pity  in  his  countenance ;  but  this  might 
arise  from  the  fear  of  losing  his  two  moneys.  I  preferred  an 
attempt  to  ride  on  the  horse  rather  than  to  perish  miserably 
alone.  Mr.  Labarree  took  the  infant,  and  every  step  of  the 
horse  almost  deprived  me  of  life.  My  weak  and  helpless 
condition  rendered  me,  in  a  degree,  insensible  to  every  thing. 
My  poor  child  could  have  no  sustenance  from  my  breast,  and 
was  supported  entirely  by  water  gruel.  My  other  little  chil 
dren,  rendered  peevish  by  an  uneasy  mode  of  riding,  often 
burst  into  cries ;  but  a  surly  check  from  their  masters  soon 
silenced  them.  We  proceeded  on  with  a  slow,  mournful  pace. 
My  weakness  was  too  severe  to  allow  me  to  sit  on  the  horse 
long  at  a  time.  Every  hour  I  was  taken  off  and  laid  on  the 
ground  to  rest.  This  preserved  my  life  during  the  third  day. 
At  night  we  found  ourselves  at  the  head  of  Black  River  Pond. 
Here  we  prepared  to  spend  the  night.  Our  supper  consisted 
of  gruel  and  the  broth  of  a  hawk  they  had  killed  the  preced 
ing  day.  The  prisoners  were  secured  as  usual,  a  booth  was 
made  for  me,  and  all  went  to  rest.  After  encampment-  we 
entered  into  a  short  conversation.  My  sister  observed,  that, 
if  I  could  have  been  left  behind,  our  trouble  would  have  been 
seemingly  nothing.  My  husband  hoped,  by  the  assistance  of 
Providence,  we  should  all  be  preserved.  Mr.  Labarree  pitied 
his  poor  family ;  and  Farnsworth  summed  the  whole  of  his 
wishes  by  saying,  that,  if  he  could  have  got  a  layer  of  pork 
from  the  cellar,  we  should  not  be  in  fear  of  starvation.  The 
night  was  uncommonly  dark,  and  passed  tediously  off. 

In  the  morning,  half  chilled  with  a  cold  fog,  we  were  or 
dered  from  our  places  of  rest,  were  offered  the  lean  fare  of 
meal  and  water,  and  then  prepared  for  the  journey.  Every 
thing  resembled  a  funeral  procession.  The*  savages  preserved 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  149 

their  gloomy  sadness.  The  prisoners,  bowed  down  with  grief 
and  fatigue,  felt  little  disposition  to  talk  ;  and  the  unevenness 
of  the  country,  sometimes  lying  in  miry  plains,  at  others 
rising  into  steep  and  broken  hills,  rendered  our  passage  haz 
ardous  and  painful.  Mr.  Labarree  kept  the  infant  in  his 
arms  and  preserved  its  life.  The  fifth  day's  journey  was  an 
unvaried  scene  of  fatigue.  The  Indians  sent  out  two  or 
three  hunting  parties,  who  -returned  without  game.  As  we 
had  in  the  morning  consumed  the  last  morsel  of  our  meal, 
every  one  now  began  to  be  seriously  alarmed ;  and  hunger, 
with  all  its  horrors,  looked  us  earnestly  in  the  face.  At  night 
we  found  the  waters  that  run  into  Lake  Champlain,  which 
was  over  the  height  of  land.  Before  dark  we  halted ;  and 
the  Indians,  by  the  help  of  their  punk,  which  they  carried  in 
horns,  made  a  fire.  They  soon  adopted  a  plan  to  relieve 
their  hunger.  The  horse  was  shot,  and  his  flesh  was  in  a 
few  moments  broiling  on  embers ;  and  they,  with  native  glut 
tony,  satiated  their  craving  appetites.  To  use  the  term  po 
liteness,  in  the  management  of  this  repast,  may  be  thought  a 
burlesque ;  yet  their  offering  the  prisoners  the  best  parts  of 
the  horse  certainly  bordered  on  civility.  An  epicure  could 
not  have  catered  nicer  slices,  nor  in  that  situation  served  them 
up  with  more  neatness.  Appetite  is  said  to  be  the  best  sauce ; 
yet  our  abundance  of  it  did  not  render  savory  this  novel 
steak.  My  children,  however,  ate  too  much,  which  made 
them  "very  unwell  for  a  number  of  days.  Broth  was  made 
for  me  and  my  child,  which  was  rendered  almost  a  luxury  by 
the  seasoning  of  roots.  After  supper  countenances  began  to 
brighten.  Those  who  had  relished  the  meal  exhibited  new 
strength,  ana  those  who  had  only  snuffed  its  effluvia  confessed 
themselves  regaled.  The  evening  was  employed  in  drying 
and  smoking  what  remained  for  future  use.  The  night  was 
a  scene  of  distressing  fears  to  me ;  and  my  extreme  weakness 
had  affected  my  mind  to  such  a  degree  that  every  difficulty 
eppeared  doubly  terrible.  By  the  assistance  of  Scoggin  I 
13* 


150  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

had  been  brought  so  far ;  yet  so  great  was  my  debility  that 
every  hour  I  was  taken  off  and  laid  on  the  ground,  to  keep 
me  from  expiring.  But  now,  alas !  this  conveyance  was  no 
more.  To  walk  was  impossible.  Inevitable  death,  in  the 
midst  of  woods  one  hundred  miles  wide,  appeared  my  only 
portion. 

Our  Arrival  at  East  Bay,  in  Lake  Champlain. 

In  the  morning  of  the  sixth  day  the  Indians  exerted  them 
selves  to  prepare  one  of  their  greatest  dainties.  The  marrow 
bones  of  old  Scoggin  were  pounded  for  a  soup ;  and  every 
root,  both  sweet  and  bitter,  that  the  woods  afforded,  was  thrown 
in  to  give  it  a  flavor.  Each  one  partook  of  as  much  as  his 
feelings  would  allow.  The  war  whoop  then  resounded,  with 
an  infernal  yell,  and  we  began  to  fix  for  a  march.  My  fate 
was  unknown,  till  my  master  brought  some  bark  and  tied  my 
petticoats  as  high  as  he  supposed  would  be  convenient  for 
walking,  and  ordered  me  to  "  munch."  With  scarce  strength 
to  stand  alone,  I  went  on  half  a  mile  with  my  little  son  and 
three  Indians.  The  rest  were  advanced.  My  power  to  move 
then  failed ;  the  world  grew  dark,  and  I  dropped  down.  I  had 
sight  enough  to  see  an  Indian  lift  his  hatchet  over  my  head  ; 
while  my  little  son  screamed,  "  Ma'am,  do  go  ;  for  they  will 
kill  you."  As  I  fainted,  my  last  thought  was,  that  I  should 
presently  be  in  the  world  of  spirits.  When  I  awoke  my 
master  was  talking  angrily  with  the  savage  who  had  threat 
ened  my  life.  By  his  gestures  I  could  learn  that  he  charged 
him  with  not  acting  the  honorable  part  of  a  warrior,  by  an 
attempt  to  destroy  the  prize  of  a  brother.  A  whoop  was 
given  for  a  halt.  My  master  helped  me  to  the  rest  of  the 
company,  where  a  council  was  held,  the  result  of  which  was, 
that  my  husband  should  walk  by  my  side  and  help  me  along. 
This  he  did  for  some  hours ;  but  faintness  then  overpowered 
me,  and  Mr.  Johnson's  tenderness  and  solicitude  were  unequal 
to  the  task  of  aiding  me  farther.  Another  council  was  held ' 

I 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  151 

while  in  debate,  as  I  lay  on  the  ground  gasping  for  breath; 
my  master  sprang  towards  me  with  his  hatchet.  My  husband 
and  fellow-prisoners  grew  pale  at  the  sight,  suspecting  that 
he  by  a  single  blow  would  rid  themselves  of  so  great  a  burden 
as  myself.  But  he  had  yet  too  much  esteem  for  his  "  two 
moneys."  His  object  was  to  get  bark  from  a  tree,  to  make  a 
pack  saddle  for  my  conveyance  on  the  back  of  my  husband. 
He  took  me  up,  and  we  marched  in  that  form  the  rest  of  the 
day.  Mr.  Labarree  still  kept  my  infant.  Farnsworth  carried 
one  of  the  little  girls,  and  the  other  rode  with  her  master, 
They  were  extremely  sick  and  weak,  owing  to  the  large  por 
tion  of  the  horse  which  they  ate ;  but  if  they  uttered  a  mur 
muring  word,  a  menacing  frown  from  the  savages  soon  im 
posed  silence.  None  of  the  Indian^  were  disposed  to  show 
insults  of  any  nature  except  the  youngest,  which  I  have  be 
fore  mentioned.  He  often  delighted  himself  by  tormenting 
my  sister,  by  pulling  her  hair,  treading  on  her  gown,  and 
numerous  other  boyish  pranks,  wjiich  were  provoking  and 
troublesome.  We  moved  on,  faint  and  wearily,  till  night. 
The  Indians  then  yelled  their  war  whoop,  built  a  fire,  and 
hung  over  their  horse  broth.  After  supper  my  booth  was 
built  as  usual,  and  I  reposed  much  better  than  I  had  the  pre 
ceding  nights. 

In  the  morning  I  found  myself  greatly  restored.  Without 
the  aid  of  physicians,  or  physic,  Nature  had  begun  the  cure 
of  that  weakness  to  which  she  had  reduced  me  but  a  few  days 
before.  The  reader  will  be  tired  of  the  repetition  of  the  same 
materials  for  our  meals ;  but  if  my  feelings  can  be  realized, 
no  one  will  turn  with  -disgust  from  a  breakfast  of  steaks  which 
were  cut  froni  the  thigh  of  a  horse.  After  which  Mr.  John 
son  was  ordered  to  take  the  infant  and  go  forward  with  part 
of  the  company.  I  "  munched  "  in  the  rear  till  we  came  to 
a  beaver  pond,  which  was  formed  in  a  branch  of  Otter  Creek. 
Here  I  was  obliged  to  wade.  When  half  way  over,  up  to 
the  middle  in  cold  water,  my  little  strength  failed,  and  my 


152  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

power  to  speak  or  see  left  me.  While  motionless  and  stiff 
ened,  in  the  middle  of  the  pond,  I  was  perceived  from  the 
other  side  by  Mr.  Johnson,  who  laid  down  the  infant  and 
came  to  my  assistance.  He  took  me  in  his  arms  ;  and  when 
the  opposite  side  was  gained,  life  itself  had  apparently  for 
saken  me.  The  whole  company  stopped ;  and  the  Indians, 
with  more  humanity  than  I  supposed  them  possessed  of, 
busied  themselves  in  making  a  fire  to  warm  me  into  life.  The 
warm  influence  of  the  fire  restored  my  exhausted  strength  by 
degrees ;  and  in  two  hours  I  was  told  to  munch.  The  rest 
of  the  day  I  was  carried  by  my  husband.  In  the  middle  of 
the  afternoon  we  arrived  on  the  banks  of  one  of  the  great 
branches  of  Otter  Creek.  Here  we  halted  ;  and  two  savages, 
who  had  been  on  a  hunting  scout,  returned  with  a  duck.  A 
fire  was  made,  which  was  thrice  grateful  to  my  cold,  shiver 
ing  limbs.  Six  days  had  now  almost  elapsed  since  the  faral 
morn  in  which  we  were  taken ;  and  by  the  blessing  of  that 
Providence  whose  smiles. give  life  to  creation  we  were  still 
in  existence.  My  wearied  husband,  naked  children,  and  help 
less  infant  formed  a  scene  that  conveyed  severer  pangs  to  my 
heart  than  all  the  sufferings  I  endured  myself.  The  Indians 
were  sullen  and  silent ;  the  prisoners  were  swollen  with  gloomy 
grief;  and  I  was  half  the  time  expiring.  After  my  feelings 
were  a  little  quickened  by  warmth,  my  sad  portion  was  brought 
in  a  bark,  consisting  of  the  duck's  head  and  a  gill  of  broth. 
As  I  lifted  the  unsavory  morsel  with  a  trembling  hand  to  my 
mouth,  I  cast  my  thoughts  back  a  few  days  to  a  time  when, 
from  a  board  plentifully  spread  in  my  own  house,  I  ate  my 
food  with  a  merry  heart.  The  wooden  spoon  dropped  from 
my  feeble  hand.  The  contrast  was  too  affecting.  Seated  on 
a  ragged  rock,  beneath  a  hemlock,  as  I  then  was,  emaciated 
by  sickness,  and  surrounded  by  my  weeping  and  distressed 
family,  who  were  helpless  prisoners,  despair  would  have 
robbed  me  of  life,  had  I  not  put  my  whole  confidence  in  that 
Being  who  has  power  to  save.  Our  masters  began  to  prepare 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  153 

to  ford  the  stream.  I  swallowed  most  of  my  broth,  and  was 
taken  up  by  my  husband.  The  river  was  very  rapid  and 
passing  dangerous.  Mr.  Labarree,  when  half  over  with  my 
child,  was  tripped  up  by  its  rapidity,  and  lost  the  babe  in  the 
water  :  little  did  I  expect  to  see  the  poor  thing  again  ;  but  he 
fortunately  reached  a  corner  of  its. blanket  and  saved  its  life. 
The  rest  got  safe  to  the  ot'her  shore ;  another  fire  was  built, 
and  my  sister  dried  the  infant  and  its  clothes. 

***** 

Here  the  savages  for  the  first  time  gave  loud  tokens  of  joy, 
by  hallooing  and  yelling  in  a  tremendous  manner.  The  pris 
oners  were  now  introduced  to  a  new  school.  Little  did  we 
expect  that  the  accomplishment  of  dancing  would  ever  be 
taught  us  by  the  savages.  But  the  war  dance  must  now  be 
held,  and  every  prisoner  that  could  move  must  take  its  awk 
ward  steps.  The  figure  consisted  of  circular  motion  round 
the  fire ;  each  sang  his  own  music,  and  the  best  dancer  was 
the  one  most  violent  in  motion.  The  prisoners  were  taught 
each  a  song ;  mine  was,  Danna  witchee  natchepung ;  my 
son's  was,  Narwiscumpton.  The  rest  I  cannot  recollect. 
Whether  this  task  was  imposed  on  us  for  their  diversion,  or  a 
religious  ceremonial,  I  cannot  say ;  but  it  was  very  painful 
and  offensive.  In  the  forenoon  seven  Indians  came  to  us; 
who  were  received  with  great  joy  by  our  masters,  who  tools 
great  pleasure  in  introducing  their  prisoners.  The  war  dance 
was  again  held ;  we  were  obliged  to  join  and  sing  our  songs 
while  the  Indians  rent  the  air  with  infernal  yelling.  We  then 
embarked,  and  arrived  at  Crown  Point  about  noon.  Each 
prisoner  was  then  led  by  his  master  to  the  residence  of  the 
French  commander.  The  Indians  kept  up  their  infernal  yell 
ing  the  whole  time.  We  were  ordered  to  his  apartment,  and 
used  with  that  hospitality  which  characterizes  the  best  part 
of  the  nation.  We  had  brandy  in  profusion,  a  good  dinner, 
and  a  change  of  linen.  This  was  luxury  indeed,  after  what 
we  had  suffered  for  the  want  of  these  things.  None  but  our 


154  ,        INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

selves  could  prize  their  value  We,  after  dinner,  were  pa 
raded  before  Mr.  Commander  and  underwent  examination  ; 
after  which  we  were  shown  a  convenient  apartment,  where 
we  resided  four  days,  not  subject  -to  the  jurisdiction  of  our 
savage  masters.  Here  we  received  great  civilities  and  many 
presents.  I  had  a  nurse,  who  in  a  great  measure  restored  my 
exhausted  strength.  My  children  were  all  decently  clothed, 
and  my  infant  in  particular.  The  first  day,  while  I  was  tak 
ing  a  nap,  they  dressed  it  so  fantastically,  d  la  France,  that  I 
refused  to  own  it  when  brought  to  my  bedside,  not  guessing 
that  I  was  the  mother  of  such  a  strange  thing. 

On  the  fourth  day,  to  our  great  grief  and  mortification,  we 
were  again  delivered  to  the  Indians,  who  led  us  to  the  water 
side,  where  we  all  embarked  in  one  vessel  for  St.  John's 
The  wind  shifted  after  a  short  sail,  and  we  dropped  anchor. 
In  a  little  time  a  canoe  came  alongside  of  us,  in  which  was  a 
white  woman,  who  was  bound  for  Albany.  Mr.  Johnson 
begged  her  to  stop  a  few  minutes  while  he  wrote  to  Colonel 
Lydius,  of  Albany,  to  inform  him  of  our  situation,  and  to  re 
quest  him  to  put  the  same  in  the  Boston  newspapers,  that  our 
friends  might  learn  that  we  were  alive.  The  woman  deliv 
ered  the  letter,  and  the  contents  were  published,  which  con 
veyed  the  agreeable  tidings  to  our  friends,  that,  although  pris 
oners,  we  were  then  alive. 

The  following  letter,  in  return  for  the  one  we  sent  to  Colonel 
Lydius,  was  the  first  we  received  from  New  England  :  — 

ALBANY,  November  5,  1754. 

SIR,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  5th  of  October,  with  a  letter 
or  two  for  New  England,  which  I  have  forwarded  immediate 
ly,  and  have  wrote  to  Boston,  in  which  I  urged  the  govern 
ment  to  endeavor  your  and  family's  redemption  as  soon  as 
conveniency  would  admit. 

I  am  quite  sorry  for  your  doleful  misfortune,  and  hope  the 
just  God  will  endue  you  with  patience  to  undergo  your  trou- 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  155 

bles,  and  justly  use  his  rewards  on  the  evil  doers  and  authors 
of  your  misfortune.     Present  my  service  to  all  the  prisoners 
with  you,  from  him  who  subscribes  himself  to  be 
Your  very  humble  servant, 

JOHN  "W.  LYDIUS. 
Lieutenant  James  Johnson,  Montreal. 

After  a  disagreeable  voyage  of  three  days,  we  made  St. 
John's  the  16th  of  September,  where  we  again  experienced 
the  politeness  of  a  French  commander.  I,  with  my  child, 
was  kindly  lodged  in  the  same  room  with  himself  and  lady. 
In  the  morning  we  still  found  misfortune  treading  close  at  our 
heels :  we  must  again  be  delivered  to  our  savage  masters, 
and  take  another  passage  in  the  boats  for  Chamblee ;  when 
within  three  miles  of  which,  Labarree,  myself  and  child, 
with  our  two  masters,  were  put  on  shore.  We  were  ignorant 
of  our  destiny ;  and  parting  from  my  husband  and  friends  was 
a  severe  trial,  without  knowing  whether  we  were  ever  to 
meet  them  again.  We  walked  on  to  Chamblee;  here  our 
fears  were  dissipated  by  meeting  our  friends.  In  the  garrison 
of  this  place  we  found  all  the  hospitality  our  necessities  re 
quired.  Here  for  the  first,  after  my  captivity,  I  lodged  on  a 
bed.  Brandy  was  handed  about  in  large  bowls,  and  we  lived 
in  -high  style.  The  next  morning  we  were  put  in  the  custody 
of  our  old  masters,  who  took  us  to  the  canoes,  in  which  we 
had  a  painful  voyage  that  day  and  the  following  night  tc 
Sorell,  where  we  arrived  on  the  19th.  A  hospitable  friar 
came  to  the  shore  to  see  us,  and  invited  us  to  his  house.  He 
gave  us  a  good  breakfast,  and  drank  our  better  healths  in  a 
tumbler  of  brandy.  He  took  compassionate  notice  of  my 
child,  and  ordered  it  some  suitable  food.  But  the  Indians 
hurried  us  off  before  it  could  eat.  He  then  went  with  us  to 
the  shore,  and  ordered  his  servant  to  carry  the  food,  prepared 
for  the  child,  to  the  canoe,  where  he  waited  till  I  fed  it. 
The  friar  was  a  very  genteel  man.  and  gave  us  his  benedio* 


156  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

tion  at  parting  in  feeling  language.  We  then  rowed  on  till 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  when  we  landed  on  a  barren 
heath,  and  by  the  help  of  a  fire  cooked  an  Indian  dinner ; 
after  which  the  war  dance  was  held  and  another  infernal 
yelling.  The  prisoners  were  obliged  to  sing  till  they  were 
hoarse,  and  dance  round  the  fire. 

"We  had  now  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  the  village  of 
St.  Francis,  to  which  place  our  masters  belonged.  Whenever 
the  warriors  return  from  an  excursion  against  an  enemy, 
their  return  to  the  tribe  or  village  must  be  designated  by  war 
like  ceremonial ;  the  captives  or  spoil,  which  may  happen  to 
crown  their  valor,  must  be  conducted  in  a  triumphant  form, 
and  decorated  to  every  possible  advantage.  For  this  end  we 
must  now  submit  to  painting :  their  vermilion,  with  which 
they  were  ever  supplied,  was  mixed  with  bear's  grease,  .and 
every  cheek,  chin,  and  forehead  must  have  a  dash.  We  then 
rowed  on  within  a  mile  of  the  town,  where  we  stopped  at  a 
French  house  to  dine :  the  prisoners  were  served  with  soup 
meagre  and  bread.  After  dinner  two  savages  proceeded  to 
the  village  to  carry  the  glad  tidings  of  our  arrival.  The 
whole  atmosphere  soon  resounded  from  every  quarter  with 
whoops,  yells,  shrieks,  and  screams.  St.  Francis,  from  the 
noise  that  came  from  it,  might  be  supposed  the  centre  of 
pandemonium.  Our  masters  were  not  backward  ;  they  made 
every  response  they  possibly  could.  The  whole  time  we  were 
sailing  from  the  French  house  the  noise  was  direful  to  be 
heard.  Two  hours  before  sunset  we  came  to  the  landing  at 
the  village.  No  sooner  had  we  landed  than  the  yelling  in  the 
town  was  redoubled ;  a  cloud  of  savages,  of  all  sizes  and 
sexes,  soon  appeared  running  towards  us.  When  they  reached 
the  boats  they  formed  themselves  into  a  long  parade,  leaving 
a  small  space  through  which  we  must  pass.  Each  Indian 
then  took  his  prisoner  by  his  hand,  and,  after  ordering  him  to 
sing  the  war  song,  began  to  march  through  the  gantlet.  We 
expected  a  severe  beating  before  we  got  through ;  bat  were 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON.  157 

agreeably  disappointed  when  we  found  that  each  Indian  only 
gave  us  a  tap  on  the  shoulder.  We  were  led  directly  to  the 
houses,  each  taking  his  prisoner  to  his  own  wigwam.  When 
I  entered  my  master's  door  his  brother  saluted  me  with  a  large 
belt  of  wampum,  and  my  master  presented  me  with  another. 
Both  were  put  over  my  shoulders,  and  crossed  behind  and 
before.  My  new  home  was  not  the  most  agreeable  :  a  large 
wigwam,  without  a  floor,  with  a  fire  in  the  centre,  and  only  a 
few  water  vessels  and  dishes  to  eat  from,  made  of  birch  bark, 
and  tools  for  cookery,  made  clumsily  of  wood,  for  furniture, 
will  not  be  thought  a  pleasing  residence  to  one  accustomed  to 
civilized  life.  t 

Residence  at  St.  Francis.  —  Sale  of  most  of  the  Prisoners  to 
the  French,  and  Removal  to  Montreal. 

Night  presently  came  after  our  arrival  at  St.  Francis. 
Those  who  have  felt  the  gloomy,  homesick  feelings  which 
sadden  those  hours  which  a  youth  passes  when  first  from  a 
father's  house,  may  judge  of  part  of  my  sufferings  ;  but  when 
the  rest  of  my  circumstances  are  added,  their  conception  must 
fall  infinitely  short.  I  now  found  myself,  with  my  infant,  in 
a  large  wigwam,  accompanied  with  two  or  three  warriors 
and  as  many  squaws,  where  I  must  spend  the  night,  and  per 
haps  a  year.  My  fellow-prisoners  were  dispersed  over  the 
town,  each  one,  probably,  feeling  the  same  gloominess  with 
myself.  Hasty  pudding  presently  was  brought  forward  for 
supper.  A  spacious  bowl  of  wood,  well  filled,  was  placed  in 
a  central  spot,  and  each  one  drew  near  with  a  wooden  spoon. 
As  the  Indians  never  use  seats,  nor  have  any  in  their  wig 
wams,  my  awkwardness  in  taking  my  position  was  a  matter 
of  no  small  amusement  to  my  new  companions.  The  squaws 
first  fall  upon  their  knees,  and  then  sit  back  upon  their  heels. 
This  was  a  posture  that  I  could  not  imitate.  To  sit  in  any 
other  was  thought  by  them  indelicate  and  unpolite.  But  I 
advanced  to  my  pudding  with  the  best  grace  I  could  ;  not, 
14 


158  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

however,  escaping  some  of  their  funny  remarks.  When  the 
hour  for  sleep  came  on,  for  it  would  be  improper  to  call  it 
bedtime  where  beds  were  not,  I  was  pointed  to  a  platform, 
raised  half  a  yard,  where  upon  a  board  covered  with  a  blanket 
I  was  to  pass  the  night.  The  Indians  threw  themselves  down 
in  various  parts  of  the  building  in  a  manner  that  more  re 
sembled  cows  in  a  shed  than  human  beings  in  a  house.  In 
the  morning  our  breakfast  consisted  of  the  relics  of  the  last 
night.  My  sister  came  to  see  me  in  the  forenoon ;  and  we 
spent  some  hours  in  observations  upon  our  situation  while 
washing  some  apparel  at  a  little  brook.  In  the  afternoon  I, 
with  my  infant,  was  taken  .to  the  grand  parade,  where  we 
found  a  large  collection  of  the  village  inhabitants.  An  aged 
chief  stepped  forward  into  an  area,  and  after  every  noise  was 
silenced  and  every  one  fixed  in  profound  attention  he  began 
to  harangue  :  his  manner  was  solemn ;  his  motions  and  expres 
sion  gave  me  a  perfect  idea  of  an  orator.  Not  a  breath  was 
heard,  and  every  spectator  seemed  to  reverence  what  he  said. 
After  the  speech  my  little  son  was  brought  to  the  opposite 
side  of  the  parade,  and  a  number  of  blankets  laid  by  his  side. 
It  now  appeared  that  his  master  and  mine  intended  an  ex 
change  of  prisoners.  My  master,  being  a  hunter,  wished  for 
my  son  to  attend  him  on  his  excursions.  Each  delivered  his 
property  with  great  formality ;  my  son  and  blankets  being  an 
equivalent  for  myself,  child,  and  wampum.  I  was  taken  to 
the  house  of  my  new  master,  and  found  myself  allied  to  the 
first  family.  My  master,  whose  name  was  Gill,  was  son-in- 
law  to  the  grand  sachem,  was  accounted  rich,  had  a  store  of 
goods,  and  lived  in  a  style  far  above  the  majority  of  his  tribe. 
He  often  told  me  that  he  had  an  English  heart,  but  his  wife 
was  true  Indian  blood.  Soon  after  my  arrival  at  his  house 
the  interpreter  came  to  inform  me  that  I  was  adopted  into  his 
family.  I  was  then  introduced  into  the  family,  and  was  told 
to  call  them  brothers  and  sisters.  I  made  a  short  reply,  ex 
pressive  of  gratitude  for  being  introduced  to  a  house  of  high 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.  JOHNSON.  159 

rank,  and  requested  their  patience  while  I  should  learn  the 
customs  of  the  nation.  This  was  scarce  over  when  the  atten 
tion  of  the  village  was  called  to  the  grand  parade,  to  attend 
a  rejoicing  occasioned  by  the  arrival  of  some  warriors  who 
had  brought  some  scalps.  They  were  carried  in  triumph  on 
a  pole.  Savage  butchery  upon  murdered  countrymen  !  The 
right  was  horrid.  As  I  retired  to  my  new  residence  I  could 
near  the  savage  yells  that  accompanied  the  war  dance.  I 
spent  the  night  in  sad  reflection. 

My  time  now  was  solitary  beyond  description.  My  new 
sisters  and  brothers  treated  me  with  the  same  attention  that 
they  did  their  natural  kindred  ;  but  it  was  an  unnatural  situ 
ation  to  me.  I  was  a  novice  at  making  canoes,  bunks,  and 
tumplines,  which  was  the  only  occupation  of  the  squaws ;  of 
course,  idleness  was  among  my  calamities.  My  fellow-prison 
ers  were  as  gloomy  as  myself;  ignorant  whether  they  were 
to  spend  their  days  in  this  inactive  village,  to  be  carried  into 
a  war  campaign,  to  slaughter  their  countrymen,  or  to  be 
dragged  to  the  cold  lakes  of  the  north  in  a  hunting  voyage. 
We  visited  each  other  daily,  and  spent  our  time  in  conjectur 
ing  our  future  destiny. 

The  space  of  forty-two  years  having  elapsed  since  my  resi 
dence  in  St.  Francis,  It  is  impossible  to  give  the  reader  a 
minute  detail  of  events  that  occurred  while  there :  many  of 
them  are  still  forcibly  impressed  upon  my  memory  ;  but  dates 
and  particulars  are  now  inaccurately  treasured  up  -by  fain', 
recollection.  Mr.  Johnson  tarried  but  a  few  days  with  me 
before  he  was  carried  to  Montreal  to  be  sold.  My  two  daugh 
ters,  sister,  and  Labarree  were  soon  after  carried  to  the  same 
place  at  different  times.  Farnsworth  was  carried  by  his 
master  on  a  hunting  scout ;  but  not  proving  so  active  in  the 
chase  and  ambush  as  they  wished,  he  was  returned  and  sent 
to  Montreal.  I  now  found  an  increase  to  my  trouble  :  with 
only  my  son  and  infant  in  this  strange  land,  without  a  pros 
pect  of  relief,  and  with  all  my  former  trouble  lying  heavy 


100  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

upon  me,  disappointment  and  despair  came  well  nigli  being 
my  executioners.  In  this  dilemma,  who  can  imagine  my  dis 
tress  when  my  little  son  came  running  to  me  one  morning, 
swollen  with  tears,  exclaiming  that  the  Indians  were  going 
to  carry  him  into  the  woods  to  hunt  ?  He  had  scarcely  told 
the  piteous  story  before  his  master  came  to  pull  him  away. 
He  threw  his  little  arms  around  me,  begging,  in  the  agony  of 
grief,  that  I  would  keep  him.  The  inexorable  savage  un- 
clinched  his  hands  and  forced  him  away  :  the  last  words  I 
heard,  intermingled  with  his  cries,  were,  "Ma'am,  I  shall 
never  see  you  again."  The  keenness  of  my  pangs  almost 
obliged  me  to  wish  that  I  had  never  been  a  mother.  "  Fare 
well,  Sylvanus,"  said  I ;  "  God  will  preserve  you." 
*  *  *  *  * 

Mr.  Johnson  and  my  daughter  were  taken  with  the  small 
pox ;  and  I  obtained  permission  to  go  to  the  hospital  and  see 
them,  after  which  I  never  returned  to  the  Indians.  It  is  a 
singular  instance  of  divine  interposition  that  we  all  recovered 
from  this  malignant  disease.  We  were  remanded  to  prison, 
but  were  not  compelled  to  our  former  rigid  confinement.  Mr. 
Johnson  was  allowed,  at  certain  times,  to  go  about  the  city  in 
quest  of  provision.  But,  on  the  20th  of  October,  St.  Luc 
Lucorne  arrived  from  Montreal  with  the  news  of  Dieskau's 
defeat :  he  had,  ever  since  my  husband's  misfortune  about  his 
parole,  been  his  persecuting  enemy.  By  his  instigation  we 
were  all  put  directly  to  close  prison. 

The  ravages  of  the  small  pox  reduced  us  to  the  last  extrem 
ity  ;  and  the  fetid  prison,  without  fire  or  food,  added  bitterness 
to  our  distress.  Mr.  Johnson  preferred  a  petition  to  the  lord 
intendant,  stating  our  melancholy  situation.  I  had  the  liberty 
of  presenting  it  myself;  and  by  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Per- 
thieur,  the  interpreter,  in  whom  we  ever  found  a  compassion 
ate  friend,  we  got  some  small  relief.  About  the  1st  of  Novem 
ber  I  was  taken  violently  ill  of  a  fever,  and  was  carried  to 
the  hospital  with  my  daughter  Captive.  After  a  month'? 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON.  161 

residence  there,  with  tolerably  good  attendance,  I  recovered 
from  ray  illness  and  went  back  to  my  husband.  While  at 
the  hospital  I  found  an  opportunity  to  convey  the  unwelcome 
idings  of  our  deplorable  situation  to  my  sister  at  Montreal, 
charging  her  to  give  niy  best  love  to  my  daughter  Susanna, 
and  to  inform  our  fellow-prisoners,  Labarree  and  Farns worth, 
that  our  good  wishes  awaited  them.  Not  a  word  had  we  yet 
heard  from  poor  Sylvanus. 

Winter  now  began  to  approach,  and  the  severe  frosts  of 
Canada  operated  keenly  upon  our  feelings.  Our  prison  was 
a  horrid  defence  from  the  blasts  of  December :  with  two 
chairs,  and  a  heap  of  straw,  and  two  lousy  blankets,  we  may 
well  be  supposed  to  live  uncomfortably :  but  in  addition  to 
this,  we  had  but  one  poor  fire  a  day,  and  the  iron  grates  gave 
free  access  to  the  chills  of  the  inclement  sky.  A  quart  basin 
was  the  only  thing  allowed  us  to  cook  our  small  piece  of 
meat  and  dirty  crusts  in  ;  and  it  must  serve  at  the  same  time 
for  table  furniture.  In  this  sad  plight,  —  a  prisoner,  in  jail, 
winter  approaching,  —  conceive,  reader,  for  I  cannot  speak, 
our  distress. 

* 

Our  former  benevolent  friends,  Captains  Stowbrow  and 
Vambram,  had  the  peculiar  misfortune  to  be  cast  into  a  prison 
opposite  to  us.  Suspicion  of  having  corresponded  with  their 
countrymen  was  the  crime  with  which  they  were  charged. 
Their  misfortune  did  not  preclude  the  exertion  of  generosity : 
they  frequently  sent  us,  by  the  waiting  maid,  bottles  of  wine 
and  articles  of  provision."^  But  the  malice  of  Frenchmen  had 
now  arrived  to  such  a  pitcn  against  all  our  country  that  we 
must  be  deprived  of  these  comforts.  These  good  men  were 
forbidden  their  offices  of  kindness,  and  our  intercourse  was 
entirely  prohibited.  We,  however,  found  means  by  a  strata 
gem  to  effect  in  some  measure  what  could  not  be  done  by 
open  dealing.  When  the  servants  were  carrying  in  our  daily 
supplies,  we  slipped  into  the  entry  and  deposited  our  letters 
in  an  ash  box,  which  were  taken  by  our  friends,  they  leaving 


162  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

one  at  the  same  time  for  U3 :  this  served  in  some  measure  to 
amuse  a  dull  hour.  Somstimes  we  diverted  ourselves  by  the 
use  of  Spanish  cards :  as  Mr.  Johnson  was  ignorant  of  the 
gara<3,  I  derived  no  inconsiderable  pleasure  from  instructing 
him.  But  the  vigilance  of  our  keepers  increased,  and  our 
paper  and  ink  were  withheld.  We  had  now  been  prisoners 
seventeen  months,  and  our  prospects  were  changing  from  bad 
to  worse.  Five  months  had  elapsed  since  our  confinement  in 
this  horrid  receptacle,  except  the  time  we  lingered  in  the  hos 
pital.  Our  jailer  was  a  true  descendant  from  Pharaoh ;  but, 
urged  by  impatience  and  despair,  I  softened  him  so  much  as 
to  get  him  to  ask  Mr.  Perthieur  to  call  on  us.  "When  the 
good  man  came  we  described  our  situation  in  all  the  moving 
terms  which  our  feelings  inspired,  which,  in  addition  to  what 
he  saw,  convinced  him  of  the  reality  of  our  distress.  He 
proposed  asking  an  influential  friend  of  his  to  call  on  us,  who, 
perhaps,  would  devise  some  mode  for  our  relief.  The  next 
day  the  gentleman  came  to  see  us :  he  was  one  of  those  good 
souls  who  ever  feel  for  others'  woes.  He  was  highly  affronted 
with  his  countrymen  for  reducing  us  to  such  distress,  and 
declared  that  the  lord  intendant  himself  should  call  on  us  and 
see  the  extremities  to  which  he  had  reduced  us.  He  sent 
from  his  own  house  that  night  a  kettle,  some  candles,  and  each 
of  us  a  change  of  linen. 

The  next  day,  January  8,  1756,  Mr.  Intendant  came  to 
see  us.  He  exculpated  himself  by  saying  that  we  were  put 
there  by  the  special  order  of  Monsieur  Vaudrieul,  the  gover- 
nor-in-chief,  and  that  he  had  no  authority  to  release  us.  But 
he  would  convey  a  letter  from  Mr.  Johnson  to  monsieur,  which 
might  have  the  desired  effect.  The  letter  was  accordingly 
written,  stating  our  troubles  and  beseeching  relief;  likewise 
praying  that  our  son  might  be  got  from  the  Indians  and  sent 
to  us,  with  our  daughter  and  sister  from  Montreal.  The  gov 
ernor  returned  the  following  obliging  letter  :  — 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON.  163 

TRANSLATION. 

•  I  have  received,  sir,  your  letter,  and  am  much  concerned 
for  the  situation  you  are  in.  I  write  to  Mr.  Longieul  to  put 
you  and  your  wife  in  the  civil  jail.  Mr.  L.  Intendant  will  be 
so  good  as  to  take  some  notice  of  the  things  you  stand  in  need 
of,  and  to  help  you.  As  to  your  boy,  who  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  I  will  do  all  that  is  in  my  power  to  get  him  ;  but 
I  do  not  hope  to  have  a  good  success  in  it.  Your  child  in 
town  and  your  sister-in-law  are  well.  If  it  is  some  opportu 
nity  of  doing  you  some  pleasure  I  will  make  use  of  it,  unless 
some  reason  might  happen  that  hinder  and  stop  the  effects  of 
my  good  will.  If  you  had  not  before  given  some  cause  of 
being  suspected,  you  should  be  at  liberty. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

YAUDRIEUL. 


From  the  receipt  of  this  letter  we  dated  our  escape 
direful  bondage.  Mr.  Intendant  ordered  us  directly  to  the 
new  jail,  called  the  civil  prison,  where  our  accommodations 
were  infinitely  better.  We  had  a  decent  bed,  candles,  fuel. 
and  all  the  conveniences  belonging  to  prisoners  of  war.  Mr. 
Johnson  was  allowed  fifteen  pence  per  day,  on  account  of  a 
lieutenant's  commission  which  he  held  under  George  II.  ;  and 
I  was  permitted  to  go  once  a  week  into  the  city  to  purchase 
necessaries,  and  a  washerwoman  was  provided  for  my  use. 
We  were  not  confined  to  the  narrow  limits  of  a  single  room, 
but  were  restrained  only  by  the  bounds  of  the  jail  yard.  Our 
situation  formed  such  a  contrast  with  what  we  endured  in  the 
gloomy  criminal  jail  that  we  imagined  ourselves  the  favorites 
of  fortune  and  in  high  life. 

Residence  in  the  Civil  Jail,  and*0ccurrences  till  the  20t/i  of 
July,  1757. 

To  be  indolent  from  necessity  has  ever  been  (Jeemed  a 
formidable  evil.      No  better  witnesses   than   ourselves   can 


164  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

testify  to  the  truth  of  the  remark,  althougjj^pur  lodgings  were 
now  such  as  we  envied  a  month  before  ;  yet  to  be  compelled 
to  continual  idleness  was  grievous  to  be  borne.  We  derived 
some  amusement  from  the  cultivation  of  a  small  garden  within 
the  jail  yard;  but  a  continued  sameness  of  friends  and  action 
rendered  our  time  extremely  wearisome. 

About  a  month  after  our  arrival  at  this  new  abode,  one 
Captain  Milton,  with  his  crew,  who  with  their  vessel  were 
taken  at  sea,  were  brought  prisoners  of  war  to  the  same  place. 
Milton  was  lodged  in  our  apartment.  He  had  all  the  rude, 
boisterous  airs  of  a  seaman,  without  the  least  trait  of  a  gen 
tleman,  which  rendered  him  a  very  troublesome  companion. 
His  impudence  was  consummate ;  but  that  was  not  the  great 
est  evil :  while  some  new  recruits  were  parading  before  the 
prison  one  day,  Milton  addressed  them  in  very  improper  lan 
guage  from  our  window,  which  was  noticed  directly  by  city 
authority,  who,  supposing  it  to  be  Mr.  Johnson,  ordered  him 
into  the  dungeon.  ^Deeply  affected  by  this  new  trouble,  I 
again  called  on  my  friend  Mr.  Perthieur,  who,  after  having 
ascertained  the  facts,  got  him  released.  Mr.  Milton  was  then 
put  into  other  quarters. 

A  new  jailer,  who  had  an  agreeable  lady  for  his  wife,  now 
made  our  situation  still  more  happy.  My  little  daughters 
played  with  hers  and  learned  the  French  language.  But  my 
children  were  some  trouble ;  the  eldest,  Polly,  could  slip  out 
into  the  street  under  the  gate,  and  often  came  nigh  being  lost. 
I  applied  to  the  sentinel,  and  he  kept  her  within  proper 
bounds. 

Captain  M'Neil  and  his  brother,  from  Boston,  were  brought 
to  us  as  prisoners.  They  informed  us  of  the  state  of  politics 
in  our  own  country,  and  told  us  some  interesting  news  about 
some  of  our  friends  at  home. 

In  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  August,  our  jailer,  with 
moon  eyes,  came  to  congratulate  us  on  the  taking, of  Oswego 
by  the  French.  We  entered  little  into  his  spirit  of  joy,  pre- 


CAPTIVI1T    OF   MRS.   JOHNSON.  165 

% 

ferring  much  to  hear  good  news  from  the  other  side.  We 
were  soon  visited  by  some  of  the  prisoners  who  had  surren 
dered.  Colonel  Schuyler  was  in  the  number,  who,  with  the 
gentlemen  in  his  suit,  made  us  a  generous  present. 

The  remainder  of  the  summer  and  fall  of  1756  passed  off 
without  any  sensible  variation.  We  frequently  heard  from 
Montreal.  My  sister  was  very  well  situated  in  the  family  of 
the  lieutenant  governor,  and  my  eldest  daughter  was  caressed 
by  her  three  mothers.  Could  I  have  heard  from  my  son, 
half  my  trouble  would  have  ended. 

In  December  I  was  delivered  of  a  son,  who  lived  but  a 
few  iiours,  and  was  buried  under  the  Cathedral  Church. 

In  the  winter  I  received  a  letter  from  my  sister,  contain 
ing  the  sad  tidings  of  my  father's  death,  who  was  killed  by 
Indians  on  his  own  farm  the  preceding  June,  at  the  age  of 
fifty-three.  Savage  vengeance  fell  heavily  upon  our  family. 
I  had  a  brother'  wounded  at  the-  same  time,  who  ran  to  the 
fort  with  the  spear  sticking  in  his  thigh.  Too  much  grief 
reduced  me  to  a  weak  condition.  I  was  taken  sick  and  car 
ried  to  the  hospital,  where,  after  a  month's  lingering  illness,  I 
found  myself  able  to  return. 

The  commencement  of  the  year  1757  passed  off  without  a 
prospect  of  liberty.  Part  of  our  fellow-prisoners  were  sent 
to  France,  but  we  made  no  voyage  out  of  the  jail  yard. 
About  the  1st  of  May  we  petitioned  Mons.  Vaudrieul  to  per 
mit  our  sister  to  come  to  us.  Our  prayer  was  granted ;  and 
in  May  we  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  her,  after  an  absence 
of  two  years.  She  had  supported  herself  by  her  needle  in 
.the  family  of  the  lieutenant  governor,  where  she  was  treated 
extremely  well,  and  received  a  present  of  four  crowns  at 
parting. 

Impatient  of  confinement,  we  now  made  another  attempt  to 
gain  our  liberty.  Mr.  Perthieur  conducted  us  to  the  house 
of  the  lord  intendant,  to  whom  we  petitioned  in  pressing 
terms,  stating  that  we  had  now  been  prisoners  almost  three 


166  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

•• 

years,  and  had  suffered  every  thing  but  death ;  and  that  would 
be  our  speedy  portion,  unless  we  had  relief.  His  lordship 
listened  with  seeming  pity,  and  promised  to  lay  our  case  be 
fore  the  head  man  at  Montreal  and  give  us  an  answer  in 
seven  days  ;  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  we  had  a  per 
mit  to  leave  the  prison.  It  is  not  easy  to  describe  the  effect 
of  such  news ;  those  only  who  have  felt  the  horrors  of  con 
finement  can  figure  to  themselves  the  happiness  we  enjoyed 
when  breathing  once  more  the  air  of  liberty.  We  took  lodg 
ings  in  town,  where  we  tarried  till  the  1st  of  June,  when  a 
cartel  ship  arrived  to  carry  prisoners  to  England  for  an  ex 
change.  Mr.  Johnson  wrote  an  urgent  letter  to  Mons.  Vau- 
drieul,  praying  that  his  family  might  be  included  with  those 
who  were  to  take  passage.  Monsieur  wrote  a  very  encour 
aging  letter  back,  promising  that  he  and  his  family  should 
sail,  and  that  his  daughter,  Susanna,  should  be  sent  to  him. 
He  concluded  by  congratulating  him  on  his  good  prospects, 
and  ordering  the  governor  of  Quebec  to  afford  us  his  assist 
ance.  This  letter  was  dated  June  the  27th. 

This  tide  of  good  fortune  almost  wiped  away  the  remem 
brance  of  three  years'  adversity.  We  began  our  prepara 
tions  for  embarkation  with  alacrity.  Mr.  Johnson  wrote  St 
Luc  Lucorne  for  the  seven  hundred  livres  due  on  Mr.  Cuy- 
ler's  order ;  but  his  request  was,  and  still  is,  unsatisfied.  This 
was  a  period  big  with  every  thing  propitious  and  happy. 
The  idea  of  leaving  a  country  where  I  had  suffered  the  keen 
est  distress  during  two  months  and  a  half  with  the  savages, 
been  bowed  down  by  every  mortification  and  insult  which 
could  arise  from  the  misfortunes  of  my  husband  in  New  Eng-  . 
land,  and  where  I  had  spent  two  years  in  sickness  and  de 
spair  in  a  prison  too  shocking  to  mention,  contributed  to  fill 
the  moment  with  all  the  happiness  which  the  benevolent 
reader  will  conceive  my  due  after  sufferings  so  intense.  To 
consummate  the  whole,  ray  daughter  was  to  be  returned  to 
my  arms  who  had  been  absent  more  than  two  years.  There 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  167 

was  a  good  prospect  of  our  son's  being  released  from  the  In 
dians.  The  whole  formed  such  a  lucky  combination  of  fortu 
nate  events  that  the  danger  of  twice  crossing  the  ocean  to  gain 
our  native  shore  vanished  in  a  moment.  My  family  were  all 
in  the  same  joyful  mood,  and  hailed  the  happy  day  when  we 
should  sail  for  England. 

But  little  did  we  think  that  this  sunshine  of  prosperity  was 
so  soon  to  be  darkened  by  the  heaviest  clouds  of  misfortune. 
Three  days  before  the  appointed  hour  for  sailing,  the  ship 
came  down  from  Montreal  without  my  daughter.  In  a  few 
moments  I  met  Mr.  Perthieur,  who  told  me  that  counter 
orders  had  come,  and  Mr.  Johnson  must  be  retained  a  pris 
oner  ;  only  my  two  little  daughters,  sister,  and  myself  could 
go.  This  was  calamity  indeed.  To  attempt  such  a  long, 
wearisome  voyage,  without  money  and  without  acquaintance, 
and  to  leave  a  husband  and  two  children  in  the  hands  of  ene 
mies,  was  too  abhorrent  for  reflection.  But  it  was  an  affair 
of  importance,  and  required  weighty  consideration.  Accord 
ingly,  the  next  day"  a  solemn  council  of  all  the  prisoners  in 
the  city  was  held  at  the  coffee  house.  Colonel  Schuyler  was 
president;  and  after  numerous  arguments  for  and  against 
were  heard,  it  was  voted,  by  a  large  majority,  that  I  should 
go.  I,  with  hesitation,  gave  my  consent.  Some,  perhaps, 
will  censure  the  measure  as  rash,  and  others  may  applaud  my 
courage ;  but  I  had  so  long  been  accustomed  to  danger  and 
distress,  in  the  most  menacing  forms  they  could  assume,  that 
I  was  now  almost  insensible  to  their  threats ;  and  this  act  was 
not  a  little  biased  by  desperation.  Life  could  no  longer  re 
tain  its  value  if  lingered  out  in  the  inimical  regions  of  Canada. 
In  Europe  I  should,  at  least,  find  friends,  if  not  acquaintance ; 
and  among  the  numerous  vessels  bound  to  America  I  might 
chance  to  get  a  passage.  But  then,  to  leave  a  tender  husband, 
who  had  so  long,  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  preserved  my  own,  — 
to  part,  perhaps  forever,  from  two  children,  —  put  alt  my  TASO 
lution  to  the  test  and  shook  my  boasted  firmness. 


168  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Colonel  Selmyler,  whom  we  ever  found  our  benevolent 
friend,  promised  to  use  his  influence  for  Mr.  Johnson's  re 
lease  and  for  the  redemption  of  our  children. 

On  the  20th  of  July  we  went  on  board  the  vessel,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  Johnson,  who  went  with  us  to  take  leave.  We 
were  introduced  to  the  captain,  who  was  a  gentleman  and  a 
person  of  great  civility.  He  showed  us  the  best  cabin,  which 
was  to  be  the  place  of  our  residence ;  and  after  promising  my 
husband  that  the  voyage  should  be  made  as  agreeable  to  me 
as  possible,  he  gave  orders  for  weighing  anchor.  The  time 
was  now  come  that  we  must  part.  Mr."  Johnson  took  me  by 
the  hand  ;  our  tears  imposed  silence.  I  saw  him  step  into  the 
barge  ;  but  my  two  little  children,  sister,  and  myself  were 
bound  for  Europe. 

We  fell  down  the  River  St.  Lawrence  but  a  small  distance 
that  night.  The  next  morning  the  captain,  with  a  cheerful 
countenance,  came  to  our  cabin  and  invited  us  to  rise  and 
take  our  leave  of  Quebec.  None  but  myself  complied ;  and  I 
gazed,  as  long  as  sight  would  permit,  at  the  place  where  1  had 
left  my  dearest  friend. 

While  in  the  custody  qf  the  Canadians,  a  number  of  cir 
cumstances  occurred  with  which  my  memory  is  not  strongly 
impressed ;  but  a  dream  which  I  had  while  in  the  civil  jail 
will  never  be  forgotten.  Methought  that  I  had  two  rings  on 
one  finger ;  the  one  a  plain,  and  the  other  a  diamond  mourn 
ing  ring.  The  plain  ring  broke  and  fell  from  my  finger,  while 
the  other  remained.  My  family  was  now  broke,  and  I  left  to 
mourn. 

Voyage  to  Plymouth.  —  Occurrences.  —  Sailing  from  Plym 
outh  to  Portsmouth  ;  from  thence,  by  the  Way  of  Cork,  to 
New  York. 

All  my  fears  and  affliction  did  not  prevent  my  feeling  some 
little  joy  at  being  released  from  the  jurisdiction  of  French 
men.  I  could  pardon  the  Indians  for  their  vindictive  spirit, 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.   JOHNSON.  169 

» 

because  they  had  no  claim  to  the  benefits  of  civilization.  But 
the  French,  who  give  lessons  of  politeness  to  the  rest  of  the 
world,  can  derive  no  advantage  from  the  plea  of  ignorance. 
The  blind  superstition  which  is  inculcated  by  their  monks  and 
friars  doubtless  stifles,  in  some  measure,  the  exertion  of  pity 
towards  their  enemies ;  and  the  common  herd,  which  includes 
almost  seven  eighths  of  their  number,  have  no  advantages 
from  education.  To  these  sources  I  attribute  most  of  my 
sufferings.  But  I  found  some  benevolent  friends,  whose  gen 
erosity  I  shall  ever  recollect  with  the  warmest  gratitude. 

The  commencement  of  the  voyage  had  every  favorable 
presage ;  the  weather  was  fine,  the  sailors  cheerful,  and  the 
ship  in  good  trim.  My  accommodations  in  the  captain's  fam 
ily  were  very  commodious.  A  boy  was  allowed  me  for  my 
particular  use.  We  sailed  with  excellent  fortune  till  the  19th 
of  August,  when  we  hove  in  sight  of  old  Plymouth,  and  at 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  dropped  anchor. 

The  next  day  all  but  myself  and  family  were  taken  from 
the  vessel.  We  felt  great  anxiety  at  being  left,  and  began  to 
fear  that  fortune  was  not  willing  to  smile  on  us  even  on  these 
shores.  We  waited  in  despair  thirty  or  forty  hours  and  found 
no  relief.  The  captain,  observing  our  despondency,  began 
his  airs  of  gayety  to  cheer  us.  He  assured  us  that  we  should 
not  suffer  ;  that,  if  the  English  would  not  receive  us,  he  would 
take  us  to  France  and  make  us  happy.  But  at  last  an  officer 
came  on  board  to  see  if  the  vessel  was  prepared  for  the  re 
ception  of  French  prisoners.  We  related  to  him  our  situa 
tion.  He  conducted  us  on  shore  and  applied  to  the  admiral 
for  directions,  who  ordered  us  lodgings  and  the  king's  allow 
ance  of  two  shillings  sterling  per  day  for  our  support.  For 
tunately  we  were  lodged  in  a  house  where  resided  Captain 
John  Tufton  Mason,  whose  name  will  be  familiar  to  the  in 
habitants  of  New  Hampshire  on  account  of  his  patent.  He 
very  kindly  interested  himself  in  our  favor,  and  wrote  to 
Messrs.  Thomlinson  and  Apthorp,  agents  at  London  for  thf 
15 


170  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Province  of  New  Hampshire,  soliciting  their  assistance  in  my 
behalf.  We  tarried  at  Plymouth  but  a  fortnight,  during 
which  time  I  received  much  attention,  and  had  to  gratify 
many  inquisitive  friends  with  the  history  of  my  sufferings. 

Captain  Mason  procured  me  a  passage  to  Portsmouth  in 
the  Rainbow  man-of-war,  from  whence  I  was  to  take  passage 
in  a  packet  for  America.  Just  as  I  stepped  on  board  the 
Rainbow,  a  good  lady,  with  her  son,  came  to  make  me  a  visit. 
Her  curiosity  to  see  a  person  of  my  description  was  not  abated 
by  my  being  on  my  passage.  She  said  she  could  not  sleep 
till  she  had  seen  the  person  who  had  suffered  such  hard  for 
tune.  After  she  had  asked  all  the  questions  that  time  would 
allow  of  she  gave  me  a  guinea,  and  a  half  guinea  to  my  sister, 
and  a  muslin  handkerchief  to  each  of  our  little  girls.  On 
our  arrival  at  Portsmouth  the  packet  had  sailed.  The  cap 
tain  of  the  Rainbow,  not  finding  it  convenient  to  keep  us  with 
him,  introduced  us  on  board  the  Royal  Ann. 

Wherever  we  lived  we  found  the  best  friends  and  the  po 
litest  treatment.  It  will  be  thought  singular  that  a  defence 
less  woman  should  suffer  so  many  changes  without  meeting 
with  some  insults  and  many  incivilities.  But  during  my  long 
residence  on  board  the  various  vessels  I  received  the  most 
delicate  attention  from  my  companions.  The  officers  were 
assiduous  in  making  my  situation  agreeable,  and  readily  prof 
fered  their  services. 

While  on  board  the  Royal  Ann  I  received  the  following 
letters.  The  reader  will  excuse  the  recitation.  It  would  be 
ingratitude  not  to  record  such  conspicuous  acts  of  benevolence. 

PLYMOUTH,  September  13,  1757. 

MADAM,  —  Late  last  postnight  I  received  an  answer  from 
,.*r.  Apthorp,  who  is  partner  with  Mr.  Thomlinson,  the  agent 
for  New  Hampshire,  with  a  letter  enclosed  to  you,  which  gave 
you  liberty  to  draw  on  him  for  fifteen  guineas.  As  Madam 
Hornech  was  just  closing  her  letter  to  you,  I  gave  it  her  to 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  171 

enclose  for  you.  I  now  write  again  to  London  on  your  be 
half.  You  must  immediately  write  Mr.  Apthorp  what  you 
intend  to  do,  and  what  further  you  would  have  him  and  'our 
friends  at  London  do  for  you. 

I  hope  you  have  received  the  benefaction  of  the.  charitable 
Indies  in  this  town.  All  friends  here  commiserate  your  mis 
fortunes  and  wish  you  well,  together  with  your  sister  and 
children. 

Your  friend  and  countryman  to  serve, 

JOHN  T.  MASON. 

Mrs.  Johnson. 

LONDON,  September  7,  1757.  - 

MADAM,  —  I  received  a  letter  from  Captain  Mason,  dated 
the  30th  of  last  month,  giving  an  account  of  your  unfortu 
nate  situation  ;  and  yesterday  Mr.  Thomlinson,  who  is  ill  in 
the  country,  sent  me  your  letter,  together  with  Captain  Ma 
son's,  to  him,  with  the  papers  relative  to  you.  In  consequence 
of  which  I  this  day  applied  to  a  number  of  gentlemen  in  your 
behalf,  who  very  readily  gave  their  assistance ;  but  as  I  am  a 
stratfger  to  the  steps  you  intend  to  pursue,  I  can  only  give 
you  liberty  at  present  to  draw  on  me  for  ten  or  fifteen  guineas, 
for  which  sum  your  bill  shall  be  paid ;  and  when  you  furnish 
me  with  information  I  shall  very  Cheerfully  give  any  further 
ance  in  my  power  to  your  relief,  when  I  shall  also  send  you 
a  list  of  your  benefactors. 

I  am,  madam. 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

JOHN  APTHORP. 
Mrs.  Susanna  Johnson.  f 

LETTER   FROM   H.    GROVE. 

I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  let  dear  Mrs.  Joimson  know  the 
goodness  of  Mrs.  Hornech.  She  has  collected  seven  pounds 
for  you,  and  sent  it  to  Mrs.  Brett,  who  lives  in  the  yard  at 


172  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Portsmouth,  to  beg  her  favors  to  you  in  any  thing  she  can  do 
to  help  or  assist  you.  She  is  a  good  lady :  do  go  to  her  and 
let  her  know  your  distress.  Captain  Mason  has  got  a  letter 
this  post,  but  he  is  not  at  home ;  cannot  tell  you  further. 
You  will  exeuse  this  scrawl,  likewise  my  not  enlarging,  as  Mr. 
Ilornech  waits  to  send  it  away.  Only  believe  me,  madam, 
you  have  my  earnest  prayers  to 'God  to  help  and  assist  you. 
My  mamma's  compliments  with  mine,  and  begs  to  wait  on 
you  ;  and  believe  me,  dear  Mrs.  Johnson,  yours  in  all  events 
to  serve  you, 

«  HANNAH  GROVE. 

Sunday  eve,  10  o'clock. 

I  received  the  donation,  and  Mr.  Apthorp  sent  me  the  fif 
teen  guineas.  I  sincerely  lament  that  he  omitted  sending  me 
the  names  of  my  benefactors. 

The  captain  of  the  Royal  Ann,  supposing  my  situation  with 
him  might  not  be  so  convenient,  applied  to  the  mayor  for  a 
permit  for  me  to  take  lodgings  in  the  city ;  which,  was  granted. 
I  took  new  lodgings,  where  I  tarried^  three  or  four  days,  when 
orders  came  for  me  to  be  on  board  the  Orange  man-of-war  in 
three  hours,  which  was  to  sail  for  America.  "We  made  all 
possible  despatch ;  but  when  we  got  to  the  shore  we  were  as 
tonished  to  find  the  ship  too  far  under  way  to  be  overtaken. 
No  time  was  to  be  lost.  I  applied  to  a  waterman  to  carry  us 
to  a  merchantman,  which  was  weighing  anchor  at  a  distance  to 
go  in  the  same  fleet.  He  hesitated  long  enough  to  pronounce 
a  chapter  of  oaths,  and  rowed  us  off.  When  we  came  to  the 
vessel  I  petitioned  the  captain  to  take  us  on  board  till  he 
overtook  the  Orange.  He  directly  flew  into  a  violent  passion, 
and  offered  greater  insults  than  I  had  ever  received  during 
my  whole  voyage.  He  swore  we  were  women  of  bad  fame, 
who  wished  to  follow'the  army,  and  that  he  would  have  noth 
ing  to  do  with  us.  I  begged  him  to  calm  his  rage,  and 
we  would  convince  him  of  his  error.  But  fortunately  the 


CAlvriVlTY    OF    MK*.    JOIINSOX.  173 

victualler  of  the  fleet  happened  to  be  in  the  ship,  who  at  this 
moment  stepped  forward  with  his  roll  of  names  and  told  the 
outrageous  captain  that  he  would  soon  convince  him  whether 
we  deserved  notice  by  searching  his  list.  He  soon  found  our 
names,  and  the  captain  began  to  beg  pardon.  He  took  us  on 
board  and  apologized  for  his  rudeness. 


When  within  half  a  dozen  miles  of  Springfield,  Mr.  Ely,  a 
benevolent  friend  of  Mr.  Johnson's,  sent  his  two  sons  with  a 
sleigh  to  convey  me  to  his  house,  where  I  proposed,  staying 
till  some  of  my  friends  could  hear  of  my  arrival.  Fortu 
nately  Mr.  Johnson  about  the  same  time  arrived  at  Boston ; 
but  misfortune  had  not  yet  filled  the  measure  of  his  calamity. 
He  had  no  sooner  landed  than  he  was  put  under  guard,  on 
suspicion  of  not  performing  his  duty  in  the  redemption  of  the 
Canada  prisoners,  which  suspicion  was  occasioned  by  his'  re- 
missness  in  producing  his  vouchers.  But  the  following  cer 
tificate  procured  his  liberty  :  — 

% 

This  is  to  certify  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  bearer, 
Lieutenant  James  Johnson,  inhabitant  in  the  town  of  Charles- 
town,  in  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  in  New  England, 
who,  together  with  his  family,  were  taken  by  the  Indians  on 
the  30th  of  August,  1754,  has  ever  since  continued  a  steady 
and  faithful  subject  to  his  majesty  King  George,  and  has  used 
his  utmost  endeavors  to  redeem  his  own  family,  and  all  others 
belonging  to  the  province  aforesaid,  that  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  French  and  Indians,  which  he  cannot  yet  accomplish  ;  and 
that  both  himself  and  family  have  undergone  innumerable 
hardships  and  alllictions  since  they  have  been  prisoners  in 
Canada*. 

In  testinlbny  of  which,  we,  the  subscribers,  officers  in  his 
Britannic  majesty's  service,  and  now  prisoners  ,of  war  at 
Quebec,  have  thought  it  necessary  to  grant  him  this  certificate, 
15* 


174  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

and  do  recommend  him  as  an  object  worthy  the  aid  and  com» 
passion  of  every  honest  Englishman. 

(Signed,)  PETER  SCHUYLER, 

ANDREW  WATKINS, 
WILLIAM  MARTIN, 
WILLIAM  PADGETT. 
QUEBEC,  September  16,  1757. 

To  compensate  him  for  this  misfortune,  Governor  Pownall 
recommended  a  grant,  which  the  general  court  complied  with, 
and  gave  him  one  hundred  dollars  from  the  treasury ;  and  he 
was  recorded  a  faithful  subject  of  King  George.  > 

After  his  dismission  from  the  guards  in  Boston  he  pro 
ceeded  directly  for  Charlestown.  When  within  fifteen  mile's 
of  Springfield  he  was  met  by  a  gentleman  who  had  just  be 
fore  seen  me,  who  gave  him  the  best  news  he  could  have 
heard :  although  it  was  then  late  at  night,  he  lost  not  a  mo 
ment.  At  two  o  clock  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  January, 
1758, 'I  again  embraced  my  dearest  friend.  Happy  New 
Year  !  With  pleasure  would  I  describe  my  emotions  of  joy, 
could  language  paint  them  sufficiently  forcible ;  but  the  feeble 
pen  shrinks  from  the  task. 

Charlestown  was  still  a  frontier  town,  and  suffered  from 
savage  depredations,  which  rendered  it  an  improper  residence 
for  me  ^consequently  I  went  to  Lancaster.  Mr.  Johnson  in 
a  few  days  set  out  for  New  York  to  adjust  his  Canada  ac 
counts.  But  on  his  journey  he  was  persuaded  by  Governor 
Pownall  to  take  a  captain's  commission  and  join  the  forces 
hound  for  Ticonderoga,  where  he  was  killed  on  the  8th  of 
July  following,  in  the  battle  that  proved  fatal  to  Lord  How, 
while  fighting  for  his  country.  Humanity  will  weep  with  me. 
The  cup  of  sorrow  was  now  replete  with  bitter  drops.  All 
my  former  miseries  were  lost  in  the  affliction  of  a*widow. 

In  October,  1758,  I  was  informed  that  my  son  Sylvanus 
was  at  Northampton  sick  of  a  scald.  I  hastened  to  the  place 


CAPTIVITY    OF   MRS.  JOHNSON.  175 

and  found  him  in  a  deplorable  situation.  He  was  brought 
there  by  Major  Putnam,  (afterwards  General  Putnam,)  with 
Mrs.  How  and  her  family,  who  had  returned  from  captivity. 
The  town  of  Northampton  had  taken  the  charge  of  him.  His 
situation  was  miserable  :  when  I  found  him  he  had  no  recol 
lection  of  me ;  but  after  some  conversation  he  had  some  con 
fused  ideas  of  me,  but  no  remembrance  of  his  father.  It 
was  four  years  since  I  had  seen  him  ;  he  was  then  eleven 
years  old.  During  his  absence  he  had  entirely  forgotten  the 
English  language,  spoke  a  little  broken  French,  but  was  per 
fect  in  Indian.  He  had  been  with  the  savages  three  years, 
and  one  year  with  the  French  ;  but  his  habits  were  somewhat 
Indian.  He  had  been  with  them  in  their  hunting  excursions 
and  suffered  numerous  hardships  ;  he  could  brandish  a  toma 
hawk  or  bend  the  bow  ;  but  these  habits  wore  off  by  degrees. 
I  carried  him  from  that  place  to  Lancaster,  where  he  lived  a 
few  years  with  Colonel  Aaron  "VYillard. 

I  lived  in  Lancaster  till  October,  1759,  when  I  returned  to 
old  Charlestown.  The  sight  of  my  former  residence  afforded 
a  strange  mixture  of  joy  and  grief;  while  the  desolations  of 
war,  and  the  loss  of  a  number  of  dear  and  valuable  friends, 
combined  to  give  the  place  an  air  of  melanctioly.  Soon  after 
my  arrival  Major  Rogers  returned  from  an  expedition  against 
the  village  of  St.  Francis,  which  he  had  destroyed,  and  killec 
most  of  the  inhabitants.  He  brought  with  him  a  young  In 
dian  prisoner,  who  stopped  at  my  house :  the  moment  he  saw 
me  he  cried,  "  My  God  !  my  God  !  here  is  my  sister  !  "  It 
was  my  little  brother  Sabatis,  who  formerly  used  to  bring  the 
cows  for  me  when  I  lived  at  my  Indian  masters.  He  was 
transported  to  see  me,  and  declared  that  he  was  still  my 
brother,  and  I  must  be  his  sister.  Poor  fellow  !  The  fortune 
of  war  had  left  him  without  a  single  relation  ;  but  with  his 
country's  enemies  he  could  find  one  who  too  sensibly  felt  his 
miseries.  I  felt  the  purest  pleasure  in  administering  to  hi? 
comfort 


176  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

I  was  extremely  fortunate  in  receiving,  by  one  of  Major 
Rogers's  men,  a  bundle  of  Mr.  Johnson's  papers,  which  he 
found  in  pillaging  St.  Francis.  The  Indians  took  them  when 
we  were  captivated,  and  they  had  lain  at  St.  Francis  five 
years. 

Sabatis  went  from  Charlestown  to  Crown  Point  with  Major 
.Rogers.  When  he  got  to  Otter  Greek  he  met  my  son  Sylva- 
nus,  who  was  in  the  army  with  Colonel  Willard.  He  recog 
nized  him,  and,  clasping  him  in  his  arms, "  My  God ! "  says  he, 
"  the  fortune  of  war  ! "  I  shall  ever  remember  this  young 
Indian  with  affection  :  he  had  a  high  sense  of  honor  and  good 
behavior :  he  was  affable,  good  natured,  and  polite. 

My  daughter  Susanna  was  still  in  Canada ;  but  as  I  had 
the  fullest  assurances  that  every  attention  was  paid  to  her 
education  and  welfare  by  her  three  mothers,  I  felt  less  anxie 
ty  than  I  otherwise  might  have  done. 

Every  one  will  imagine  that  I  have  paid  Affliction  her  ut 
most  demand  :  the  pains  of  imprisonment,  the  separation 
from  my  children,  the  keen  sorrow  occasioned  by  the  death 
of  a  butchered  father,  and  the  severe  grief  arising  from  my 
husband's  death,  will  amount  to  a  sum  perhaps  unequalled 
But  still  my  family  must  be  doomed  to  further  and  severe 
persecutions  from  the  savages.  In  the  commencement  or  the 
summer  of  1766,  my  brother-in-law",  Mr.  Joseph  Willard,  son 
of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Willard,  of  Rutland,  who  was  killed  by  tl\e 
Indians  in  Lovell's  war,  with  his  wife  and  five  children,  who 
lived  but  two  miles  distant  from  me,  were  taken  by  a  party 
of  Indians.  They  were  carried  much  the  same  route  that  I 
was  to  Montreal.  Their  journey  of  fourteen  days  through 
the  wilderness  was  a  series  of  miseries  unknown  to  any  but 
those  who  have  suffered  Indian  captivity :  they  lost  two  chil 
dren,  whose  deaths  were  owing  to  savage  barbarity.  The 
history  of  their  captivity  would  almost  equal  my  own ;  but 
the  reader's  commiseration  and  pity  must  now  be  exhausted, 
No  more  of  anguish ;  no  more  of  sufferings. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    MRS.    JOHNSON.  177 

They  arrived  at  Montreal  a  few  days  before  the  French 
surrendered  it  to  tfce  English,  and  after  four  months'  absence 
returned  home,  and  brought  my  daughter  Susanna  to  my 
arms.  While  I  rejoiced  at  again  meeting  my  child,  whom  I 
had  not  seen  for  above  five  years,  I  felt  extremely  grateful  to 
the  Mrs.  Jaissons  for  the  affectionate  attention  they  had  be 
stowed  on  her.  As  they  had  received  her  as  their  child,  they 
had  made  their  affluent  fortune  subservient  to  her  best  inter 
est.  To  give  her  the  accomplishments  of  a  polite  eduoation 
had  been  their  principal  care :  she  had  contracted  an  ardent 
love  for  them,  which  never  will  be  obliterated.  Their  parting 
was  an  affecting  scene  of  tears.  They  never  forgot  her  dur 
ing  their  lives  :  she  has  eight  letters  from  them,  which  are 
proofs  of  the  warmest  friendship.  My  daughter  did  not 
know  me  at  her  return,  and  spoke  nothing  but  French :  my 
son  spoke  Indian  ;  so  that  my  family  was  a  mixture  of  nations. 

Mr.  Farnsworth,  my  only  fellow-prisoner  whose  return  I 
have  not  mentioned,  came  home  a  little  before.  •'  .^ 

Thus,  by  the  goodness  of  Providence,  we  all  returned  in 
the  course  of  six  painful  years  to  the  place  from  whence  we 
were  taken.  The  long  period  of  our  captivity  and  the  sever 
ity  of  our  sufferings  will  be  called  uncommon  and  unprece 
dented.  But  we  even  found  some  friends  to  pity  among  our 
most  persecuting  enemies  ;  and  from  the  various  shapes  in 
which  mankind  appeared,  we  learned  many  valuable  lessons. 
Whether  in  the  wilds  of  Canada,  the  horrid  jails  of  Quebec, 
or  in  our  voyage  to  Europe,  daily  occurrences  happened  to 
convince  us  that  the  passions  of  men  are  as  various  as  their 
complexions.  And  although  my  sufferings  were  often  in 
creased  by  the  selfishness  of  this  world's  spirit,  yet  the  numer 
ous  testimonies  of  generosity  I  received  bid  me  suppress  the 
charge  of  neglect  or  want  of  benevolence.  That  I  have  been 
an  unfortunate  woman,  all  will  grant ;  yet  my  misfortunes, 
while  they  enriched  my  experience  and  taught  me  the  value 
of  patience,  have  increased  my  gratitude  to  the  Author  of  all 


17&  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

blessings,  whose  goodness  and  mercy  have  preserved  my  life 
to  the. present  time. 

During  the  time  of  my  widowhood,  misfortune  and  disap- 
pointmen*-  were  my  intimate  companions.  "When  New  Eng 
land  was  ruled  by  a  few  men  who  were  the  creatures  of  a 
king,  the  pleasures  of  dissipation  were  preferred  to  the  more 
severe  attention  to  business  ;  and  the  small  voice  of  a  woman 
was  seldom  heard.  Hence,  in  the  settlement  of  my  husband's 
estate,  the  delay  and  perplexity  were  distressing.  I  made 
three  journeys  to  Portsmouth,  fourteen  to  Boston,  and  three 
to  Springfield,  to  effect  the  settlement.  Whether  my  captivi 
ty  had  taught  me  to  be  ungrateful,  or  whether  imagination 
formed  a  catalogue  of  evils,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say ;  but 
from  the  year  1754  to  the  present  day,  greater1  misfortunes 
have  apparently  fallen  to  my  share  than  to  mankind  in  gen 
eral,  and  the  meteor  happiness  has  eluded  my  grasp.  The 
life  of  a  widow  is  peculiarly  afflictive;  but  my  numerous 
and  long  journeys  over  roads  imminently  bad,  and  incidents 
that  seemed  to  baffle  all  my  plans  and  foresight,  render  mine 
more  unfortunate  than  common.- 

But  I  found  many  attentive  friends,  whose  assistance  and 
kindness  will  always  claim  my  gratitude.  Colonel  White,  of 
Leominster,  with  whom  I  had  lived  from  the  time  I  was  eight 
years  old  until  I  married,  was  extremely  affectionate  and 
kind :  in  his  house  I  found  a  welcome  home.  Mr.  Samuel 
Ely,  of  Springfield,  who  was  the  friend  of  my  husband,  ren 
dered  me  numerous  kindnesses.  Colonel  Murray,  of  Rutland, 
and  Colonel  Chandler,  of  Worcester,  were  very  friendly  and 
kind.  Mr.  Clarke,  deputy  secretary,  Governor  Pownall,  and 
Governor  Wentworth,  exerted  their  influence  for  me  in  at 
tempting  to  procure  a  grant  from  the  general  assembly. 

In  one  of  my  journeys  to  Portsmouth  I  conversed  with 
Captain  Adams,  who  was  in  Europe  at  the  time  I  was.  He 
informed  me  that  while  there  Mr.  Apthorp  gave  him  .fourteen 
pounds  sterling,  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  me  and  my 


CAPTIVITY    OP    MRS.  JOHNSON.  17 3 

family  to  America.  My  sailing  with  the  convoy  prevented 
my  receiving  this  kindness. 

During  the  four  years  of  my  widowhood  I  was  in  quite  an 
unsettled  situation  ;  sometimes  receiving  my  children  who 
were  returning  from  captivity,  and  at  others  settling  the 
estate  of  my  deceased  husband.  In  October,  1759,  I  moved 
to  Charlestown  and  took  possession  of  my  patrimony,  consist 
ing  of  a  house  which  Colonel  Whiting  had  generously  assisted 
my  mother  in  building.  In  copartnership  with  my  brother, 
Moses  Willard,  I  kept  a  small  store,  which  was  of  service  in 
supporting  my  family  ahd  settling  my  husband's  estate.  I 
have  received,  by  petitioning,  from  the  general  assembly  of 
New  Hampshire  forty-two  pounds,  to  indemnify  myself  and 
family  for  losses  sustained  by  our  country's  enemies.  This 
was  of  eminent  service  to  me.  Mr.  Johnson  left  with  Mr. 
Charles  Apthprp,  of  Boston,  the  sum  which  my  son's  re 
demption  cost,  for  Colonel  Schuyler,  who  had  paid  the  same. 
But  the  general  assembly  of  Massachusetts  afterwards  paid 
Colonel  Schuyler  his  demand  for  redeeming  my  son. 

By  Mr.  Johnson  I  had  seven  children  :  two  sons  and  a 
daughter  died  in  infancy.  Sylvanus,  with  whom  the  reader 
is  acquainted,  now  lives  in  Charlestown.  Susanna  married 
Captain  Samuel  Wetherbee,  and  has  been  the  mother  of 
fifteen  children,  among  whom  were  five  at  two  births.  Polly 
married  Colonel  Timothy  Bedel,  of  Haverhill :  she  died  in  Au* 
gust,  1789.  Captive  married  Colonel  George  Kimball.  In  the 
year  1762  I  married  Mr.  John  Hastings,  my  present  husband. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  in  Charlestown.  I  recollect 
to  have  seen  him  when  I  visited  the  place  in  the  year  1744. 
He  suffered  much  by  the  Indians,  and  assisted  in  defending 
the  town  during  the  wars.  By  him  I  have  had  seven  chil 
dren  :  one  daughter  and  four  sons  died  in  their  infancy.  The- 
odosia  is' married  to  Mr.  Stephen  Hasham.  Randilla  died  at 
the  age  of  twenty-two.  She  lived  from  her  infancy  with  Mr. 
Samuel  Taylor,  of  Rockingham,  by  whom  she  was  treated 


180  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

with  great  affection.      I  have  had  thirty-nine  grandchildren 
and  four  great-grandchildren. 

I  am  now  in  the  winter  of  life,  and  feel  sensibly  the  effects 
of  old  age.  I  live  on  the  same  spot  where  the  Indians  tooK  us 
from  in  1754  ;  but  the  face  of  Nature  has  so  changed  that  old 
savage  fears  are  all  banished.  My  vacant  hours  T  often  em 
ploy  in  reflecting  on  the  various  scenes  that  have  marked  the 
different  stages  of  my  life.  When  viewing  the  present  rising 
generation,  in  the  bloom  of  health  and  enjoying  those  gay 
pleasures  which  shed  their  exhilarating  influence  so  plenti 
fully  in  the  morn  of  life,  I  look  back  to  my  early  days,  when 
I,  too,  was  happy  and  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  good  fortune. 
Little  do  they  think  that  the  meridian  of  their  lives  can  pos 
sibly  be  rendered  miserable  by  captivity  or  a  prison :  as  little, 
too,  did  I  think  that  my  gilded  prospects  could  be  obscured  : 
but  it  was  the  happy  delusion  of  youth ;  and  I  fervently  wish 
there  was  no  deception.  But  that  Being  who  "  sits  upon  the 
circle  of  the  earth  and  views  the  inhabitants  as  grasshoppers  " 
allots  all  our  fortunes. 

Although  I  have  drunk  so  largely  from  the  cup  of  sorrow 
yet  my  present  happiness  is  a  small  compensation.  Twice 
has  my  country  been  ravaged  by  war  since  my  remembrance. 
I  have  detailed  the  share  I  bore  in  the  first :  in  the  last,  al 
though  the  place  in  which  I  live  was  not  a  field  of  bloody 
battle,  yet  its  vicinity  to  Ticonderoga  and  the  savages  that 
ravaged  the  Coos  country  rendered  it  perilous  and  distress 
ing.  But  now  no  one  can  set  a  higher  value  on  the  smiles  of 
peace  than  myself.  The  savages  are  driven  beyond  the  lakes, 
and  our  country  has  no  enemies.  The  gloomy  wilderness, 
that  forty  years  ago  secreted  the  Indian  and  the  beast  of  prey, 
has  vanished  away,  and  the  thrifty  farm  smiles  in  its  stead  ; 
the  Sundays,  that  were  then  employed  in  guarding  a  fort,  are 
now  quietly  devoted  to  worship ;  the  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife  have  given  place  to  the  sickle  and  ploughshare  ;  and 
prosperous  husbandry  now  thrives  where  the  terrors  of  death 
once  chilled  us  with  fear. 


CAPTIVITY    OP   MRS.  JOHNSON.  181 

My  numerous  progeny  often  gather  around  me  to  hear  the 
sufferings  once  felt  by  their  aunt  or  grandmother,  and  wonder 
at  their  magnitude.  My  daughter  Captive  still  keeps  the 
dress  she  appeared  in  when  brought  to  my  bedside  by  the 
French  nurse  at  the  Ticonderoga  hospital,  and  often  refreshes 
my  memory  with  past  scenes  when  showing  it  to  her  children. 
These  things  yield  a  kind  of  melancholy  pleasure. 

Instances  of  longevity  are  remarkable  in  my  family.  My 
aged  mother,  before  her  death,  could  say  to  me,  "  Arise, 
daughter,  and  go  to  thy  daughter ;  for  thy  daughter's  daugh 
ter  has  got  a  daughter  ;  "  a  command  which  few  mothers  can 
make  and  be  obeyed. 

And  now,  reader,  after  sincerely  wishing  that  your  days 
may  be  as  happy  as  mine  have  been  unfortunate,  I  bid  you 
adieu. 

CHARLESTOWN,  June  20,  1798.        • 


Names  of  Persons  killed  by  the  Indians  in  Charlestovm,  No.  4 

Seth  Putnam,  May  2,  1748. 

Samuel  Farnsworth,  ~] 

Joseph  Allen, 

Peter  Perin,  I  May  24,  174G. 

Aaron  Lyon, 

Joseph  Massey, 

Jedediah  Winchel,  June  or  July,  1746. 

Philips,  August  3,  1746. 

Isaac  Goodale,      )  , 

..,    ,      •  i  n    Va   I  October,  1747. 
Nathaniel  Gould,  ) 

Obadiah  Sartwell,  June,  1749. 
Lieutenant  Moses  Willard,  June  18, 1756. 
Asahel  Stebbins,  August,  1758. 
Josiah  Kellogg,  1759. 
1C 


182  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 


Number  taken  Prisoners  by  the  Indians  from  Gharle&town^ 
No.  4. 

Captain  John  Spafford,  \ 

Isaac  Parker,  V  April  19,  1746. 

Stephen  Farnsworth,     ) 

Anderson,  October,  1747. 

Enos  Stevens,  June  17,  1749. 

James  Johnson, 

Susanna  Johnson, 

Sylvanus  Johnson, 

Susan  Johnson, 

Polly  Johnson,    . 

Miriam  Willard, 

Peter  Labarree, 

Ebenezer  Farnsworth,  > 

Sampson  Colefax, 

David  Farnsworth, 

Thomas  Robins,  ^May,  1756. 

Thomas  Robins, 

Asa  Spafford, 

Mrs.  Robins,  ") 

Isaac  Parker,  [-August,  1758. 

David  Hill,  ) 

Joseph  Willard,  Ijune7,1760 

Wife,  and  five  children,  j 


August  29,  1754. 


BURNING  OF  ROYALTON. 

As  a  union  of  interest  always  strengthens  the  bonds  of 
affection,  so  a  participation  in  extreme  sufferings  will  never 
fail  to  produce  a  mutual  sensibility.  Prompted  by  a  gener 
ous  glow  of  filial  love  and  affection,  we  generally  take  delight 
in  surveying  whatever  gave  our  forefathers  joy,  and  are  ready 
to  drop  a  sympathetic  tear  when  we  review  the  sufferings 
which  they  have  undergone.  But,  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
sympathy  and  justice,  the  attention  of  the  public  is  often  en 
grossed  with  accounts  of  the  more  dreadful  conflagrations  of 
populous  cities  in  foreign  countries  or  the  defeat  of  armies  in 
the  field  of  carnage  ;  while  the  destruction  of  small  frontier 
settlements  by  the  Indian  tribes  in  our  own  country  is  at  the 
same  time  little  known,  if  not  entirely  forgotten.  Thus  the 
miseries  of  our  neighbors  and  friends  around  us,  whose  bitter 
cries  have  been  heard  in  our  streets,  are  too  often  suffered  to 
pass  unnoticed  down  the  current  of  time  into  the  tomb  of 
oblivion. 

The  burning  of  Royalton  was  an  event  most  inauspicious 
and  distressing  to  the  first  settlers  of  that  town.  Nor  is  it  a 
little  strange  that,  among  the  numerous  authors  who  have  re 
corded  the  events  of  the  Ajnerican  revolution,  some  of  them 
have  not  given  place  in  their  works  to  a  more  full  detail  of 
that  afflictive  scene. 

Laboring  under  all  the  difficulties  and  hardships  to  which 
our  infant  settlements  were  subject,  and  striving  by  perse 
vering  industry  to  soar  above  every  obstacle  which  might 
present  itself  to  obstruct  their  progress,  they  had  filled  their 


184  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

barns  with  the  fruits  of  the  land,  their  storehouses  were 
crowded  with  the  comforts  of  life,  and  all  nature  seemed  to 
wear  a  propitious  smile.  All  around  them  promised  pros 
perity.  They  were  far  removed  from  the  noise  of  war ;  and, 
though  conscious  of  their  danger,  fondly  hoped  they  should 
escape  the  ravages  of  a  savage  foe. 

Royalton  was  chartered  in  the  year  1779.  A  considerable 
settlement,  however,  had  taken  place  previous  to  that  time, 
and  the  town  was  in  a  thriving  condition.  Large  stocks  of 
cattle,  which  would  confer  honor  upon  the  enterprise  of 
farmers  in  old  countries,  were  here  seen  grazing  in  their 
fields. 

United  by  common  interest,  living  on  terms  of  friendship, 
and  manifesting  that  each  one  in  a  good  degree  "  loved  his 
neighbor  as  himself,"  harmony  prevailed  in  their  borders, 
social  happiness  was  spread  around  their  firesides,  and  plenty 
crowned  their  labors.  But,  alas  !  the  dreadful  reverse  remains 
to  be  told.  While  joys  possessed  were  turned  to  sorrows, 
their  hopes  for  joys  to  come  were  blasted.  And  as  the  former 
strongly  marked  the  grievous  contrast  between  a  state  of 
prosperity  and  affliction,  the  latter  only  showed  the  fallacy  of 
promising  ourselves  the  future. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  October,  1780,  before  the 
dawn  of  ~day,  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  were  surprised  by 
the  approach  of  about  three  hundred  Indians  of  various  tribes. 
They  were  led  by  the  Caghnewaga  tribe,  and  had  left  Canada 
intending  to  destroy  Newbury,  a  town  in  the  eastern  part  of 
Vermont,  on  Connecticut  River. .  A  British  lieutenant,  by 
the  name  of  Horton,  was  their  chief  commander ;  and  one  Le 
Mott,  a  Frenchman,  was  his  second.  Their  pilot,  or  leader, 
was  a  despicable  villain,  by  the  name  of  Hamilton,  who  had 
been  made  prisoner  by  the  Americans  at  the  taking  of  Bur- 
goyne  in  1777.  He  had  been  at  Newbury  and  Royalton  the 
preceding  summer  on  parole  of  honor,  left  the  latter  place 
with  several  others  under  pretence  of  going  to  survey  lands 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTOK.  185 

in  the  northern  part  of  this  state,  and  went  directly  to  the 
enemy.  He  was  doubtless  the  first  instigator  of  those  awful 
depredations  which  were  the  bitter  fruits  of  this  expedition, 
and  which  ought  to  stamp  his  name  with  infamy  and  disgrace. 

On  their  way  thither,  it  is  said,  they  came  across  several 
men  from  Newbury,  who  were  engaged  in  hunting  near  the 
place  where  Montpelier  village  now  stands,  and  made  them 
prisoners.  They  made  known  their  object  to  these  hunters, 
and  inquired  of  them  whether  an  armed  force  was  stationed 
at  Newbury.  Knowing  the  defenceless  state  of  that  town, 
and  hoping  they  should  be  able  to  induce  the  Indians  to  re 
linquish  their  object  and  return  to  Canada,  they  told  them 
that  such  an  armed  garrison  was  kept  at  Newbury  as  would 
render  it  extremely  dangerous  for  them  to  approach  —  thus 
artfully  dissembling  by  ambiguity  of  expression  the  true  con 
dition  of  their  fellow-townsmen,  and,  like  Rahab  the  harlot, 
saved  their  father's  house  from  destruction. 

Unwilling,  however,  that  their  expedition  should  prove 
wholly  fruitless,  they  turned  their  course  to  Royalton.  No 
arguments  which  the  prisoners  could  adduce  were  sufficient 
to  persuade  them  from  that  determination. 

Following  up  Onion  River  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Stevens's 
branch,  which  empties  into  the  river  at  Montpelier,  they 
steered  their  course  through  Barre,  at  that  time  called  Wil- 
dersburg;  proceeded  up  Gaol  branch,  which  forms  a  part 
of  Stevens's  branch,  and  travelled  over  the  mountains  through 
Orange  and  Washington  ;  thence  down  the  first  branch  of 
White  River,  through  Chelsea  and  Tunbridge,  to  Royalton. 
They  laid  in  their  encampment  at  Tunbridge,  not  far  distant 
from  Royalton,  during  the  Sabbath,  the  day  preceding  their 
attack  upon  the  latter  place^  for  the  purpose  of  concerting 
measures  to  carry  into  effect  their  atrocious  and  malignant 
designs.  Here  were  matured  those  diabolical  seeds  of  depre 
dation  ancf  cruelty  from  which  sprung  bitterness,  sorrow,  and 
death. 

16* 


186  INDIAN 

As  they  entered  the  town  before  daylight  appeared  dark 
ness  covered  their  approach,  and  they  were  not  discovered 
till  Monday  morning  at  dawn  of  day,  when  they  entered  the 
house  of  Mr.  John  Hutchinson,  who  resided  not  far  from  the 
hne  separating  Eoyalton  from  Tunbridge.  He  was  totally 
ignorant  of  their  approach  and  wholly  unsuspicious  of  dan 
ger  till  they  burst  the  door  upon  him. 

Here  they  took  Mr.  John  Hutchinson,  and  Abijah  Hutch 
inson,  his  brother,  prisoners,  and  plundered  the  house ;  crossed 
the  first  branch  and  went  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Robert  Havens, 
who  lived  at  a  small  distance  from  Mr.  Hutchinson's.  Mr. 
Havens  had  gone  out  into  his  pasture  in  pursuit  of  his  sheep, 
and  having  ascended  a  hill  about  forty  rods  from  his  house, 
hearing  his  neighbor  Hutchinson's  dog  bark,  halted,  and  stood 
in  pensive  silence.  Here  he  listened  with  deep  anxiety  to 
know  the  extent  of  the  evil  he  feared.  But,  alas !  he  little 
expected  to  find  a  herd  of  savage  men.  It  was  his  only  fear 
that  some  voracious  animal  was  among  his  sheep,  which  so 
disturbed  the  watchful  dog.  While  he  listened  in  silence, 
with  his  thoughts  suspended,  he  heard  a  noise  as  of  sheep 
or  cattle  running  with  full  speed  through  the  water.  Casting 
his  eye  to  the  west,  towards  his  own  dwelling,  he  beheld  a 
company  of  Indians  just  entering  the  door.  Seeing  his  own 
danger,  he  immediately  laid  down  under  a  log  and  hid  himself 
from  their  sight.  But  he  could  not  hide  sorrow  from  his 
mind.  Here  he  wept.  Tears  trickling  down  his  withered 
cheeks  bespoke  the  anguish  of  his  soul  while  he  thought  upon 
the  distress  of  his  family.  With  groanings  unutterable  he 
lay  a  while,  heard  the  piercing  shrieks  of  his  beloved  wife 
and  saw  his  sons  escaping  for  their  lives. 

Laden  with  the  weight  of  years,  decrepit  and  infirm,  he 
was  sensible  if  he  appeared  in  sight  it  would  prove  his  death. 
He  therefore  resolved  not  to  move  until  a  favorable  opportu 
nity  presented.  His  son,  Daniel  Havens,  and  Thomas  Pern- 
ber,  were  in  the  house,  and  made  their  appearance  at  the  door 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTON.  18V 

a  little  before  the  Indians  came  up.  Beholding  the  foe  but 
few  rods  distant,  they  ran  for  their  lives.  Daniel  Havens 
made  his  escape  by  throwing  himself  over  a  hedge  fence 
down  the  bank  of  the  branch  and  crawling  under  a  log,  al 
though  a  large  number  of  the  Indians  passed  directly  over  it 
in  pursuit  of  him.  Who  can  tell  the  fears  that  agitated  his 
bosom  while  these  savage  pursuers  stepped  upon  the  log  under 
which  he  lay  ?  and  who  can  tell  the  joys  he  felt  when  he 
saw  them  pass  off,  leaving  him  in  safety  ?  —  a  quick  transition 
from  painful  fear  and  imminent  danger  to  joyful  peace  and 
calm  retirement.  They  pursued  Thomas  Pember  till  they 
came  so  near  as  to  throw  a  spear  at  him,  which  pierced  his 
body  and  put  an  end  to  his  existence.  He  ran  some  time, 
however,  after  he  was  wounded,  till  by  loss  of  blood  he  fainted, 
fell,  and  was  unable  to  proceed  farther.  The  savage  mon 
sters  came  up,  several  times  thrust  a  spear  through  his  body, 
took  off  his  scalp,  and  left  him  food  for  worms.  While  they 
were  tearing  his  scalp  from  his  head,  how  did  his  dying  groans 
pierce  the  skies  and  call  on  Him  who  holds  the  scales  of  jus 
tice  to  mark  their  cruelty  and  avenge  his  blood ! 

He  had  spent  the  night  previous  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Ha 
vens,  engaged  in  amorous  conversation  with  a  daughter  of 
Mr.  Havens,  who  was  his  choice  companion,  the  intended 
partner  of  his  life. 

By  imagination  we  view  the  fair  survivor  surrounded  by 
the  savage  tribe,  whose  frightful  aspect  threatened  ruin  ;  her 
soul  overwhelmed  with  fear,  and  stung  with  grief,  bereft  of 
her  dearest  friend. 

They  made  the  house  of  Mr.  Havens  their  rallying  point, 
or  post  of  observation,  and  stationed  a  part  of  their  company 
there  to  guard  their  baggage  and  make  preparations  for  re 
treat  when  they  had  completed  their  work  of  destruction, 
Like  the  messenger  of  death,  silent  and  merciless,  they  were 
scarcely  seen  till  felt ;  or,  if  seen,  filled  the  mind  with  terror; 
nor  often  afforded  opportunity  for  escape.  Moving  with 


188  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

violent  steps,  they  proceeded  down  the  first  branch  to  its  mouth ; 
while  a  number,  armed  with  spears,  led  the  van,  and  were  fol 
lowed  by  others,  armed  with  muskets  and  scalping  knives. 
The  former  they  called  runners,  who  were  directed  to  kill  all 
those  who  should  be  overtaken  in  an  attempt  to  escape ;  while 
the  latter  were  denominated  gunners,  took  charge  of  the  pris 
oners,  and  scalped  those  who  were  killed. 

They  had  not  proceeded  far  before  a  young  man,  by  the 
name  of  Elias  Button,  being  ignorant  of  their  approach,  made 
his  appea*rance  in  the  road  but  a  few  rods  from  them.  Espy 
ing  his  danger,  he  turned  and  ran  with  the  greatest  possible 
speed  in  his  power  to  escape  their  cruel  hands.  .The  savage 
tribe  pursued  him  with  their  usual  agility,  soon  overtook  the 
trembling  youth,  pierced  his  body  with  their  spears,  took  off 
his  scalp,  and  left  him  weltering  in  his  gore.  Young,  vigor 
ous,  and  healthy,  and  blessed  with  the  brightest  hopes  of  long 
life  and  good  days,  he  was  overtaken  by  the  merciless  stroke 
of  death  without  having  a  minute's  warning.  Innocence  and 
bravery  were*  no  shield,  nor  did  activity  secure  him  a  safe 
retreat. 

That  they  might  be  enabled  to  fall  upon  the  inhabitants 
unawares,  and  thereby  secure  a  greater  number  of  prisoners 
as  well  as  procure  a  greater  quantity  of  plunder,  they  kept 
profound  silence  till  they  had  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the 
branch. 

After  killing  Pember  and  Button  and  taking  such  plunder 
as  most  pleased  their  fancy,  they  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Joseph  Kneeland,  who  resided  about  half  a  mile  distant  from 
the  house  of  Mr.  Havens.  Here  they  found  Messrs.  Simeon 
Belknap,  Giles  Gibbs,  and  Jonathan  Brown,  together  with 
Joseph  Kneeland  and  his  aged  father,  all  of  whom  they  made 
prisoners.  They  then  went  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Elias  Curtis, 
where  they  took  Mr.  Curtis,  John  Kent,  and  Peter  Mason. 
Mrs.  Curtis  had  just  waked  from  the  slumbers  of  the  night, 
and  was  about  dressing  herself  as  she  sat  upon  her  bed,  when 


BURNING    OF   KOYALTON.  189 

the  savage  monsters  entered  the  door ;  and  one  of  them  in 
stantly  flew  at  her,  with  a  large  knife  in  his  hand,  and  seized 
her  by  the  neck,  apparently  intending  to  cut  her  throat. 
While  in  the  very  attitude  of  inflicting  the  fatal  wound  the 
murderous  wretch  discovered  a  string  of  gold  beads  around 
her  neck,  which  attracted  his  attention  and  prevented  the 
dreadful  stroke  of  death.  Thus  his  avidity  for  gold  allayed 
his  thirst  for  human  blood.  His  raging  passions  were  sud 
denly  cooled ;  curiosity  restrained  his  vengeance  and  spared 
the  life  of  the  frightened  object  of  his  cruelty.  He  Had  put 
the  knife  to  her  throat,  and  eternity  seemed  open  to  her  view  ; 
but  instead  of  taking  her  life  he  only  took  her  beads,  and  left 
her  rejoicing  at  her  deliverance.  The  barbarous  looks  of  the 
wicked  crew  bespoke  their  malignant  designs,  and  caused 
horror  and  dismay  to  fill  the  minds  of  all  who  beheld  them. 
But,  alas  !  who  can  tell  what  horror. thrilled  the  bosom  of  this 
trembling  woman  ?  What  fearful  pangs  were  made  to  pierce 
her  soul !  Behold  the  tawny  wretch,  with  countenance  wild 
and  awful  grimaces,  standing  by  her  bedside,  holding  her  by 
the  throat  with  one  hand,  and  the  weapon  of  death  in  the 
other  !  See  standing  around  her  a  crowd  of  brutal  savages, 
the  sons  of  violence,  foul  tormentors  !  In  vain  do  I  attempt 
to  paint  the  scene.  Nor  will  I  pretend  to  describe  the  feel 
ings  of  a  kind  and  tender  mother,  who,  reposing  in  the  arms 
of  sleep,  with  her  infant  at  her  bosom,  is  roused  from  her 
slumbers  by  the  approach  of  a  tribe  of  savage  Indians  at  her 
bedside. 

To  prevent  an  alarm  from  being  sounded  abroad,  they  com 
manded  the  prisoners  to  keep  silence  on  pain  of  death.  While 
the  afflicted  inhabitants  beheld  their  property  wasted  and 
their  lives  exposed  to  the  arrows  of  death,  it  caused  their 
hearts  to  swell  with  grief.  But  they  were  debarred  the  priv 
ilege  of  making  known  their  sufferings  to  their  nearest  friends, 
or  even  to  pour  out  their  cries  of  distress,  while  surrounded 
by  the  savage  band,  whose  malevolent  appearance  could  not 


190  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

fail  to  spread  fear  and  distress  in  every  bosom.  They  plun 
dered  every  house  they  found  till  they  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  branch.  Here  the  commander,  a  British  officer,  took 
his  stand  with  a  small  party  of  Indians,  while  some  went  up 
and  others  down  on  each  side  of  the  river  to  complete  the 
work  of  destruction.  They  had  already  taken  several  horses, 
which  some  of  them  rode,  to  facilitate  their  march  and  enable 
them  to  overtake  those  who  attempted  to  make  their  escape. 
Frightened  at  the  horrible  appearance  of  their  riders,  who 
were  imno  way  qualified  to  manage  them,  the  horses  served 
rather  to  impede  than  hasten  their  progress. 

Instigated  by  "  the  powers  of  darkness,"  fired  with  rage, 
eager  to  obtain  that  booty  which  they  acquired  by  the  pillage 
of  houses,  and  fearful,  at  the  same  time,  that  they  should 
themselves  fall  a  prey  to  the  American  forces,  they  pursued 
their  ravages  with  infuriated  zeal,  and  violence  and  horror 
attended  their  movement. 

General  Elias  Stevens,  who  resided  in  the  fiist  house  on 
the  river  above  the  mouth  of  the  branch,  had  gone  down  the 
river  about  two  miles,  and  was  engaged  at  work  with  his  oxen 
and  cart.  While  busily  employed  loading  his  cart,  casting  his 
eye  up 'the  river  he  beheld  a  man  approaching,  bareheaded, 
with  his  horse  upon  the  run,  who,  seeing  General  Stevens, 
cried  out,  "  For  God's  sake,  turn  out  your  oxen,  for  the  In 
dian's  are  at  the  mill ! "  *  General  Stevens  hastened  to  un 
yoke  his  oxen,  turned  them  out,  and  immediately  mounted  his 
horse  and  started  to  return  to  his  family,  filled  with  fearful 
apprehensions  for  the  fate  of  his  beloved  wife  and  tender 
offspring.  He  had  left  them  in  apparent  safety,  reposing  in 
the  arms  of  sleep.  Having  proceeded  on  his  return  about 
half  way  home  he  met  Captain  Joseph  Parkhurst,  who  in 
formed  him  that  the  Indians  were  but  a  few  rods  distant,  in 

*  The  mills  to  which  he  referred,  owned  by  a  Mr.  Morgan,  were 
situated  on  the  first  branch,  near  its  mouth. 


MRS    nix  —  Page  191. 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTON.  1* 

swift  pursuit  down  the  river,  and  that,  unless  he  returned  im 
mediately,  he  would  inevitably  fall  into  their  hands. 

Apprised  of  his  danger,  he  turned  and  accompanied  the 
captain  down  the  river.  Conjugal  and  parental  affection 
alone  can  suggest  to  the  imagination  of  the  reader  what  were 
the  feelings  of  General  Stevens  when  compelled  for  his  own 
safety  to  leave  the  wife  of  his  bosom  and  their  little  ones  to 
the  mercy  of  a  savage  foe.  "What  pains  did  he  feel  when  he 
found  himself  deprived  of  all  possible  means  to  afford  them 
relief !  Nor  could  he  expect  a  more  favorable  event  than  to 
find  them  all  sacrificed  at  the  shrine  of  savage  barbarity. 
Who,  not  totally  devoid  of  sympathy,  can  refrain  to  drop  a 
tear  as  he  reflects  upon  those  painful  emotions  which  agitated 
the  general's  breast  when  he  was  forced  to  turn  his  back  upon 
his  beloved  family  while  thus  exposed  to  danger  ?  Indeed, 
it  was  his  only  source  of  consolation  that  he  might  be  able  to 
afford  assistance  to  his  defenceless  neighbors ;  and  as  they 
soon  came  to  the  house  of  Deacon  Daniel  Rix,  he  there  found 
opportunity  to  lend  the  hand  of  pity.  General  Stevens  took 
Mrs.  Rix  and  two  or  three  children  with  him  upon  his  horse ; 
Captain  Parkhurst  took  Mrs.  Benton  and  several  children 
upon  his  horse  with  him ;  and  they  all  rode  off  as  fast  as  pos 
sible,  accompanied  by  Deacon  Rix  and  several  others  on  foot, 
till  they  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  general  first  received 
the  alarm.  Filled  with  anxiety  for  his  fa,mily,  and  not  hav 
ing  seen  any  Indians,  General  Stevens  here  concluded  again 
to  return,  hoping  he  should  be  able  to  reach  home  in  time  to 
secure  his  household  from  danger  before  the  Indians  arrived. 
Leaving  Mrs.  Rix  and  children  in  the  care  of  a  Mr.  Burroughs, 
he  started  for  home,  and  had  proceeded  about  half  a  mile 
when  he  discovered  the  Indians  in  the  road  ahead  of  him, 
but  a  few  rods  distant.  He  quickly  turned  about,  hastened 
his  retreat,  soon  overtook  the  company  he  had  left,  and  en 
treated  them  immediately  to  leave  the  road  and  take  to  the 
woods,  to  prevent  being  taken.  Those  who  were  on  foot 


192  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

jumped  over  the  fence,  hastened  to  the  woods  out  of  sight  of 
the  Indians,  where  they  remained  in  safety,  undiscovered  by 
the  savage  foe,  who  kept 'the  road  in  pursuit  of  General  Ste 
vens.  He  passed  down  the  road  about  half  a  mile,  and  came 
to  the  house  of  Mr.  Tilly  Parkhurst,  his  father-in-law.  See 
ing  his  sister  engaged  in  milking  by  the  barn,  he  "  told  her  to 
leave  her  cow  immediately,  or  the  Indians  would  have  her," 
and  left  her  to  secure  her  own  retreat.  They  were  now  in 
plain  sight,  not  more  than  eighty  or  a  hundred  rods  off.  The 
road  was  full  of  them,  running  like  bloodhounds.  The  gen 
eral  rode  to  the  house,  told  them  to  run  for  their  lives,  and 
proceeded  to  warn  others  who  lived  contiguous.  By  this 
time  the  way  was  filled  with  men,  women,  and  children,  and 
a  large  body  of  Indians  in  open  view  but  just  behind  them. 
The  savage  tribe  now  began  to  make  the  surrounding  wilder 
ness  reecho  with  their  frightful  yells.  Frightened  and  alarmed 
for  their  safety,  children  clung  to  their  parents ;  and  half-dis 
tracted  mothers,  filled  with  fearful  apprehensions  of  approach 
ing  destruction,  were  heard  to  make  the  air  resound  with  their 
cries  of  distress.  General  Stevens  endeavored  to  get  them 
into  the  woods,  out  of  sight  of  the  Indians.  Fear  had  usurped 
the  power  of  reason,  and  Wisdom's  voice  was  drowned  in  the 
torrent  of  distraction.  There  was  no  time  for  argument :  all 
was  at  stake  :  the  enemy  hard  by,  and  fast  approaching : 
defenceless  mothers,  with  helpless  infants  in  their  arms,  flee 
ing  for  their  lives.  Despair  was  spread  before  them,  while 
the  roaring  flood  of 'destruction  seemed  rolling  behind  them. 
Few  could  be  persuaded  to  go  into  the  woods ;  and  most  of 
them  kept  the  road  till  they  arrived  at  the  house  of  Captain 
E.  Parkhurst,  in  Sharon.  Here  they  halted  a  moment  to 
take  breath,  hoping  they  should  not  be  pursued  any  far 
ther.  The  Indians,  being  taken  up  in  plundering  the  houses, 
had  now  fallen  considerably  in  the  rear.  But  the  unhappy 
Tictims  of  distress  had  not  long  been  here  when  the  cruel 
pursuers  again  appeared  in  sight. 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTON.  198 

Screaming  and  crying  now  witnessed  the  horrors  of  that 
dreadful  scene.  Groans  and  tears  bespoke  the  feelings  of  a 
heart  agitated  with  fear  and  swollen  with  grief.  There  was 
no  time  to  be  lost.  While  they  waited  they  waited  for  de 
struction.  Children  hanging  to  their  mothers0  cloth*  ;  moth 
ers  inquiring  what  they  should  do,  and  calling  for  assistance  ; 
floods  of  tears  and  piercing  shrieks,  —  all  presented  to  view 
a  most  painful  scene.  Seeing  the  Indians  approaching  with 
hideous  yells  that  thrilled  the  heart  of  every  one,  General 
Stevens  put  his  mother  and  his  sister  upon  his  own  horse. 
Captain  Joseph  Parkhurst  put  Mrs.  Rix  and  three  of  her 
children  upon  another  horse,  without  a  bridle,  and  ordered 
them  to  hasten  their  flight.  There  yet  remained  the  wife 
of  Captain  E.  Parkhurst,  who  stood  in  the  most  critical  situ 
ation  in  which  a  woman  can  be  placed,  begging  and  crying 
for  help,  surrounded  by  six  small  children  clinging  to  her 
clothes  and  pleading  with  her  for  protection.  Alas !  how 
awful  was  the  spectacle,  how  affecting  the  scene,  to  see  a 
woman  in  this  deplorable  condition  pleading  for  succor  when 
none  could  help,  when  safety  and  support  had  fled  and  dan 
gers  were  rushing  upon*  her  !  A  heart  not  devoid  of  sympa 
thy  could  not  fail  to  >veep.  Conscious  of  her  wretched  sit 
uation,  feeling  for  her  dear  children,  being  told  there  was  no 
probability  for  her  escape,  gathering  her  little  ones  around 
her  she  wept  in  bitterness  of  soul ;  tears  of  pity  ran  down 
her  cheeks  while  she  waited  the  approach  of  the  savage 
tribe  to  inflict  upon  her  whatever  malice  could  invent  or 
inhumanity  devise. 

Her  husband,  to  whom  she  fain  would  have  looked  for  pro 
tection,  was  gone  from  home  when  all  her  woes  fell  upon  her. 
Well  might  she  say,  "  Therefore  are  my  loins  filled  with  pain ; 
pangs  have  taken  hold  upon  me  as  the  pangs  of  a  woman 
that  travaileth  ;  my  heart  panted  ;  fearfulness  affrighted  me  ; 
the  night  of  my  pleasure  hath  he  turned  into  fear  unto  me." 
While  Mrs.  Parkhurst  saw  her  friends  and  neighbors  fleeing 
17 


194  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

from  her,  and  beheld  the  Indians  approaching  with  impetuous 
step,  her  bosom  throbbed  with  anguish ;  horror  seized  her 
soul ;  and  death,  immediate  death,  both  to  her  and  her  children, 
"  stood  thick  around  her,"  threatening  to  thrust  his  dagger 
into  her  aching  "heart.  There  was  no  time  to  decide  on  the 
priority  of  claims  to  pity  or  the  demands  of  justice.  Those 
who  were  nearest  at  hand  first  received  assistance  ;  not,  how 
ever,  without  regard  to  that  affection  which  arises  from  con 
sanguinity  or  matrimonial  connection  ;  and  these  relations  not 
cnly  unite  the  hearts  but  connect  the  hands  in  scenes  of  dis 
tress.  :  , 

At  the  time  General  Stevens  put  his  mother  and  his  sister 
upon  his  horse  the  Indians  were  not  eight  rods  from  him : 
they,  in  company  with  Mrs.  Rix  and  her  children,  rode  off 
as  fast  as  possible  :  the  general  followed  with  several  others 
on  foot.  Part  of  the  Indians  pursued  them,  while  others  en 
tered  the  house  and  plundered  it  of  its  furniture.  They  took 
her  eldest  son  from  her ;  then  ordered  her,  with  the  rest  of  her 
children,  to  leave  the  house.  She  accordingly  repaired  into 
the  fields  back  of  the  house  with  five  of  her  children,  and 
remained  in  safety  till  they  had  left  the  place.  Soon  after 
General  Stevens  started  his  dog  came  in  his  way  and  caused 
him  to  stumble  and  fall,  which  so  retarded  his  progress  that 
he  was  obliged  to  flee  to  the  woods  for  safety,  leaving  the 
women  and  children  to  make  the  best  of  their  retreat.  The 
Indians  pursued  down  the  road  after  them  with  frightful  yells, 
and  soon  overtook  those  who  were  on  foot.  They  took  Gard 
ner  Rix,  son  of  Deacon  Rix,*  a  boy  about  fourteen  years  old, 
just  at  the  heels  of  his  mother's  horse,  while  she  was  com 
pelled  to  witness  the  painful  sight.  Alas  !  what  distress  and 
horror  filled  her  bosom,  when  she,  with  three  of  her  children 
no  less  dear  than  herself,  fleeing  from  the  savage  foe,  mount 
ed  upon  a  horse  snorting  with  fear,  having  nothing  but  a 

*  Captain  Rix  then  lived  where  Mr  Phelps  now  lives,  1353. 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTON.  195 

pocket  handkerchief  in  his  mouth  for  a  bridle,  saw  her  wea 
ried  son,  faint  for  want  of  breath,  fall  a  captive  to  this  barba 
rous  crew  !  Cruel  fate  !  The  trembling  youth,  overwhelmed 
with  fear  and  bathed  in  tears,  was  now  torn  from  his  tender 
parents  and  compelled  to  roam  the  wilderness  to  unknown 
regions.  Nor  was  the  disconsolate  mother,  with  her  other 
little  ones,  left  in  a  much  more  safe  condition.  Exposed  and 
expecting  every  step  to  fall  to  the  ground,  which,  if  it  proved 
not  their  death,  would  leave  them  a  prey  to  the  savage  mon 
sters,  no  tongue  can  tell  the  pains  she  felt,  nor  pen  describe 
the  horrors  of  her  soul.  To  behold  her  little  son,  while  flee 
ing  for  his  life,  fall  into  the  hands  of  these  sons  of  cruelty, 
what  kind  and  tender  mother  would  not  feel  her  heart  to 
bleed  ?  May  we  not  listen  to  the  voice  of  Imagination,  and 
hear  her  say,  — 

"  O  infinite  distress  !  such  raging  grief 
Should  command  pity,  and  despair  relief ; 
Passion,  methinks,  should  rise  from  all  my  groans, 
Give  sense  to  rocks  and  sympathy  to  stones"  ? 

The  Indians  pursued  the  women  and  children  as  far  as  the 
house  of  Mr.  Benedict,  the  distance  of  about  a  mile.  They 
effected  their  escape,  though  surrounded  with  dangers  and 
pursued  with  impetuous  and  clamorous  steps.  Here  they 
discovered  Mr.  Benedict  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  stream, 
called  Broad  Brook,  which  ran  near  the  house.  They  beck 
oned  to  have  him  come  over  to  them  :  choosing,  however,  not 
to  hazard  the  consequences  of  yielding  obedience  to  their  re 
quest,  he  turned  and  ran  a  short  distance  and  hid  himself 
under  a  log.  He  had  not  long  been  in  this  situation  when 
these  bloodthirsty  wretches  came  and  stood  upon  the  same 
log,  and  were  heard  by  him  to  exclaim,  in  angry  tone,  "  If 
we  could  find  him  he  should  feel  the  tomahawk." 

After  standing  upon  the  log  some  time  and  endeavoring  to 
espy,  the  concealed,  trembling  object  of  their  pursuit,  they  left 


196  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

him  and  returned  to  the  house.  Ah,  what  joy  filled  his 
bosom  when  he  saw  these  messengers  of  death  pass  away, 
leaving  him  in  safety !  How  must  his  heart  have  glowed 
with  gratitude  towards  the  "  great  Preserver  of  men  "  at  this 
unexpected  deliverance  from  the  most  imminent  danger  ! 

His  joys,  however,  were  not  unmingled  with  sorrow,  as  the 
fell  destroyers  were  still  at  his  house  committing  ravages  and 
wasting  his  property.  But  no  man  can  be  supposed  to  put 
his  property  in  competition  with  his  life. 

The  Indians  pursued  down  the  river  about  forty  rods  far 
ther,  where  they  made  a  young  man,  by  the  name  of  Avery, 
prisoner,  and  then  concluded  to  return. 

While  they  were  at  the  house  of  Tilly  Parkhurst,  afore 
mentioned,  (which  was  about  six  miles  from  the  place  they 
entered  Royalton,)  his  son,  Phineas  Parkhurst,  who  had  been 
to  alarm  the  people  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  just  as  he 
entered  the  stream  on  his  return  discovered  the  Indians  at 
his  father's  door.  Finding  himself  in  danger  he  immediately 
turned  to  go  back ;  and  the  Indians  just  at  this  time  happened 
to  see  him,  and  fired  upon  him.  This  was  the  first  gun  they 
fired  after  they  entered  the  town.  The  ball  entered  his  back, 
went  through  his  body,  came  out  under  his  ribs,  and  lodged  in 
the  skin :  notwithstanding  the  wound,  he  was,  however,  able 
to  ride,  and  continued  his  retreat  to  Lebanon,  in  the  State  of 
New  Hampshire,  the  distance  of  about  sixteen  miles,  with 
very  little  stop,  supporting  the  ball  between  his  fingers.  He 
now  resides  in  that  town,  and  sustains  the  character  of  a  use 
ful  physician,  and  an  industrious,  independent  farmer. 

That  party  of  Indians  which  went  down  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  extended  their  ravages  as  far  as  the  house  of  Cap 
tain  Gilbert,  in  Sharon,  where  a  public  house  is  now  kept  by 
Captain  Dana.  Here  they  took  a  nephew  of  Captain  Gil 
bert,  by  the  name  of  Nathaniel  Gilbert,  a  boy  about  fifteen 
years  of  age.  They  now  resolved  to  return,  and  commenced 
that  waste  of  property  which  tracked  their  progress.  As 


"Hjj 


BURNING    OF   ROFALTON.  197 

they  retraced  their  steps,  they  set  fire  to  all  the  buildings 
they  found  of  every  description.  They  spread  desolation  and 
distress  wherever  they  went.  Houses  filled  with  furniture 
and  family  supplies  for  the  winter,  barns  stored  with  the 
fruits  of  industry,  and  fields  stocked  with  herds  of  cattle  were 
all  laid  waste. 

They  shot  and  killed  fourteen  fat  oxen  in  one  yard,  which, 
in  consequence  of  the  inhabitants  being  dispersed,  were  whol 
ly  lost.  Cows,  sheep,  and  hogs,  and,  indeed,  every  creature 
designed  by  the  God  of  nature  to  supply  the  wants  of  man, 
which  came  within  their  sight,  fell  a  prey  to  these  dreadful 
spoilers.  Parents  torn  from  their  children,  husbands  sepa 
rated  from  their  wives,  and  children  snatched  from  their 
parents  presented  to  view  an  indescribable  scene  of  wretch 
edness  and  distress.  Some  were  driven  from  their  once  peace 
ful  habitations  into  the  adjacent  wilderness  for  safety,  there  to 
wait  the  destruction  of  their  property ;  stung  with  the  painful 
reflection  that  their  friends,  perhaps  a  kind  father  and  affec 
tionate  brother,  were  made  captives,  and  compelled  to  travel 
with  a  tawny  herd  of  savage  men  into  the  wild  regions  of  the 
north,  to  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  enemies  and  undergo 
the  fatigues  and  dangers  of  a  wretched  captivity ;  or,  what 
was  scarcely  more  to  be  deplored,  learn  with  pain  that  they 
had  fallen  the  unhappy  victims  to  the  relentless  fury  of  the 
savage  tribe,  and  were  weltering  in  their  gore  where  there 
was  no  eye  to  pity  or  friendly  hand  to  admiuster  relief. 

The  third  party  of  Indians  who  went  up  the  river  first 
came  to  the  house  of  General  Stevens.  Daniel  Havens,  .whose 
escape  I  have  mentioned,  went  directly  there  and  warned  the 
family  of  their  danger.  Trembling  with  fear,  he  only  stepped 
into  the  house,  told  them  that  "  the  Indians  were  as  thick  as 
the  d — 1  at  their  .house,"  and  turned  and  went  directly  out, 
leaving  the  family  to  secure  their  own  retreat. 

Mrs.  Stevens  and  the  family  were  in  bed  excepting  her 
husband,  who,  as  before  stated,  had  gone  down  the  river,  about 
17* 


198  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

two  miles  from  home.  She  immediately  arose  from  her  bed, 
flung  some  loose  clothes  over  her,  took  up  her  child,  and  had 
scarcely  got  to  the  fire  when  a  large  body  of  Indians  rushed 
in  at  the  door.  They  immediately  ransacked  the  house  in 
search  of  men,  and  then  took  the  beds  and  bedding,  carried 
them  out  of  doors,  cut  open  the  bed  ticks,  and  threw  the  feath 
ers  into  the  air.  This  made  them  sport  enough.  Nor  did 
they  fail  to  manifest  their  infernal  gratification  by  their  tar- 
tarean  shouts  and  disingenuous  conduct. 

Mrs.  Stevens  entreated  them  to  let  her  have  some  clothes 
for  herself  and  child ;  but  her  entreaties  were  in  vain.  They 
were  deaf  to  the  calls  of  the  needy  and  disregarded  the  de 
mands  of  justice.  Her  cries  reached  their  ears ;  but  nothing 
could  excite  one  single  glow  of  sympathy.  Her  destitute 
and  suffering  condition  was  plain  before  their  eyes  ;  but  they 
were  blind  to  objects  of  compassion.  Alas  !  what  bitterness 
of  soul,  what  'anguish,  what  heartrending  pangs  of  fear  dis 
tressed  her  tender  bosom  !  Surrounded  by  these  pitiless, 
terrific  monsters  in  human  shape,  with  her  little  offspring  in 
her  arms,  whose  piercing  shrieks  and  tender  age  called  for 
compassion ;  exposed  to  the  raging  fire  of  savage  jealousy, 
unquenchable  by  a  mother's  tears  ;  anxious  for  the  safety  and 
mourning  the  absence  of  her  bosom  friend,  the  husband  of 
her  youth, —  it  is  beyond  the  powers  of  imagination  to  conceive 
or  language  'to  express  the  sorrows  of  her  heart. 

At  one  moment  securely  reposing  in  the  arms  of  sleep,  with 
her  darling  infant  at  her  breast ;  the  next  amid  a  savage 
crew,  whose  wicked  hands  were  employed  in  spreading  deso 
lation  and  mischief,  whose  mortal  rage  exposed  her  to  the 
Barrows  of  death.  After  plundering  the  house  they  told  Mrs. 
Stevens  to  "  begone,  or  they  would  burn."  She  had  been 
afraid  to  make  any  attempt  to  escape,  but  now  gladly  em 
braced  the  opportunity.  She  hastened  into  the  adjacent  wil 
derness,  carrying  her  child,  where  she  tarried  till  the  Indians 
had  left  the  town.  .  ; 


BURNING    OP   ROTALTON.  199 

A  boy  by  the  name  of  Daniel  Waller,  about  fourteen  years 
old,  who  lived  with  General  Stevens,  hearing  the  alarm  given 
by  Mr.  Havens,  set  out  immediately  to  go  to  the  general  and 
give  him  the  information.  He  had  proceeded  about  half  a 
mile  when  he  met  the  Indians,  was  taken  prisoner,  and  car 
ried  to  Canada.  * 

They  left  the  house  and  barn  of  General  Stevens  in  flames 
and  proceeded  up  the  river  as  far  as  Mr.  Durkee's,  where 
they  took  two  of  his  boys  prisoners,  Adan  and  Andrew,  and 
carried  the  former  to  Canada,  who  died  there  in  prison. 

Seeing  a  smoke  arise  above  the  ttfees  in  the  woods  adjacent, 
the  hostile  invaders  directed  their  course  to  the  spot,  where 
they  found  a  young  man,  by  the  name  of  Prince  Hasjiell, 
busily  engaged  in  chopping,  for  the  commencement  of  a  set 
tlement.  Haskell  heard  a  rustling  among  the  leaves  behind 
him,  and,  turning  round,  beheld  two  Indians  but  a  few  feet 
from  him.  One  stood  with  his  gun  pointed  directly  at  nim, 
and  the  other  in  the  attitude  of  throwing  a  tomahawk.  Find 
ing  he  had  no  chance  to  escape,  he  delivered  himself  up  as  a 
prisoner,  and  was  also  carried  to  Canada.  He  returned  in 
about  one  year,  after  enduring  the  most  extreme'  sufferings  in 
his  wanderings  through  the  wilderness  on  his  way  home. 

A  Mr.  Chafee,*  who  lived  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Hendee 
started  early  in  the  morning  to  go  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Elias 
Curtis  to  get  his  horse  shod.  On  his  way  he  saw  Mr.  John 
Kent  ahead  of  him,  who  was  upon  the  same  business.  Wish 
ing  to  put  in  his  claim  before  Mr.  .Chafee,  he  rode  very  fast, 
and  arrived  at  the  house  first.  He  had  scarcely  dismounted 
from  his  horse  when  the  Indians  came  out  of  the  house,  took 
him  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  pulled  him  over  backwards 
Seeing  this,  Mr.  Chafee  immediately  dismounted,  jumped  be 
hind  the  shop,  hastened  away,  keeping  such  a  direction  as 
would  cau^e  the  shop  to  hide  his  retreat.  Thus  he  kept  out 

*  Mr.  Chafee  lived  near  where  Mr.  Dewey  now  lives,  185  . 


200  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

of  sight  of  the  Indians,  effected  his  escape,  and  returned  to 
the  house  of  Mr.  Hendee.*  On  receiving  the  alarm  given 
by  Mr.  Chafee,  Mr.  Hendee  directed  his  wife  to  take  her  little 
boy,  about  seven  years  old,  and  her  little  daughter,  who  was 
still  younger,  and  hasten  to  one  of  their  neighbors  for  safety, 
while  he  should  go  to  Bethel,  the  town  west  of  Royalton,  and 
give  the  alarm  at  the  fort. 

Mrs.  Hendee  had  not  proceeded  far  when  she  was  met  by 
several  Indians  upon  the  run,  who  took  her  little  boy  from 
her.  Feeling  anxious  for  the  fate  of  jaer  child,  she  inquired 
what  they  were  going  to  do  with  him.  They  replied  that  they 
should  make  a  soldier  of  him  ;  and  then  hastened  away,  pull 
ing  him  along  by  the  hand,  leaving  the  weeping  mother  with 
her  little  daughter  to  witness  the  scene  and  hear  the  piercing 
shrieks  of  her  darling  son. 

This  leads  me  to  notice  one  instance  of  female  heroism, 
bledfaed  with  benevolence,  displayed  by  Mrs.  Hendee,  whose 
name  deserves  ever  to  be  held  in  remembrance  by  every 
friend  of  humanity. 

She  was  now  separated  from  her  husband,  and  placed  in 
the  midst  of-  a  savage  crew,  who  were  committing  the  most 
horrid  depredations  and  destroying  every  kind  of  property 
that  fell  within  their  grasp.  Defenceless,  and  exposed  to  the 
shafts  of  envy  or  the  rage  'of  a  company  of  despicable  tories 
and  brutal  savages,  the  afflicted  mother,  robbecl  of  her  only 
son,  proceeded  down  the  river  with  her  tender  little  daughter 
hanging  to  her  clothes,  screaming  with  fear,  pleading  with  her 
mother  to  keep  away  the  Indians. 

In  this  condition,  possessing  uncommon  resolution  and  great 
presence  of  mind,  she  determined  again  to  get  possession  of 
her  son.  As  she  passed  down  the  river  she  met  several  tories 
who  were  with  the  Indians,  of  whom  she  continued  to  inquire 
what  they  intended  to  do  with  the  children  they  had  taken, 

*  Mr.  Hendee  lived  neai1  where  Milo  Dewey  now  lives,  1853. 


BURNING    OF    ROYALTON.  201 

and  received  an  answer  that  they  should  kill  them.  Still  de 
termined  not  to  part  with  her  son,  she  passed  on  and  soon 
discovered  a  large  body  of  Indians  stationed  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river.  Wishing  to  find  the  commanding  officer, 
and  supposing  him  to  be  there,  she  set  out  to.  cross  the  river, 
and  just  as  she  arrived  at  the  bank  an  old  Indian  stepped 
ashore.  He  could  not  talk  English,  but  requested  by  signs  to 
know  where  she  was  going.  She  signified  that  she  was  going 
to  cross ;  when  he,  supposing  she  intended  to  deliver  herself 
up  to  them  as  a  prisoner,  kindly  offered  to  carry  her  and  her 
child  across  on  his  back.  "But  she  refused  to  be  carried.  He 
then  insisted  upon  carrying  her  child ;  to  which  she  consented. 
The  little  girl  cried,  and  said  "  she  didn't  want  to  ride  the  old 
Indian."  She  was,  however,  persuaded  to  ride  him ;  and  they 
all  set  out  to  ford  the  river. 

Having  proceeded  about  half  way  across  they  came  to  deeper 
and  swifter  water  ;  and  the  old  Indian,  patting  the  mother  upon 
the  shoulder,  gave  her  to  understand  that  if  she  would  tarry 
upon  a  rock  near  them,  which  was  not  covered  with  water, 
till  he  had  carried  her  child  over,  he  would  return  and  carry 
her  also.  She  therefore  stopped  and  sat  upon  the  rock  till 
he  had  carried  her  daughter  and  set  it  upon  the  opposite 
shore,  when  he  returned  and  took  her  upon  his  back,  lugged 
her  over,  and  safely  landed  her  with  her  child. 

Supported  by  a  consciousness  of  the  justice  of  her  cause, 
braving  every  danger,  and  hazarding  the  most  dreadful  con 
sequences,  not  excepting  her  own  life  and  that  of  her  children, 
she  now  sat  out  to  accomplish  her  object. 

She  hastened  to  the  commanding  officer  and  boldly  in 
quired  of  him  what  he  intended  to  do  with  her  child.  He 
told  her  that  it  was  contrary  to  orders  to  injure  women  or 
children.  "  Such  boys  as  should  be  taken,"  he  said,  "  would 
be  trained  for  soldiers,  and  would  not  be  hurt." 

"  You  know,"  said  she,  in  reply,  "  that  these  little  ones  can 
not  endure  the  fatigues  of  a  march  through  the  vast  extent 


202  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

of  wilderness  which  you  are  calculating  to  pass.  And  when 
their  trembling  limbs  shall  fail  to  support  their  feeble  bodies, 
and  they  can  no  longer  go,  the  tomahawk  and  the  scalping 
knife  will  be  the  only  relief  you  will  afford  them.  Instead 
of  falling  into  a  mother's  arms  and  receiving  a  mother's  ten 
der  care,  you  will  yield  them  into  the  arms  of  death,  and  earth 
must  be  their  pillow  where  the  howling  wilderness  shall  be 
their  only  shelter.  Truly  a  shelter  from  a  mother's  tears,  but 
not  from  the  jaws  of  wild  beasts  or  a  parent's  grief.  And 
give  me  leave  to  tell  you,"  added  she,  "  were  you  possessed 
of  a  parent's  love,  could  you  feel  the  anguish  of  a  mother's 
heart  at  the  loss  of  her  first  born,  her  darling  son,  torn  from 
her  bosom  by  the  wicked  hands  of  savage  men,  no  entreaties 
would  be  required  to  obtain  the  release  of  my  dear  child." 

Horton  replied,  "  that  the  Indians  were  an  ungovernable 
race,  and  would  not  be  persuaded  to  give  up  any  thing  they 
should  see  fit  to  take." 

'•'You  are  their  commander,"  continued  she,  "and  they 
must  and  will  obey  you.  The  curse  will  fall  upon  you  for 
whatever  crime  they  may  commit ;  and  all  the  innocent  blood 
they  shall  here  shed  will  be  found  in  your  skirts  '  when  the 
secrets  of  men's  hearts  shall  be  made  known ; '  and  it  will 
then  cry  for  vengeance  on  your  heajl ! " 

Melted .inta  tears  at  this  generous  display  of  maternal  af 
fection,  the  infamous  destroyer  felt  a  relenting  in  his  bosom, 
bowed  his  head  under  the  weight  of  this  powerful  eloquence 
and  simple  boldness  of  the  brave  heroine,  and  assured  her 
that  he  would  deliver  her  child  up  when  the  Indians  arrived 
with  him.  The  party  who  took  him  had  not  yet  returned. 
When  he  arrived,  Horton,  with  much  difficulty,  prevailed  on 
the  Indians  to  deliver  him  up.  After  she  had  gained  posses 
sion  of  him  she  set  out,  leading  him  and  her  little  girl  by  the 
hand,  and  hastened  away  with  speed,  while  the  mingled  sen 
sations  of  fear,  joy,  and  gratitude  filled  her  bosom.  She  had 
not  gone  more  than  ten  rods  when  Horton  followed  and  told 


BURNING    OF    ROYALTON.  203 

•ier  to  go  back  and  stay  till  the  scouting  parties  had  returned, 
test  they  should  again  take  her  boy  from  her.  She  accord 
ingly  returned  and  tarried  with  the  Indians  till  they  all  ar 
rived  and  started  for  Canada.  While  she  was  there,  several 
of  her  neighbors'  children,  about  tlje  same  age  of  her  own, 
were  brought  there  as  .captives.  Possessing  benevolence 
equal  to  her  courage,  she  now  made  suit  for  them ;  and,  by 
her  warm  and  affectionate  entreaties,  succeeded  in  procuring 
their  release.  While  she  waited  for  their  departure,  sitting 
upon  a  pile  of  boards,  with  the  little  objects  of  charity  around 
her  holding  fast  to  her  clothes,  with  their  cheeks  wet  with 
tears,  an  old  Indian  came  and  took  her  son  by  the  hand  and 
endeavored  to  get  him  away.  She  refused  to  let  him  go,  and 
held  him  fast  by  the  other  hand  till  the  savage  monster  vio 
lently  waved  his  cutlass  over  her  head,  and  the  piercing 
shrieks  of  her  beloved  child  filled  the  air.  This  excited  the 
rage  of  the  barbarous  crew  so  much  as  to  endanger  her  own 
and  the  lives  of  the  children  around  her,  and  compelled  her  to 
yield  him  into  his  hands.  She  again  m<ide  known  her  griev 
ances  to  Horton,  when,  after  considerable  altercation  with  the 
Indians,  he  obtained  her  son  and  delivered  him  to  her  a  sec 
ond  time,  though  he  might  be  said  to  "fear  notf^od  nor  re 
gard  man."  Thus,  like  the  importunate  widow  who  "  troubled 
.the  unjust  judge,"  this  young  woman  *  obtained  the  release 
of  nine  small  boys  from  a  wretched  captivity  which  doubt 
less  would  have  proved  their  death.  She  led  eight  of  them 
away,  together  with  her  daughter,  all  hanging  to  her  own 
clothes  and  to  each  other,  mutually  rejoicing  at  their  deliver 
ance.  The  other,  whose  name  was  Andrew  Durkee,  whom 
the  Indians  had  carried  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Havens,  was 
there  released  according  to  the  agreement  of  Horton  with 
Mrs.  Hendee,  and  sent  back  on  account  of  his  lameness. 
Being  told  that  the  great  bone  in  his  leg  had  been  taken 

*  Mrs.  Hendee  was  at  this  time  aged  twenty-seven  years. 


204  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

out  in  consequence  of  a  fever  sore,  an  old  Indian  examined  U 
and  cried  out,  "  No  boon  !  no  go !  "  and,  giving  him  a  blanket 
and  a  hatchet,  sent  him  back. 

Mrs.  Hendee  carried  two  of  the  children  across  the  river 
on  her  back,  one  at  a  time,  and  the  others  waded  through  the 
water  with  their  arms  around  each  other's  neck.  After  cross 
ing  the  river  she  travelled  about  three  miles  with  them  and 
encamped  for  the  night,  "  gathering  them  around  her  as  a  hen 
gathereth  her  chickens  under  her  wings."  The  names  of  the 
children  who  were  indebted  to  her  for  their  release  from  the 
savage  tribe  were  Michael  Hendee,  Roswell  Parkhurst,  son 
of  Captain  Ebenezer  Parkhurst,  Andrew  and  Sheldon  Dur- 

kee,  Joseph  Rix,  Rufus  and —  Fish,  Nathaniel  Evans, 

and  Daniel  Downer.  The  latter  received  such  an  affright 
from  the  horrid  crew  that  he  was  ever  afterwards  unable  to 
take  care  of  himself,  wholly  unfit  for  business,  and  lived  for 
many  years  wandering  from  place  to  place,  a  solemn  though 
silent  witness  of  the  distress  and  horror  of  that  dreadful 
scene. 

Mrs.  Hendee  now  (1818)  lives  in  Sharon,  where  the  au 
thor  visited  her  and  received  the  foregoing  statement  of  this 
noble  exploitfTrom  her  own  mouth.  It  is  also  corroborated 
by  several  gentlemen,  now  living,  who  were  eye  witnesses. 

She  has  buried  her  first  and  second  husbands,  and  now  lives 
a  widow,  by  the  name  of  Moshier.  Her  days  are  almost 
gone.  May  her  declining  years  be  crowned  with  the  reward 
due  to  her  youthful  deeds  of  benevolence.  She  has  faced  the 
most  awful  dangers  for  the  good  of  mankind,  and  rescued 
many  from  the  jaws  of  death. 

In  view  of  the  exceeding  riches  of  that  mercy  which  has 
protected  her  through  such  scenes  of  danger,  may  she  devote 
her  life  to  the  service  of  the  mighty  God,  and,  at  last,  find  a 
happy  seat  at  the  right  hand  of  Him  "  who  gave  himself  a 
ransom  for  all."  And  thus  let  the  children,  who  are  indebted 
to  her  bravery  and  benevolence  for  their  lives,  "  rise  up  and 


BURNING    OF    ROYALTON.  205 

call  her  blessed."  Gratitude  forbids  their  silence ;  for  to 
maternal  affection  and  female  heroism  alone,  under  God,  they 
owe  their  deliverance  from  savage  cruelty.  The  boldest  hero 
of  the  other  sex  could  never  have  effected  what  she  accom 
plished.  His  approach  to  the  savage  tribe  to  intercede  in 
behalf  of  those  defenceless  children  most  surely  would  have 
brought  upon  himself  a  long  and  wretched  captivity,  and  per 
haps  even  death  itself. 

The  Indians,  having  accomplished  their  nefarious  designs, 
returned  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Havens  with  their  prisoners 
and  the  plunder  of  houses  which  they  had  devoted  to  destruc 
tion.  Here  was  the  place  where  they  had  commenced  their 
ravages.  The  old  man,  as  before  observed,  having  concealed 
himself  under  a  log,  a£  the  time  he  espied  the  Indians  in  the 
morning  while  hunting  for  his  sheep,  still  remained  in  sorrow 
ful  silence  undiscovered.  He  had  considered  it  unsafe  to 
move,  as  a  party  of  the  crew  had  continued  there  during  the 
day,  and  had  twice  come  and  stood  upon  the  log  under  which 
he  lay  without  finding  him. 

After  collecting  their  plunder  together  and  distributing  it 
among  them  they  burned  the  house  and  barn  of  Mr.  Havens 
and  started  for  Canada.  It  was  now  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  They  carried  off  twenty-six  prisoners  from  Roy- 
alton,  who  were  all  delivered  up  to  the  British  as  prisoners 
of  war. 

They  all  obtained  their  release  and  returned  in  about  one 
year  excepting  Adan  Durkee,  who  died  in  camp  at  Montreal. 

Twenty-one  dwelling  houses,  and  sixteen  good  new  barns, 
well  filled  with  hay  and  grain,  the  hard  earnings  of  indus 
trious  young  farmers,  were  here  laid  in  ashes  by  the  impious 
crew.  They  killed  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  head  of  neat 
cattle  and  all  the  sheep  and  swine  they  found.  Hogs  in 
their  pens  and  cattle  tied  in  their  stalls  were  burned  alive. 
They  destroyed  all  the  household  furniture  except  what  they 
carried  with  them.  They  burned  the  house  of  Mr.  John 
18 


206  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Hutehinson ;  and  giving  his  wife  a  hatchet  and  a  flint,  to 
gether  with  a  quarter  of  mutton,  told  her  to  "  go  and  cook 
for  her  men."  This  they  said  to  aggravate  her  feelings  and 
remind  her  of  her  forlorn  condition. 

Women  and  'children  were  left  entirely  destitute  of  food 
and  every  kind  of  article  necessary  for  the  comforts  of  life, 
almost. naked,'  and  without  a  shelter.  "Wandering  from  place 
to  place,  they  beheld  their  cattle  rolling  in  their  blood,  groan 
ing  in  the  agonies  of  death,  and  saw  their  houses  laid  in 
ruins.  Disconsolate  mothers  and  weeping  orphans  were^  left 
to  wander  through  the  dreadful  waste  and  lament  the  loss  of 
their  nearest  friends,  comfortless  and  forlorn. 

The  Indians  took  away  about  thirty  horses,  which  were 
however  of  little  use  to  them,  but  rather  served  to  hinder 
their  progress.  Their  baggage  was  composed  of  almost  every 
article  commonly  found  among  farmers  ;  such  as  axes  and 
hoes,  pots,  kettles,  shovels  and  tongs,  sickles,  scythes  and 
chains,  old  side  saddles,  and  bed  ticks  emptied  of  their  feath 
ers,  Warming  pans,  plates,  and  looking  glasses,  and  indeed 
nearly  all  kinds  of  articles  necessary  for  the  various  avoca 
tions  of  life. 

On  their  return  they  crossed  the  hills  in  Tunbridge,  lying 
west  of  first  branch,  and  proceeded  to  Randolph,  where  they 
encamped  for  the  first  night,  near  the  second  branch,  a  dis 
tance  of  about  ten  miles.  They  had,  however,  previously 
despatched  old  Mr.  Kneeland,  a  prisoner  whom  they  consid 
ered  would  be  of  the  least  service  to  them,  with  letters  to  the 
militia,  stating  that,  "  if  they  were  not  followed,  the  prisoners 
should  be  used  well ;  but  should  they  be  pursued,  every  one 
of  them  would  be  put  to  death." 

The  alarm  had  by  this  time  spread  through  the  adjacent 
towns;  and  the  scattering,  undisciplined  militia  shouldered 
their  muskets  and  hastened  to  pursue  .them.  They  collected 
at  the  house  of  Mr.  Evans,  in  Randolph,  about  two  miles 
south  of  the  encampment  of  the  Indians.  Here  they  formed 


BURNING    OF   ROYALTON.  207 

a  company,  consisting  of  about  three  hundred  in  number,  and 
made  choice  of  Colonel  John  House,  of  Hanover,  New  Hamp 
shire,  for  their  commander.  They  supposed  the  Indians  had 
gone  to  Brookfield,  about  ten  miles  from  that  place,  up  the 
second  branch.  With  this  expectation  they  took  up  their 
march  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  hoping  they  should  be 
able  to  reach  Brookfield  before  light  and  make  them  prison 
ers.  They  had  scarcely  started  when  the  American  front 
guard,  to  their  utter  surprise,  were  fired  upon  by  the  rear 
guard  of  the  enemy.  Several  fires  were  exchanged  and  one 
of  the  Americans  wounded;  when  Colonel  House,  through 
cowardice  or  want  of  skill,  commanded  them  to  halt  and 
cease  firing.  He  then  ordered  them  to  make  a  stand,  and 
kept  them  in  suspense  till  the  Indians  had  made  their  escape. 
To  hasten  their  flight,  the  savage  tribe  were  compelled  to  leave 
at  their  encampment  a  considerable  quantity  of  their  plunder, 
nearly  all  the  horses,  and  made  good  their  retreat. 

Here  they  killed  two  of  the  prisoners,  by  the  names  of 
Joseph  Kneeland  and  Giles  Gibbs.  The  former  was  founcl 
dead,  with  his  scalp  taken  off,  and  the  latter  with  a  tomahawk 
in  his  head. 

At  daylight  Colonel  House  courageously  entered  the  de 
serted  camp  and  took  possession  of  the  spoil ;  but,  alas !  the 
enemy  were  gone  he  knew  not  where.  Urged  by  his  brave 
soldiers,  who  were  disgusted  at  his  conduct,  he  proceeded  up 
the  second  branch,  as  far  as  Brookfield,  in  pursuit  of  the  en 
emy,  and,  not  finding  them,  disbanded  his  men  and  returned. 

Had  Colonel  H.  possessed  courage  and  skill  adequate  to 
the  duties  of  his  station  he  might  have  defeated  the  enemy, 
it  is  thought,  without  the  least  difficulty,  and  made  them  all 
prisoners.  His  number  was  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy,  well 
armed  with  muskets  and  furnished  with  ammunition.  The 
enemy,  though  furnished  with  -muskets,  had  little  ammunition, 
and  were  cumbered  with  the  weight  of  much  guilt  and  a  load 
of  pJ  under.  They  had  encamped  upon  a  spot  of  ground 


208  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

which  gave  the  Americans  all  the  advantage,  and  their  only 
safety  rested  in  their  flight.  The  American  force  consisted 
of  undisciplined  militia,  who  promiscuously  assembled  from 
different  quarters,  but  were  full  of  courage,  animated  by  the 
principles  of  justice  and  determined  to  obtain  redress  for  the 
injuries  they  had  received  from  the  barbarous  crew.  • 

Many  of  them  likewise  had  friends  and  connections  then  in 
possession  of  the  Indians,  to  o.btain  whose  freedom  they  were 
stimulated  to  action.  But,  alas  !  their  determination  failed, 
their  hopes  were  blasted.  They  were  forced  to  relinquish 
the  object,  and  suffer  their  friends  to  pass  on  and  endure  a 
wretched  captivity.  They,  however,  forced  the  Indians  to 
leave  the  stream  and  take  their  course  over  the  hills,  be 
tween  the  second  and  third  branch,  which  brought  them  di 
rectly  and  unexpectedly  to  the  house  of  Zadock  Steele,  whom 
they  made  prisoner  and  took  to  Canada. 

To  his  "  captivity  and  sufferings,"  as  related  by  himself  in 
the  following  pages,  the  reader  is  referred  for  a  further  ae- 
dbunt  of  the  expedition  of  the  Indians  and  its  dreadful  con 
sequences, 


CAPTIVITY  OF  ZAD3CK  ST.EELE. 

BEFORE  the  mind  of  the  indulgent  reader  is  engaged  in  a 
perusal  of  the  sufferings  of  my  maturer  years,  it  may  not  be 
improper  to  direct  the  attention  to  scenes  of  nativity  and 
youth. 

The  day  of  my  birth,  and  the  events  which  transpired  to 
bring  upon  me  the  miseries  I  have  undergone,  will  not  be  un 
interesting,  I  think,  to  those  who  may  feel  disposed  to  read 
the  following  pages. 

As,  in  the  evening  of  a  tempestuous  day,  with  solemn  yet 
pleasing  emotions  we  look  back  on  the  dangers  through  which 
we  have  been  preserved,  so,  when  man  has  passed  through 
scenes  of  fatigue,  endured  the  hardships  of  a  savage  captivity, 
as  well  as  the  pains  of  a  prison,  and  again  obtained  his  free 
dom,  it  is  a  source  of  pleasure  to  cause  those  scenes  to  pass 
in  review  before  his  imagination,  and  cannot  fail  to  excite  his 
gratitude  to  the  Power  that  afforded  him  relief. 

I  was  born  at  Tolland,  Connecticut,  on  the  17th  of  De 
cember,  1758.  In  1776  my  father,  James  Steele,  Esq.,  moved 
from  Tolland  to  Ellington,  a  town  adjoining,  where  he  kept  a 
house  of  entertainment  several  years.  During  the  years  of 
my  childhood  the  American  colonies  were  put  in  commotion 
by  what  is  generally  termed  the  French  war. 

The  colonies  had  hardly  recovered  from  the  convulsions  of 
that  war  when  the  American  revolution  commenced.  My 
father  had  been  actively  engaged  in  the  former  war,  and  now 
received  a  lieutenant's  commission  in  the  revolutionary  army. 
The  importance  of  the  contest  in  which  the  colonies  were 

1$*  (209) 


210  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

engaged-  called  upon  every  friend  to  the  rights  of  man  to  bo 
actively  employed.  Being  in  my  eighteenth  year  in  May, 
1776,  I  enlisted  int3  the  army  for  one  year  as  waiter  to  my 
father.  Soon  after  I  enlisted  he  was  visited  with  a  severe  fit 
of  sickness,  which  prevented  him  from  entering  the  army, 
and  compelled  me  to  go  into  the  ranks,  leaving  him  behind. 
My  two  older  brothers,  Aaron  and  James,  also  enlisted  the 
same  year.  Aaron  died  in  March  following  at  Chatham,  New 
Jersey,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  his  age.  Bereft  of  a 
brother  whom  I  held  dear,  after  serving  the  term  of  my  en 
listment  I  returned  to  Ellington. 

The  next  year  I  served  one  campaign  in  the  militia,  and 
the  year  following  as  a  teamster,  which  closed  my  services  in 
the  army.  I  was  now  about  nineteen  years  of  age.  I  had 
been  favored  with  very  little  opportunity,  as  yet,  to  acquire  an 
education ;  as  the  infantile  state  of  the  colonies  and  the  agita 
tion  of  public  affairs  at  that  time  afforded  little  encourage 
ment  to  schools,  and  caused  a  universal  depression  of  literature 
in  general. 

I,  however,  acquired  an  education  sufficient  to  enable  me  to 
transact  the  business  of  a  farmer  and  regulate  my  own  con 
cerns  in,  my  intercourse  with  mankind.  But  long  have  I 
deeply  regretted  the  want  of  that  knowledge  of  letters  requi 
site  to  prepare  for  the  press  a  narrative  of  my  own  sufferings 
and  those  of  my  fellow-captives  which  should  be  read  with 
interest  and  receive  the  approbation  of  an  indulgent  public. 

No  hope  of  pecuniary  gain  or  wish  to  bring  myself  into 
public  notice  has  induced  me  to  publish  a  narrative  of  my 
sufferings.  A  desire  that  others  as  well  as  myself  might 
learn  wisdom  from  the  things  I  have  suffered  is  the  principal 
cause  of  its  publication.  The  repeated  instances  of  my  de 
liverance  from  threatened  death,  in  which  the  finger  of  Goc 
was  visible,  call  for  the  deepest  gratitude,  and  have  made  an 
impression  upon  my  mind  which  I  trust  will  remain  as  long 
as  the  powers  of  my  recollection  shall  endure.  I  was  sensible 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  211 

it  might  also  furnish  a  lesson  of  instruction  to  my  fellow-men 
and  to  future  generations  duly  to  prize  the  privileges  and 
blessings  they  may  enjoy,  by  observing  the  dreadful  contrast 
which  is  brought  to  view  in  this  narrative* 

Desirable,  however,  as  it  might  be,  I  had  long  since  relin 
quished  all  idea  of  ever  seeing  an  account  of  my  sufferings  in 
print.  But  by  the  earnest  solicitations  and  friendly  though 
feeble  assistance  of  others,  I  have  thought  fit  at  this  late  pe 
riod  of  my  life,  yet  with  humble  deference  to  the  good  sense 
of  an  enlightened  public,  to  give  a  short  narrative  of  what  I 
have  endured  in  common  with  many  of  my  fellow-men  who 
were  my  fellow-prisoners. 

Among  the  evils  resulting  from  the  destruction  of  Royal- 
ton,  my  own  captivity  was  far  from  being  the  least.  That 
event  was  the  precursor  of  all  my  sorrows  —  the  fountain 
from  which  sprung  streams  of  wretchedness  and  want.  Nor 
will  the  channel  be  forgotten,  though  the  raging  flood  cease 
to  roll.  As  small  streams  are  swallowed  up  by  larger  ones, 
so  many  serious  and  sore  trials  are  doubtless  lost  in  that  dread 
ful  current  of  distress  through  which  I  was  called  to  pass. 

The  attention  of  the  reader  is,  however,  requested  to  a 
simple  statement  of  facts,  as  they  occur  to  my  mind,  while  I 
relate  the  circumstances  of  my  captivity  by  the  Indians,  the 
treatment  I  received  from  them,  my  privations  while  a  pris 
oner  to  the  British,  my  wonderful  escape  from  their  hands, 
and  extreme  sufferings  in  the  wilderness  on  my  way  home. 
Truth  will  not  easily  permit,  nor  have  I  any  desire,  to  enlarge 
or  exaggerate  upon  the  things  I  suffered.  Guided  by  the 
principles  of  justice,  and  wishing  no  ill  to  any  man  or  set  of 
men,  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  found  disposed  to  calumniate  or 
reproach. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  speak  of  any  individual  or  nation 
with  less  respect  than  is  due  to  their  true  character  and 
conduct. 

I  sjiall,  however,  be  under  the  necessity  of  noticing  many 


INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

cruelties  that  were  inflicted  upon  the  prisoners,  by  men  who 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  civilization,  which  were  sufficient 
to  put  the  rudest  savage  to  the  bjush. 

But  the  long  lapse  of  time  and  the  effects  of  old  age  have, 
no  doubt,  blotted  from  my  memory  incidents  which  would  have 
been  no  less,  and.  perhaps  more,  interesting  and  instructive 
than  many  circumstances  which  I  shall  be  able  to  recollect. 
This,  together  with  the  inexperience  of  the  writer,  must  be 
the  only  apology  for  the  imperfections  of  the  following  pages. 

In  April,  1780,  being  in  my  twenty-second  year,  I  started 
from  my  father's  house  in  Ellington,  leaving  all  my  friends 
and  relatives,  and  came  to  Randolph,  in  the  State  of  Vermont, 
a  town  south  of  Brookfield,  a  distance  of  nearly  two  hundred 
miles.  I  there  purchased  a  right  of  land,  lying  in  the  north 
part  of  the  town,  on  which  was  a  log  house  and  a  little  im 
provement.  Suffering  the  privations  and  hardships  common 
to  those  who  dwell  in  new  countries,  I  spent  the  summer  in 
diligent  labor,  subsisting  upon  rather  coarse  fare,  and  sup 
ported  by  the  fond  hopes  of  soon  experiencing  better  days. 

The  young  man  who  drove  my  team  from  Connecticut,  with 
provisions,  farming  utensils,  &c.,  labored  with  me  through  the 
summer  and  fall  seasons  till  October,  when  he  returned  to 
Ellington  just  in  time  to  escape  the  danger  of  being  taken  by 
the  Indians. 

A  small  settlement  had  commenced  in  the  south-wester 
ly  part  of  Randolph,  on  the  third  branch  of  White  River, 
about  six  miles  from  my  own.  A  little  settlement  had 
also  commenced  on  the  second  branch  of  the  same  river  in 
Brookfield,  in  the  easterly  part  of  the  town,  and  at  about  an 
equal  distance  from  my  abode.  As  there  were  in  Randolph 
a  number  of  families  situated  in  different  parts  of  the  town, 
and  our  country  being  engaged  in  a  war,  which  rendered  our 
frontier  settlements  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  an  exasperated 
foe,  we  had  taken  the  necessary  precaution  to  establish  alarm 
posts,  by  which  we  might  announce  to  each  other  the  approach 
of  an  enemy. 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  213 

But  our  Brookfield  brethren,  though  in  a  town  adjoin 
ing,  were  beyond  the  hearing  of  the  report  of  our  alarm 
guns. 

On  the  16th  of  October  we  were  apprised  of  the  arrival  of 
the  Indians  at  Royalton,  a  town  about  ten  miles  south  of  Ran 
dolph.  They  entered  that  town  on  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
and  were  committing  ravages,  taking  and  killing  the  inhab 
itants,  sparing  the  lives  of  none  whom  they  could  overtake  in 
an  attempt  to  escape,  destroying  property,  burning  all  the 
buildings  that  they  discovered,  killing  the  cattle,  pillaging  the 
houses,  and  taking  captives. 

It  was  expected  they  would  follow  up  either  the  second  or 
third  branch  on  their  return  to  Canada,  as  these  two  branches 
run  to  the  south  and  nearly  parallel  to  each  other ;  the  former 
of  which  empties  itself  into  the  river  at  Royalton,  and  the 
latter  a  few  miles  west. 

I  was  employed  during  the  sixteenth  day  till  nearly  night  in 
assisting  the  settlers  on  the  third  branch  in  Randolph  to  move 
their  families  and  effects  into  the  woods  such  a  distance  as 
was  thought  would  render  them  safe,  should  the  Indians  pur 
sue  that  stream  up  on  their  return. 

I  then  requested  that  some  one  of  them  should  accompany 
me  to  go  'and  notify  the  Brookfield  settlers  of  their  danger. 
Being  unable  to  persuade  any  to  go  with  me,  I 'started 
alone.  I  had  only  time  to  arrive  at  my  own  dwelling,  which 
was  on  my  direct  course,  before  I  was  overtaken  by  the  ap 
proach  of  night.  As  there  was  no  road  and  nothing  but 
marked  trees  to  guide' Iny  way,  I  tarried  all  night.  Having 
prepared  some  food  for  breakfast  I  lay  down  to  sleep,  little 
knowing  what  awaited  my  waking  hours.  At  the  dawn  of 
day  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  I  set  out  to  prosecute  the 
object  for  which  I  started,  though,  in  a  violent  tempest,  at 
tended  with  snow.  I  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the  storm 
greatly  increased,  which  I  found  would  not  only  much  en 
danger  my  life,  but  so  retard  my  progress  that  I  could  not 


214  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

arrive  in  time  seasonably  to  warn  my  friends  of  their  danger 
or  escape  myself  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy  should  they 
follow  the  second  branch  instead  of  the  third.  I  therefore 
returned  to  my  .house.  Soon  after  I  arrived  within  doors, 
filled  with  anxiety  for  the  unsuspecting  inhabitants  of  Brook- 
field,  I  heard  a  shocking  cry  in  the  surrounding  woods  ;  and, 
trembling  for  my  own  safety,  I  ran  to  the  door,  when,  to  my 
utter  astonishment,  and  the  reader  may  judge  my  feelings,  I 
beheld  a  company  of  Indians,  consisting  of  not  less  than  three 
hundred  in  number,  not  ten  rods  distant,  approaching  with 
hideous  cries  and  frightful  yells  ! 

"  O  how  unlike  the  chorus  of  the  skies  !  " 

There  was  no  way  of  escape.  I  had  only  to  stand  still, 
wait  their  approach,  and  receive  my  miserable  destiny.  In 
deed,  I  could  now  say  with  David,  "  The  sorrows  of  death 
compassed  me,  and  the  floods  of  ungodly  men  made  me 
afraid."  I  had  nowhere  to  flee  but  to  the  "  great  Preserver 
of  men,  who  was  my  only  hiding-place,"  "  my  goodness  and 
my  fortress,  my  high  tower  and  my  deliverer,  my  shield, 
and  he  in  whom  I  trust." 

"  They  came  upon  me  as  a  wide  breaking  of  waters ;  in 
the  desolation  they  rolled  themselves  upon  me." 

Their  leader  came  up  and  told  me  I  must  go  with  them. 
They  asked  me  if  any  other  persons  were  to  be  found  near 
that  place.  I  told  them  it  was  probable  there  were  none  to 
be  found.  They  then  inquired  if  any  cattle  were  near ;  to 
which  I  answered  in  the  negative.  But  they  seemed  to  choose 
rather  to  take  the  trouble  to  search  than  to  confide  in  what  I 
told  them. 

After  taking  every  thing  they  found  worthy  to  carry  with 
them,  and  destroying  all  t^at  was  not  likely  to  suffer  injury 
by  fire,  iheji  set  the  house  on  fire  and  marched  on.  One  of 
them  took  a  bag  of  grass  seed  upon  his  back,  and,  cutting  a 
hole  in  the  bag,  scattered  the  seed  as  he  marched,  which  tools 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  215 

root,  stocked  the  ground,  and  was  for  many  years  a  sad  me 
mento  of  my  long  captivity* 

The  chief  who  came  up  to  me  could  talk  English  very  well, 
which  was  a  circumstance  much  in  my  favor,  as  he  became 
my  master,  under  which  name  I  shall  have  frequent  occasion 
to  speak  of  him  in  the  course  of  this  narrative. 

They  took  all  my  clothes,  not  excepting  the  best  I  had  on, 
and  distributed  them  amongst  themselves.  They,  however, 
furnished  me  with  blankets  sufficient  to  defend  me  against  the 
cold,  but  deprived  me  of  my  own  property ;  the  bitter  con 
sequences  of  which  I  felt  in  my  subsequent  confinement  with 
the  British,  and  on  my  return  to  resume  my  settlement  at 
Randolph. 

The  Indians  had  encamped  the  night  preceding  on  the  sec 
ond  branch  in  Randolph,  on  which  the  Brookfield  settlers 
lived,  and  not  more  than  ten  miles  below  them,  but  during 
the  night  had  been  put  to  rout  by  a  party  of  Americans,  con 
sisting  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  who  were 
commanded  by  Colonel  John  House,  of  Hanover,  New  Hamp 
shire.  To  make  their  escape,  they  left  the  stream  and  took  a 
course  which  brought  them  directly  to  my  dwelling. 

Had  they  not  been  molested,  but  permitted  to  pursue  their 
intended  course  up  the  stream,  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of 
Brookfield  would  doubtless  have  shared  the  miserable  fate  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Royalton,  themselves  taken  prisoners,  and 
doomed  to  suffer  a  long  and  wretched  captivity,  and  their 
property  destroyed  by  the  devouring  element.  This  preven 
tion,  which,  however,  was  the  cause  of  my  captivity,  the  sub 
ject  of  the  following  narrative,  was  probably  the  only  good 
that  Colonel  H.  effected ;  and  this  he  did  unwittingly,  for 
which  he  can  claim  no  thanks. 

Soon  after  we  started  from  my  house  my  master,  who  was 
the  principal  conductor  and  chief  of  the  whole  tribe,  discov 
ered  that  I  had  a  pair  of  silver  buckles  in  my  shoes,  and  at 
tempted  to  take  them  from  me ;  but,  by  promising  to  let  him 


216  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

have  them  when  we  arrived  at  our  journey's  end,  I  persuaded 
him  to  let  me  keep  them.     But  we-  had  not  travelled  far  be 
fore  another  Indian  espied  them,  and  crying  out,  "  Wall  ston 
dorum  !  "  (Ah,  there's  silver ! )  took  them  from  me,  and  fui  - 
nished  me  with  strings  for  my  shoes  as  substitutes. 

We  travelled  the  first  day  to  Berlin  and  encamped  on  Dog 
River,  not  many  miles  from  the  place  where  Montpelier  vil 
lage  now  stands.  They  built  a  fire  of  some  rods  in  length, 
to  which  opportunity  was  afforded  for  all  to  approach.  They 
then  placed  sentinels  around,  which  rendered  it  impossible 
for  any  one  to  move  unnoticed.  But  this  precaution  was  not 
sufficient"  to  satisfy  their  minds  to  prevent  the  escape  of  their 
captive  prisoners.  Therefore,  to  render  our  escape  less  easy 
to  be  effected,  as  we  lay  down  upon  the  ground  they  tied  a 
rope  around  our  bodies,  and,  extending  it  each  way,  the  In 
dians  laid  upon  it  on  our  right  and  on  our  left,  not  suffering 
any  two  prisoners  to  lie  next  each  other.  I  could,  however, 
crawl  so  far  out  of  the  rope  as  to  be  able  to  sit  upright,  but 
always  found  some  of  the  Indians  sitting  up,  either  to  prepare 
their  clothing  for  the  following  day's  march,  or  intentionally 
to  set  as  additional  guards ;  and  I  never  found  the  favored 
moment  when  all  were  at  rest. 

As  they  had  told  me  before  we  encamped  that  if  they  were 
overtaken  by  the  Americans  they  should  kill  every  prisoner, 
I  felt  the  more  anxious  to  make  my  escape ;  and  they  seemed,  • 
in  view  of  their  danger,  more  desirous  to  keep  us  within 
reach  of  the  tomahawk,  and  secure  us  against  a  flight  in  case 
the  Americans  should  approach.  I  watched  with  trembling 
fear  and  anxious  expectation  during  the  night  we  lay  at  Ber 
lin,  seeking  an  opportunity  to  escape,  which  I  found  utterly 
impossible,  and  looking  every  moment  for  the  arrival  of  a 
company  of  Americans,  whose  approach  I  was  assured  would 
be  attended  with  death  to  every  prisoner. 

They  compelled  many  of  the  prisoners  to^carry  their  packs, 
enormous  in  size  and  extremely  heavy,  as  they  were  filled 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  217 

with  the  plunder  of  pillaged  houses  and  every  thing  which 
attracted  their  curiosity  or  desire  to  possess.  Looking  glasses, 
which  by  the  intention  or  carelessness  of  the  prisoners  became 
broken  in  a  short  time,  pots,  spiders,  frying  pans,  and  old  side 
saddles,  which  were  sold  on  their  arrival  at  St.  John's  for  one 
dollar,  composed  a  part  of  their  invaluable  baggage. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  they  first  ordered  me  to  eat 
my  breakfast,  urging  me  to  effe  as  much  as  I  wanted ;  while, 
on  account  of  the  loss  of  their  provisions  at  Randolph,  they 
had  scarce  half  an  allowance  for  themselves.  I  knew  not 
whether  to  attribute  this  conduct  to  their  feelings  of  charity 
and  generosity,  a  desire  to  secure  my  friendship,  or  a  wishvto 
preserve  my  life  under  a  prospect  of  procuring  gain,  or  to 
some  other  cause. 

Indeed,  they  seemed  at  all  times  to  be  willing  to  "  feed  the 
hungry,"  not  even  seeing  one  of  the  prisoners  leisurely  pick 
a  berry  by  the  way,  as  they  passed  along,  without  offering 
them  food,  considering  this  as  a  token  of  our  hunger. 

Their  food,  however,  was  very  unsavory,  insomuch  that 
nothing  but  extreme  hunger  would  have  induced  me  to  eat 
of  it,  though  I  always  had  a  share  of  their  best. 

Habituated  to  a  partial  covering  themselves  and  excited  by 
curiosity,  they  took  from  me  all  my  best  clothes,  and  gave  me 
blankets  in  exchange.  They  often  travelled  with  the  utmost 
celerity  in  their  power  to  try  my  activity,  viewing  me  with 
*ooks  of  complacency  to  find  me  able  to  keep  pace  with  them. 

We  this  day  passed  down  Dog  River  till  we  came  to  Onion 
River,  into  which  the  former  empties  itself,  and  then  kept  the 
course  of  the  latter  during  the  day,  steering  nearly  a  north 
west  direction.  At  night  we  came  to  a  very  steep  mountain, 
which  was  extremely  difficult  of  access,  not  far  from  the  place 
now  called  Bolton,  in  the  county  of  Chittenden.  Upon  the 
top  of  this  mountain  the  Indians,  on  their  way  to  Royalton, 
had  secreted  a  number  of  bags  of  fine  flour  which  they  brought 
with  them  from  Canada,  and  now  regained.  This  greatly  re- 
19 


218  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

plenisbed  their  stores,  and  afforded  a  full  supply  of  wholesome 
bread.  The  manner  of  making  their  bread  is  curious,  and 
exhibits  useful  instruction  to  those  who  may  be  called  to  make 
their  bread  in  the  wilderness  without  enjoying  the  privilege 
of  household  furniture. 

They  took  their  dough,  wound  it  around  a  stick  in  the  form 
of  a  screw,  stuck  it  into  the  ground  by  the  fire,  and  thus 
baked  their  bread,  without  receiving  injury  by  the  smoke  or 
rendering  it  more  filthy  than  it  came  from  their  hands. 

Their  fear  that  they  should  be  overtaken  by  the  Ameri 
cans  had  by  this  time  greatly  abated,  and  this  was  considered 
by  the  prisoners  grounds  for  less  apprehension  of  the  danger 
of  being  put  to  death  by  the  Indians.  Till  now,  however,  it 
is  beyond  the  power  of  language  to  express,  nor  can  imagina 
tion  paint,  the  feelings  of  my  heart,  when,  torn  from  my 
friends  and  all  I  held  dear  on  earth,  compelled  to  roam  the 
wilderness  to  unknown  parts,  obliged  to  ford  rivers,  and  then 
lie  down  at  night  upon  the  cold  ground  with  scarcely  a  dry 
thread  in  my  clothes,  having  a  rope  fastened  around  my 
body,  surrounded  by  a  tribe  of  savage  Indians,  from  whose 
very  friendship  I  could  expect  nothing  but  wretchedness  and 
misery,  and  whose  brutal  rage  would  be  sure  to  prove  my 
death. 

Nor  was  this  rage  only  liable  to  be  excited  by  a  sense  of 
real  danger,  but,  from  conscious  guilt,  equally  liable  to  be  put 
in  force  by  the  most  slight,  false,  and  trifling  alarm. 

"  'Tis  a  prime  part  of  happiness  to  know 
How  much  unhappiness  must  prove  our  lot  — 
A  part  which  few  possess." 

On  the  fourth  day  we  arrived  at  Lake  Champlain.  We 
here  found  some  bateaux,  in  which  the  Indians  had  conveyed 
themselves  thither  on  their  way  to  Royalton.  On  their  arri 
val  at  the  lake,  and  regaining  their  bateaux,  they  gave  a 
shout  of  exultation  and  laughter,  manifesting  their  joy  and 
triumph 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  219 

My  master,  who  was  about  to  take  a  different  route  from 
the  rest  of  the  tribe,  took  me  aside,  and,  in  a  dissembling  tone, 
told  me  with  great  professions  of  friendship,  with  little  credit, 
however,  that  I  had  better  take  off  my  coat  and  let  him  have 
it,  for  which  he  would  give  me  a  blanket  in  exchange,  assur 
ing  me  that  the  Indians  would  take  it  from  me  if  I  did  not  do 
it.  Dreading  the  consequences  of  a  refusal  more  th#n  the 
loss  of  the  coat,  I  let  him  have  it,  and  received  a  blanket  in 
return.  We  crossed  over  and  encamped  on  Grand  Isle  that 
night.  The  next  morning  we  reembarked  in  our  bateaux,  and 
safely  landed  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix  before  night.  Here  the 
Indians  found  a  supply  of  rum,  which  gave  them  an  opportu 
nity  to  make  market  for  a  part  of  their  plunder  and  satiate 
their  thirst.  Nor,  indeed,  was  the  opportunity  unimproved. 
Irritated  by  the  force  of  intoxication,  they  were  all  in  confu 
sion  :  savage  yells  and  shrill  outcries  filled  the  surrounding 
atmosphere,  and  death  seemed  to  stare  every  captive  full  in 
the  face. 

"  So  sung  Philander,  as  a  friend  went  round 
In  the  rich  ichor,  in  the  generous  blood         „ 
Of  Bacchus,  purple  god  of  joyous  wit." 

At  length,  ftowever,  their  senses  became  drowned  in  the  tor 
rent  of  inebriety  ;  they  sank  into  a  helpless  state,  and  reposed 
in  the  arms  of  insensibility.  As  we  had  now  arrived  within 
the  dominions  of  the  British,  and  were  not  only  guarded  by  a 
number  of  the  Indians  who  were  not  under  the  power  of  in 
toxication,  but  watched  by  the  enemy's  subjects  resident  at 
that  place,  we  could  find  no  opportunity  to  make  our  escape. 

The  next  morning,  which  was  the  sixth  day  of  our  march, 
we  started  for  St.  John's,  and  arrived  there  that  day.  At  this 
place,  likewise,  the  Indians  found  a  plenty  of  ardent  spirits, 
by  a  too  free  use  of  which  they  became  more  enraged,  if  pos- 
fiiblef  than  before. 

They  now  began  to  threaten  the  lives  of  all  the  captives 


220  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

whose  faces  were  not  painted,  as  the  face  being  painted  was  a 
distinguishing  mark  put  upon  those  whom  they  designed  not 
to  kill. 

As  I  was  not  painted,  one  of  the  Indians,  under  the  influ 
ence  of  intoxication  and  brutal  rage,  like  many  white  people, 
more  sagacious  tlian  humane,  came  up  to  me,  and,  pointing  a 
gun  directly  at  my  head,  cocked  it,  and  was  about  to  fire, 
when  an  old  Indian,  who  was  my  new  master,  knocked  it 
aside,  pushed  him  backwards  upon  the  ground,  and  took  a 
bottle  of  rum,  and,  putting  it  to  his  mouth,  turned  down  his 
throat  a  considerable  quantity,  left  him,  and  went  on. 

The  punishment  seemed  in  no  way  to  displease  the  crim 
inal  :  he  wished  he  would  continue  to  punish  him  through  the 
day  in  the  same  manner  ;  regarding  the  momentary  gratifica 
tion  of  appetite  more  than  all  other  blessings  of  life,  01  even 
-life  itself. 

They  now  procured  some  paint  and  painted  my  face,  which 
greatly  appeased  the  rage  of  those  who,  before,  had  been  ap 
parently  determined  to  take  my  life.  I  now  received  their 
marks  of  friendship,  nor  felt  myself  in  danger  of  becoming 
the  subject  of  their  fatal  enmity.  Clothed  with  an  Indian 
blanket,  with  my  hands  and  my  face  painted,  and  possessing 
activity  equal  to  any  of  them,  they  appeared  tt>  be  willing  I 
should  live  with  them  and  be  accounted  as  one  of  their  number. 

"We  arrived  at  Caghnewaga  on  the  seventh  day  of  our 
march.  Thus  I  found  my§elf,  within  the  space  of  seven  days, 
removed  from  my  home  and  from  all  my  relatives  the  dis 
tance  of  about  three  hundred  miles,  almost  destitute  of  cloth 
ing,  entirely  without  money,  with  no  other  associates  than  a 
race  of  savage  Indians,  whose  language  I  could  not  under 
stand,  whose  diet  was  unsavory  and  unwholesome,  whose  "  ten 
der  mercies  are  cruel,"  barbarism  their  civility,  no  pardon  to 
an  enemy  their  established  creed,  and  presented  with  no  other 
prospect  for  the  future  than  a  captivity  for  life,  a  finafc sep 
aration  from  all  earthly  friends,  and  situated  in  an  enemy's 
country. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  221 

In  short,  stripped  of  every  comfort  that  sweetens  life  ex 
cept  the  "  one  thing  needful,  which  the  world  can  neither  give 
nor  take  away,"  my  temporal  prospects  were  banished  and 
lost  forever.  No  earthly  friends  to  administer  consolation  01 
with  whom  to  sympathize,*  nor  hope  of  escape  to  feed  upon, 
truly,  humble  submission  to  the  will  of  Heaven,  and  an  entire 
"  trust  in  the  £ord,"  was  the  only  balm  afforded  me. 

"  A  soul  prepared  for  such  a  state  as  this 
Is  heir  expectant  to  immortal  bliss." 

Some  days  after  we  arrived  at  Caghnewaga,  an  old  man  by 
the  name  of  Philips,  whose  silver  locks  bespoke  the  experi 
ence  of  many  winters ;  whose  visage  indicated  the  trials,  sor 
rows,  and  afflictions  of  a  long  andi  wretched  captivity ;  whose 
wrinkled  face  and  withered  hands  witnessed  the  sufferings  of 
many  hardships,  and  presented  to  me  a  solemn  and  awful 
token  of  what  I  myself  might  expect  to  suffer,  —  came  and  told 
me  that  I  was  about  to  be  adopted  into  one  of  the  Indian  fam 
ilies,  to  fill  the  place  of  one  whom  they  had  lost  on  their 
expedition  to  Royalton.  ^ 

Mr.  Philips  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  western  part  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  by  the  Indians,  in  his  youthful  days,  and, 
having  been  adopted  into  one  of  their  families,  had  always 
lived  with  them.  He  had  retained  his  knowledge  of  the 
English  language,  and  served  as  an  interpreter  for  the  tribe. 

The  ceremony  of  my  own  adoption,  as  well  as  that  of  many 
other  of  the  prisoners,  afforded  no  small  degree  of  diversion. 
The  scene  presented  to  view  a  spectacle  of  an  assemblage  of 
barbarism  assuming  the  appearance  of  civilization. 

All  the  Indians,  both  male  and  female,  together  with  the 
prisoners,  assembled  and  formed  a  circle,  within  which  one 
of  their  chiefs,  standing  upon  a  stage  erected  for  the  purpose, 
harangued  the  audienca  in  the  Indian  tongue.  Although  I 
could  not  understand  his  language,  yet  I  could  plainly  dis 
cover  a  great  share  of  native  eloquence.  His  speech  was  of 
19* 


222  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

• 

considerable  length,  and  its  effect  obviously  manifested  weight 
of  argument,  solemnity  of  thought,  and  at  least  human  sensi 
bility.  I  was  placed  near  by  his  side,  and  had  a  fair  view  of 
the  whole  circle.  After  he  had  ended  his  speech  an  old 
squaw  came  and  took  me  by  the  hand  and  led  me  to  her  wig 
wam,  where  she  dressed  me  in  a  red  coat,  with  a  ruffle  in  my 
bosom,  and  ordered  me  to  call  her  mother.  She  could  speak 
English  tolerably  well ;  but  was  very  poor,  and  therefore  una 
ble  to  furnish  me  with  very  sumptuous  fare.  My  food  was 
rather  beneath  a  savage  mediocrity  ;  though  no  doubt  my  new 
mother  endeavored  as  far  as  lay  in  her  power  to  endear  the 
affections  of  her  newly-adopted  yet  ill-natured  son. 

I  found  the  appellation  of  mother  highly  pleased  the  tawny 
jade,  which  proportionably  increased  my  disgust,  already  in 
tolerable  ;  and,  instead  of  producing  contentment  of  mind, 
added  disquietude  to  affliction  and  sorrow. 

As  I  was  blessed  with  an  excellent  voice  for  singing,  I  was 
the  more  beloved  by,  and,  on  that  account,  received  much 
better  treatment  from,  my  new  mother,  as  well  as  from  other 
Indians.  ,. 

I  was  allowed  the  privilege  of  visiting  any  part  of  the  vil 
lage  in  the  daytime,  and  was  received  with  marks  of  fraternal 
affection  and  treated  with  all  the  civility  an  Indian  is  capable 
to  bestow. 

A  prisoner,  by  the  name  of  Belknap,  was  set  about  hewing 
some  poles  for  a  stable  floor  while  his  Indian  master  held 
them  for  him.  As  he  hewed,  the  Indian,  sitting  upon  the  pole, 
suffered  it  gradually  to  turn  over,  though  unperceived  by  him  ; 
which  occasioned  the  workman,  who  saw  its  operation,  laugh 
ing  in  his  sleeves,  to  hew  quite  round  the  stick,  in  hewing 
from  end  to  end.  Thinking  that  Belknap  knew  no  better,  the 
Indian  endeavored  to  instruct  him.  After  trying  several  poles 
with  the  same  success,  the  Indian,  filled  with  impatience  for 
this  untractable  pupil,  with  his  eyes  on  fire,  left  him  and  called 
his  interpreter  to  make  his  wishes  more  distinctly  known :  to 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  223 

whom  Belknap  declared,  that  he  did  well  understand  the 
wishes  of  the  Indian,  and  was  determined  to  avoid  doing 
his  will. 

After  remaining  in  this  condition  a  few  weeks,  finding  the 
prisoners  very  incorrigible,  and  wishing  for  the  reward  they 
might  obtain  for  them,  information  was  given  the  prisoners 
that  they  might  be  delivered  over  to  the  British  at  Montreal 
as  prisoners  of  war,  or  continue  with  the  Indians,  as  they 
should  choose.  • 

We  sought  the  advice  of  an  English  gentleman,  by  the 
name  of  Stacy,  resident  in  the  village  of  Caghnewaga,  who 
had  married  a  squaw  for  his  wife,  and  was  extensively  ac 
quainted,  not  only  with  the  affairs  of  the  Indians,  but  with  the 
citizens  of  Montreal.  He  appeared  to  be  a  man  of  integrity 
and  veracity,  was  employed  in  merchandise,  and  also  served 
as  one  of  their  interpreters. 

I  was  advised  by  Mr.  Stacy  to  be  delivered  into  the  hands 
of  the  British.  He  said  I  might  doubtless  obtain  leave  to 
dwell  in  some  family  of  a  private  gentleman  until  I  should 
be  exchanged. 

Encouraged  by  the  prospect  of  enjoying  the  company  of 
civilized  people,  and  flattered  with  the  idea  of  being  soon  ex 
changed,  and  thereby  enabled  to  re.turn  once  more  to  see  my 
friends  in  Connecticut,  I  made  choice  to  be  given  up  to  the 
British.  All  the  captives  did  likewise. 

We  were  all  conducted  to  Montreal,  by  the  Indians,  ki  the 
latter  part  of  November,  1780,  and  there  "sold  for  a  half 
joe"  each.  Most  of  the  captives  were  young,  and  remarka 
bly  robust,  healthy,  and  vigorous.  I  was  now  almost  twenty- 
two  years  of  age.  To  be  compelled  to  spend  the  vigor  of  my 
days  in  useless  confinement  was  a  source  of  grief  and  pain 
to  my  mind ;  but  I  could  see  no  way  of  escape.  The  wisdom 
of  God  I  found  to  be  unsearchable  indeed.  I  felt,  however, 
a  good  degree  of  submission  to  the  providence  of  the  Most 
High,  and  a  willingness  to  "  accept  of  the  punishment  of  mine 
iniquities." 


224  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

We  found  at  the  city  of  Montreal  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy  prisoners,  some  of  whom  were  made  captives  by  the 
Indians  in  different  parts  of  America,  and  others  had  been 
taken  prisoners  of  war  in  forts  by  capitulation  and  by  con 
quest.  Here  we  could  see  women  and  children,  who  had 
fallen  the  victims  of  savage  captivity,  weeping  and  mourning 
their  fate,  whose  tears,  trickling  down  their  cheeks,  bespoke 
the  language  of  their  hearts.  It  was  enough  to  melt  the  heart 
of  stone  wft.li  grief  to  behold  the  bosoms  of  the  "  poor  widows  " 
heaving  with  sighs  and  to  hear  their  groans  ;  while  the  com 
panions  of  their  youth,  their  bosom  friends  and  partners  in 
life,  were  no  more,  having  spilled  their  blood  and  laid  down 
their  lives  in  defence  of  their  country,  their  families,  and  their 
firesides. 

Here  I  beheld  the  orphan,  fatherless  and  motherless,  whose 
tender  age  called  for  compassion  and  required  the  kind  pro 
tection  of  an  affectionate  mother,  whose  infantile  mind  ren 
dered  it  incapable  of  telling  its  name,  the  place  of  its  birth, 
or  giving  any  information  respecting  itself  or  its  parents. 

This  led  me  to  consider  my  own  sufferings  comparatively 
small ;  and  a  sense  of  my  own  wretched  condition  became  lost 
in  the  feelings  of  compassion  for  these  unhappy  widows  and 
orphans. 

We  were  put  into  a  large  building,  called  the  Old  Regal 
Church,  with  the  other  prisoners,  in  which  we  were  kept 
several  days,  when  we  were  removed  into  a  large  stone  build-,, 
ing,  fitted  up  for  the  purpose,  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  upon, 
the  shore  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 

I  often  made  application  for  liberty  to  take  quarters  in  the 
family  of  some  private  gentleman,  where  I  might  enjoy  the 
advantages  of  a  common  slave  until  I  should  be  able  to  pro 
cure  a  ransom  or  be  exchanged,  urging  the  manner  of  my 
being  taken  and  my  destitute  situation  as  arguments  in  my 
favor,  having  been  stripped  of  all  my  property  by  the  Indians 
and  deprived  of  all  my  change  of  clothes.  But  all  my  efforts 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  225 

«i 

Droved  only  a  witness  to  myself  and  my  fellow-sufferers  of 
that  deafness  to  the  calls  of  humanity  which  is  always  the 
characteristic  of  tyranny  and  despotism. 

Many  of  the  prisoners  as  well  as  myself  had  only  one 
shirt,  and  were  obliged  to  go  without  any  while  we  washed 
that.  Indolence  and  disregard  for  cleanliness  prevented  many 
from  doing  this,  which  may  be  reckoned  among  the  many 
causes  that  brought  our  subsequent  evils  upon  us.  We  were 
allowed,  or  rather  said  to  be  allowed,  one  pound  of  bread  and 
one  pound  of  fresh  beef  per  day.  But,  through  the  injustice 
and  dishonesty  of  the  person  who  dealt  out  our  allowance,  we 
were  robbed  even  of  a  part  of  this  humble  pittance.  Had 
we  been  able  to  obtain  our  full  allowance  in  provisions  of  good 
quality,  we  should  have  been  able  to  have  furnished  ourselves 
with  other  necessary  articles  ;  but  now  we  were  deprived  of 
the  privilege  by  the  curtailment  of  our  rations.  We  were 
obliged  by  the  calls  of  hunger  to  pound  up  the  beef  bones, 
which  composed  no  small  share  of  our  rations  of  meat,  and 
boil  them  for  broth.  We  had  no  butter,  cheese,  flour,  nor  any 
kind  of  sauce  during  the  winter.  We  were  kept  almost  to 
tally  without  firewood,  having  scarcely  enough  to  enable  us 
to  cook  our  meat.  Our  beds  consisted  principally  of  blan 
kets,  which  they  brought  from  the  hospital  in  all  their  filth. 
This  was  an  apparent  manifestation  of  their  disregard  at 
least  for  the  prisoners,  if  not  a  malevolent  design  to  introduce 
that  contagion  which  should  spread  disease,  desolation,  and 
dfcath  throughout  our  camp. 

Pinched  with  hunger,  half  naked,  and  chilled  with  the  cold, 
we  were  forced  to  have  recourse  to  our  beds,  and  occupy  them 
a  great  part  of  the  time,  though  they  were  the  habitations  of 
fil.thy  vermin,  tainted  with  the  infections  of  mortal  distempers, 
and  scented  with  the  nauseous  smell  of  the  dying  and  the 
dead. 

The  complicated  collection  of  people  of  different  habits, 
comprising  almost  every  kind  of  foul  and  vicious  character, 


226  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

and  the  combination  of  so  many  events,  either  oi  which  should 
seem  alone  sufficient  to  create  disease,  caused  a  general  and 
universal  prevalence  of  the  itch. 

Our  close  confinement  was,  to  some  of  the  prisoners,  a 
source  of  grief ;  to  others  a  cloak  of  indulgence  in  laziness ; 
while  to  all  it  was  the  mother  of  disease,  the  harbinger  of 
pain.  f 

We  suffered  so  much  with  hunger  that  we  should  have 
thankfully  "  fed  upon  the  crums  that  fell  from  the  rich  man's 
table ; "  and  so  great  were  our  afflictions  that  we  should  have 
gladly  caressed  the  "  dog  that  had  come  and  licked  our  sores." 

While  I  was  a  captive  with  the  Indians  I  was  in  sorrow, 
and  "  desired  a  better  country."  And  I  had  not  experienced 
the  "trial  of  cruel  mockings  and  scourgings,  of  bonds  and 
imprisonment,"  sufficiently  to  enable  me  to  say  with  Paul,  "  I 
have  learned  in  whatsoever  state  I  am  therewith  to  be  con 
tent."  When  we  were  put  into  the  hands  of  the  British 
•"  we  looked  for  peace,  but  no  good  came  ;  and  for  a  time  of 
health,  and  beheld  trouble."  Indeed,  it  may  justly  be  said  of 
them,  "  They  turned  the  needy  out  of  the  way ;  they  caused 
the  naked  to  lodge  without  clothing,  that  they  have  no  cover 
ing  in  the  cold ;  they  pluck  the  fatherless^  from  the  breast, 
and  take  a  pledge  of  the  poor ;  they  cause  him  to  go  naked 
without  clothing,  and  they  take  away  the  sheaf  from  the  hun 
gry."  (Job  xxiv.  4-7,  10.)  I  pleaded  that  they  would  "make 
me  as  one  of  their  hired  servants  ;  "  but  they  would  not. 

In  the  spring,  after  being  "  brought  low,  through  oppr§s- 
sion,  affliction,  and  sorrow,"  we  were  supplied  with  salt  pork, 
bread,  oatmeal,  and  peas  in  abundance.  As  we  had  long 
been  almost  starved,  our  avidity  for  the  food  which  was  now 
before  us  may  more  easily  be  imagined  than  described.  Let 
it  suffice  us  to  say,  that  none  ate  sparingly,  but  all  greedily. 
Indeed,  some  seemed  not  only  anxious  to  satisfy  hunger,  but 
determined  to  revenge  for  their  past  sufferings.  This  sudden 
repletion  of  our  wants  produced  the  scurvy  among  the  pris- 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  22V 

oners,  which  threatened  death  to  every  one.     Reiterated  sighs 
and  dying  groans  now  filled  our  camp. 

To  such  an  alarming  degree  did  this  dreadful  disease  pre 
vail  that  many  were  obliged  to  be  removed  to  the  hospital 
for  relief;  distress  and  anguish  pervaded  the  whole  body  of 
the  prisoners  ;  and  the  citizens  of  Montreal,  alarmed,  perhaps, 
for  their  own  safety,  seemed  to  feel  anxious  for  our  relief. 
But  justice  require^  I  should  state  that  we  received  at  this 
time  all  that  kind^attention  which  was  due  to  our  wretched 
condition  and  every  favor  in  the  power  of  our  keepers  to  be 
stow  ;  while  the  inhabitants  manifested  a  humane  disposition, 
and  displayed  the  genepous  feelings  of  pity  and  tender  com 
passion.  In  short,  conscious  that  they,  in  truth,  had  all  par 
tially  contributed  to  increase  our  miseries,  they  seemed  to  feel 
a  relenting  for  their  past  misconduct,  which  excited  them  to 
use  their  utmost  exertion  to  exonerate  themselves  from  guilt 
by  their  subsequent  good  offices  for  our  relief. 

They  furnished  us  with  green  herbs  and  every  thing  which 
was  adapted  to  our  disorders  or  calculated  for  our  comfort 
and  recovery.  By  these  means  our  health  was  fully  restored, 
gratitude  and  joy  sat  smiling  on  every  countenance,  and  songs 
of  deliverance  dwelt  on  every  tongue.  Pain  now  gave  place 
to  pleasure,  sorrow  fled  as  happiness  approached,  murmurs 
and  complaints  which  had  long  been  the  universal  cry  now 
were  heard  no  more,  and  quietude  was  felt  in  every  breast. 

After  our  recovery  we  were  allowed  the  privilege  of  a  yard, 
of  some  rods  square  in  extent,  by  which  we  were  enabled  to 
exercise  for  the  preservation  of  our  health.  But  at  length 
some  of  the  prisoners  made  their  escape,  which  occasioned 
all  the  rest  to  be  put  into  close  confinement  and  kept  under 
lock  and  key.  We  were  supplied,  however,, with  all  the  com 
forts  of  life,  so  far  as  our  close  confinement  would  permit. 

In  October,  1781,  all  the  prisoners  were  removed  to  an 
island  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  called  Prison  Island,  about 
forty-five  miles  above  the  city  of  Montreal,  and  opposite  to 


228  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

a  place  called  Gateau  du  Lac.  Here  we  were  furnished  with 
a  full  supply  of  wholesome  food  during  our  confinement  on 
the  island. 

This  island  is  situated  a  little  below  the  Lake  St.  Francis, 
which  is  formed  by  a  large  swell  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence, 
and  was  considered  a  very  eligible  place  for  the  confinement 
of  the  prisoners.  Indeed,  it  was  thought  impossible  that  any 
person  destitute  of  boats  should  be  able  to  escape  without 
being  drowned,  as  the  water  ran  with  the^utmost  velocity  on 
each  side  of  the  island.  We  were,  therefore,  allowed  the 
liberty  of  traversing  the  whole  island,  which  contained  about 
twenty  acres.  » 

Guarded  by  a  company  of  refugees  and  tories  possessing 
as  little  humanity  as  patriotism,  and  having  long  been  the 
miserable  sufferers  of  a  wretched  captivity  and  painful  impris 
onment,  many  of  the  prisoners  attempted  to  make  their  escape 
by 'swimming  down  the  current  the  distance  of  three  miles. 
But  few  succeeded,  while  some  were  drowned  in  the  hazard 
ous  attempt.  The  captain  of  the  guard,  whose  name  was 
M'Daniel,  was  a  tory,  and  as  totally  devoid  of  humanity  and 
generosity  as  the  Arab  who  traverses  the  deserts  of  Africa. 
His  conduct  towards  the  prisoners  was  such  as  ought  to  stamp 
his  character  with  infamy  and  disgrace.  Cruelty  to  the  pris 
oners  seemed  to  be  his  greatest  delight.  I  once  saw  one  of 
the  prisoners  plunge  into  the  river  in  the  daytime  and  sw.ini 
down  the  current  the  distance  of  three  miles,  but  was  discov 
ered  by  M'Daniel  soon  after  he  started,  who  ordered  him  to  be 
shot  before  he  should  ever  reach  shore  ;  but  a  British  soldier, 
possessing  more  humanity  than  his  commander,  waded  into 
the  river  and  took  hold  of  the  trembling  prisoner,  almost  ex 
hausted,  declaring,  "  if  the  prisoner  was  shot,  he  would  be 
likewise." 

The  malignant  disposition  of  M'Daniel  and  the  invidious 
character  of  the  guard  induced  the  prisoners  to  seek  oppor 
tunity  and  confront  almost  every  danger  to  effect  their  escape 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  229 

''But  time  soon  rolled  away,  till  winter  approached,  without 
bringing  to  our  view  that  propitious  moment  which  could 
afford  the  slightest  hope  of  success  in  the  attempt.  On  the 
one  hand,  the  eye  of  an  implacable  foe  was  upon  us,  with  ran 
cor,  malice,  and  revenge  in  his  bosom,  and  the  implements  of 
destruction  in  his  hand ;  and  on  the  other,  the  rapid  current 
of  the  stream  threatened  us  with  death  if  we  approached  ; 
while  the  foaming  billows,  rowing  in  a  voice  like  thunder, 
bade  us  beware. 

Desperate,  indeed,  must  be  the  attempt  for  any  one  know 
ingly  to  plunge  himself  into  the  jaws  of  death  to  escape  from 
trouble. 

At  the  approach  of  winter,  the  ice  below  the  island  rendered 
it  visibly  and.utterly  impossible  to  escape  alive.  We  were, 
therefore,  now  forced  into  submission,  and  had  only  to  consult 
together  upon  those  measures  which  should  be  most  likely  to 
promote  our  own  happiness  while  we  waited  the  return  of 
spring. 

In  January  we  were  ordered  by  M'Daniel  to  shovel  the 
snow  for  a  path,  in  which  the  guard  were  to  travel  while  on 
their  duty. 

Regarding  the  proverb  of  Solomon  as  worthy  of  our  notice, 
that  ".  it  is  an  honor  for  a  man  to  cease  from  strife,"  we  com- 
,  plied  with  the  demand,  thus  sacrificing  our  rights  on  the  altar 
of  peace.  But  now,  finding  by  ocular  demonstration  the 
verity  of  a  like  proverb  of  the  same  wise  manr  that  "  every 
fool  will  be  meddling,"  we  unanimously  agreed  to  disobey  all 
similar  orders  and  every  command  which  should  be  after 
wards  given  contrary  to  right.  We  were  not  insensible  that 
the  prisoner,  though  unable  to  defend,  was  possessed  of  certain 
inalienable  rights,  which  we  resolved  to  assert,  and  refuse 
obedience  to  the  tyrant  who  should  attempt  to  encroach  upon 
them.  The  time  soon  arrived  when  duty  called  us  boldly  to 
assert  our  rights,  and  manly  firmness  forbade  submission. 

We  were  again  commanded  by  M'Daniel  to  shovel  ths 
20 


230  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

snow,  to  make  a  path  for  the  guard  to  travel  in ;  while  they 
themselves  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  wait  our  toil.  Disdain 
ing  to  become  slaves,  we  hadginiversally  determined  to  reject 
their  unauthorized  servitude.  I  therefore  informed  the  in 
famous  M'Daniel  what  was  our  unanimous  resolution,  and 
told  him  I  feared  less  what  he  should  dare  to  do  than  I  did 
the  consequences  of  yielding  to  the  lawless  requisitions  of  a 
petty  tyrant.  Enraged  at  th£  opposition  of  the  prisoners  to 
his  arbitrary  commands,  and  more  highly  exasperated  against 
me  as  the  organ,  he  directed  me  to  be  put  in  irons  and  carried 
to  the  guard  house.  After  uttering  the  most  dreadful  threats 
and  horrid  imprecations,  and  finding  I  was  not  easily  terrified 
nor  readily  forced  to  abandon  my  rights,  he  carried  his  order 
into  execution,  took  me  to  the  guard  house,  put  me  in  irons, 
and  kept  me  there  during  the  whole  day  till  night,  when  he 
came  and  repeated  his  threats  of  torture  and  death  in  case  I 
continued  to  refuse  compliance.  But  still  finding  me  unmoved 
in  my  determination,  and  that  "  hatred  stirreth  up  strifes,"  he 
ordered  me  to  be  kept  in  irons  till  nine  o'clock  at  night  with 
out  food  and  then  sent  back  to  my  barrack. 

This  was  accordingly  done,  though  some  Dutchmen,  ter 
rified  at  my  fate,  consented  to  his  requirements  and  performed 
the  service  while  I  was  confined  in  the  guard  house.  In  con 
sequence  of  our  refusal  to  comply  with  his  unjust  and  illegal 
demands,  the  most  severe  punishments  and  barbarous  cruel 
ties  were  inflicted  upon  the  prisoners. 

."To  revenge  upon,"  he  said,  "no  prisoner  should  be  al 
lowed  to  have  a  fire  another  night  while  they  remained  on 
the  island." 

Accordingly  the  guard  came  into  our  barracks  every  night 
with  large  quantities  of  snow  and  put  out  all  the  fires,  using 
as  much  caution  not  to  leave  a  spark  unquenched  as  thougli 
the  lives  of  thousands  and  the  wealth  of  a  metropolis  were  at 
Stake. 

"Though  seen,  we  labor  to  believe  it  true." 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  231 

What  malice  is  manifest  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  labor 
with  diligence  and  toil  with  pain  to  increase  the  misery  of 
those  who  are  already  wretched  and  groaning  in  sorrow ! 

Here  we  beheld  the  depravity  of  man.  Here  we  could  see 
the  fulfilment  of  that  passage  of  holy  writ  which  declares  that, 
"  because  sentence  against  an  evil  work  is  not  executed  speed 
ily,  therefore  the  heart  of  the  sons  of  men  is  fully  set  in  them 
to  do  evil." 

Here  we  could  behold  a  full  display  of  the  seven  abomina 
tions  in  the  sight  of  God :  "  A  proud  look,  a  lying  tongue,  and 
hands  that  shed  innocent  blood,  a  heart  -that  deviseth  wicked 
imaginations,  feet  that  be  swift  in  running  to  mischief,  a  false 
witness  that  speaketh  lies,  and  him  that  soweth  discord  among 
brethren."  (Prov.  vi.  16,  &c.) 

Here  .we  could  see  monsters  in  human  shape  feeding  upon 
revenge  ;  for  the  labor  which  they  unjustly  required  of  us 
was  not  a  tenth  part  of  what  they  performed  every  night  by 
putting  out  our  fires  to  punish  us  for  non-compliance  with  their 
tyrannical  demands.  But,  possessing  the  spirit  of  freemen, 
we  "chose  rather  to  suffer  affliction"  than  to  become  the 
slaves  of  a  set  of  despicable  refugees  and  tories,  feeling  as 
sured  that  our  affliction  would  afford  us  more  consolation  in 
the  hour  of  reflection  than  could  be  found  in  a  servitude  im 
posed  upon  us  by  an  infamous  renegado. 

As  our  barracks  were  very  cold  and  open,  and  being  scan 
tily  clothed,  we  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  fire,  to  support 
which  we  were  willing  to  get  wood  ourselves.  But  our  keep 
ers  chose  rather  to  suffer  pain  themselves  than  to  permit  us 
to  enjoy  comfort.  * 

M'Daniel,  however,  was  called  away ,- and  succeeded  by  one 
M'Kelpin  in  command.  He  wras  also  a  refugee,  the  son  of  a 
tory,  and  had  the  appearance  of  a  raw  boy  not  more  than 
eighteen  or  nineteen  years  old,  whose  very  visage  portended 
evil  and  bade  the  prisoners  prepare  for  trouble. 

His  father,  he  said,  had  received  very  ill  treatment  from 


232  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

the  American  army,  and  he  had  also  shared  with  his  father  in 
the  abuse  for  not  engaging  in  the  rebellion  against  the  British 
government.  As  "the  rod  is  for  the  back  of  him  that  is  void 
of  understanding,"  we  doubted  not  the  truth  of  his  statement, 
nor  felt  disposed  to  question  but  that  he  received  very  severe 
treatment,  and  more  especially  when  the  station  in  which 
he  was  found  was  taken  into  consideration ;  for  this,  together 
with  the  littleness  of  his  mind  and  the  malignity  of  his  tem 
per,  will  forever  prove  his  want  of  patriotism  and  stamp  his 
indignant  character  with  infamy  and  disgrace  as  long  as  evil 
shall  be  had  in  remembrance. 

His  immature  age  can  be  no  palliation  of  his  crimes,  nor 
admit  of  much  hope  of  his  reformation  by  repentance  ;  for, 
like  all  other  fools,  "  he  hated  knowledge,  and  was  wise  in  his 
own  conceit."  Inheriting  from  his  father  all  the  qualities  of 
a  knave,  and  the  cowardice  of  a  western  savage,  who  looks  for 
security  from  danger  in  his  own  flight  only  or"  in  the  strength 
of  his  allies,  he  perverted  the  power  put  into  his  hands  to  do 
good  ;  used  it  as  a  weapon  of  revenge  and  an  instrument  of 
cruelty.  His  paternal  education  was,  at  the  best,  toryism, 
perfectly  congenial  to  his  natural  disposition.  In  short,  "  he 
was  wise  to  do  evil ;  but  to  do  good  he  had  no  knowledge." 
His  first  steps  towards  tyranny  and  oppression  met  no  oppo 
sition  ;  as  we  wished  to  enjoy  peace,  and  were  willing  to  yield 
a  portion  of  our  rights  to  the  enjoyment  of  so  invaluable  a 
blessing.  But  our  indulgence  served  only  to  stimulate  him 
in  the  course  of  revengeful  tyranny ;  and  he  seemed  the  more 
angry,  as  if  "  coals  of  fire  were  heaped  upon  his  head." 

Manifesting  a  desire  to  meet  with  opposition,  by  using  every 
exertion  to  provoke  to  rage,  he  ordered  the  prisoners  to  shovel 
the  snow  from  the  door  of  his  own  house.  As  the  prisoners 
discovered  in  him  a  settled  determination  to  pursue  compli 
ance  with  greater  and  more  grievous  burdens  until  he  could 
meet  a  refusal  to  comply,  we  resolved  to  reject  all  further  en 
croachments  upon  our  rights.  We  therefore  refused  to  obey 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  233 

his  arbitrary  commands  any  longer.  As  there  was  a  fort  di 
rectly  opposite  the  island  where  a  company  of  soldiers  were 
stationed,  we  feared  the  consequences  of  a  revolt,  and  could 
only  refuse  our  obedience  without  making  any  actual  resist 
ance.  The  prisoner  to  whom  he  addressed  himself  possessed 
courage  equal  to  the  most  trying  scene,  and,  choosing  rather 
to  suffer  an  honorable  death  in  defence  of  his  rights  than  to 
endure  an  ignominious  life  of  captive  slavery,  he  met  the  in 
famous  M'Kelpin  with  firmness  and  intrepidity,  although  he 
had  no  prospects  of  any  thing  but  to  endure  extreme  tqrture, 
if  not  death  itself.  And  this  he  was  the  more  inclined  to  do, 
since  it  was  the  avowed  object  of  the  infamous  villain  "  to 
wreak  his  vengeance  upon  the  unhappy  prisoners  for  injuries," 
which  he  said  he  had  received  from  men  who  were  entire 
strangers  to  us,  and  in  which  abuse  he  well  knew  we  took  no 
agency  or  even  had  any  knowledge. 

When  the  prisoner  refused  compliance,  M'Kelpin  came  up 
with  a  bayonet  pointing  directly  at  him,  and  thrust  it  within 
a  few  inches  of  his  breast,  threatening  to  run  him  through 
the  heart  if  he  did  not  immediately  comply.  But  the  pris 
oner,  continuing  firm  in  his  obstinacy,  replied  with  dauntless 
courage  and  deliberate  coolness,  "  Run  me  through  if  you 
dare  ;  I  fear  you  not."  Enraged  at  this  reply,  M'Kelpin  re 
peated  his  threats  with  redoubled  vehemence  and  infuriated 
madness,  and  again  rushed  at  the  prisoner  with  the  greatest 
violence,  thus  endeavoring  to  terrify  him  into  submission  to 
his  will.  But  the  prisoner,  with  all  the  appearance  of  a  full 
sense  of  death  and  Supported  by  the  rectitude  of  his  motives, 
met  M'Kelpin  with  manly  firmness  and  true  heroism,  putting 
his  hand  upon  his  breast,  and  telling  the  impertinent  fugitive 
that  "  he  had  resolved  to  die  before  he  should  yield  obedi 
ence  to  the  arbitrary  commands  of  one  whose  name  was  sy 
nonymous  with  disgrace,  and  whose  very  visage  bespoke  the 
corruptions  of  a  heart  loaded  with  every  thing  that  is  requi 
site  to  fit  a  soul  to  become  an  inhabitant  of  the  regions  of 
20* 


234  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

blackness  and  darkness  forever."  After  repeating  his  threats 
and  menaces  several  times,  and  each  time  receiving  the  most 
unqualified  denials  from  the  prisoner,  he  proceeded  to  punish 
all  such  as  refused  compliance  with  his  request.  He  associ 
ated  with  threats  the  most  daring  oaths  and  awful  impreca 
tions,  as  if  he  would  endeavor  to  establish  his  own  authority 
by  manifesting  to  the  world  his  want  of  the  fear  of  God  and 
a  disregard  of  every  thing  that  is  good. 

Like  many  of  the  present  day,  he  appeared  to  imagine 
that  he  should  be  thought  to  possess  uncommon  courage  and 
power  unlimited  if  he  dared,  openly  and  without  fear,  to  blas 
pheme  the  name  of  Him  who  is  the  Ruler  of  all  people,  of 
every  language,  tongue,  and  nation.  Finding  all  his  threat- 
enings  in  vain,  and  discovering  that  no  one  would  yield  obe 
dience  to  his  requirements,  forgetting  or  disregarding  the 
injustice  of  his  claim,  and  lost  in  the  torrent  of  anger  and 
revenge,  he  came,  with  a  guard  of  soldiers  possessing  feelings 
in  perfect  coincidence  with  his  own,  and  took  the  defenceless 
yet  dauntless  prisoner  whom  he  had  threatened  to  run  through 
with  his  bayonet,  conveyed  him  to  the  barrack,  which  was 
used  for  an  ash  house,  put  him  in  irons,  and  left  him  to  suffer 
in  the  cold  the  malicious  gratification  of  his  malignant  and 
revengeful  disposition ;  telling  the  innocent  and  unfortunate 
victim  of  his  relentless  fury  that  "  he  was  glad  he  refused  to 
comply  with  his  demands,  because  he  had  long  wanted  and 
had  anxiously  sought  opportunity  to  wreak  his  vengeance 
on  him,  and  gave  the  order  to  shovel  the  snow  from  his  own 
door  for  no  other  purpose  but  to  excite  the  opposition  of  the 
prisoners,  and  thus  find  occasion  to  punish  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  take  revenge  on  them  for  the  abuse  he  had  re 
ceived  from  the  Americans."  He  then  proceeded  to  order 
others  to  shovel  the  sncfw  ;  and,  being  still  refused  compliance, 
he  threatened  and  confined  in  the  same  manner  as  he  did  the 
first,  until  he  had  collected  together  and  confined  in  that  cold 
barrack  the  number  of  twenty-one,  who  were  all  handcuffed 


CAPTIVITY   OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  235 

and  chained  to  the  posts  of  the  barrack.  This  was  in  Janu 
ary,  1782,  when  the  cold  was  exceeding  severe,  and  hardly 
permitted  a  comfortable  seat  by  the  fireside,  pr  admitted  of 
a  lodging  free  from  suffering  in  our  closed  barracks  with  a 
large  quantity  of  blankets. 

Here  they  were  ordered  to  be  kept  in  this  barrack,  with  the 
windows  and  doors  open  to  the  wind  and  snow,  all  that  day 
and  tha  next  night.  But  most  of  them  made  their  escape  to 
their  own  barracks  before  the  next  morning,  some  with  frozen 
hands  and  feet,  others  with  their  ears  and  faces  frozen  ;  and, 
indeed,  all  having  some  part  of  their  bodies  frozen,  and  bear 
ing  the  miserable  tokens  of  their  wretched  sufferings. 

But  their  escape,  notwithstanding  the  visible  and  abiding 
marks  of  their  pain  and  distress,  only  exasperated  the  mind 
of  ^the  unfeeling  M'Kelpin,  and  so  enraged  the  desperate  vil 
lain  that  he  the  next  day  morning  selected  the  same  pris 
oners,  and,  with  a  heart  harder  than  adamant  and  hands  more 
cruel  than  the  grave,  again  confined  them  all  in  irons  and  or 
dered  them  to  be  put  into  the  chamber  of  one  of  the  barracks, 
•  there  to  be  kept  during  that  day,  the  next  night,  and  the  fol 
lowing  day,  without  provision,  any  food,  or  even  a  quid  of 
tobacco. 

Destitute  of  any  clothing  except  their  wearing  apparel, 
which  was  poor ;  confined  in  irons,  in  a  small,  cold  room ;  hav 
ing  no  food  of  any  kind ;  deprived  of  a  luxury  which  habit 
had  rendered  necessary  to  preserve  health ;  and  groaning 
under  the  severe  pains  of  their  frozen  bodies,  —  their  suffer 
ings  cannot  easily  be  imagined,  far  less  described. 

It  was  my  happy  lot,  however,  not  to  fall  into  this  number 
of  miserable  sufferers  of  human  depravity  who  were  put  into 
the  ash  house  and  in  the  chamber.  But  the  sufferings  which 
I  hav,e  mentioned  were  only  a  prelude  to  more  painful  tor 
ments  and  greater  barbarities.  They  were  taken  from  the 
barrack  chamber  one  by  one,  carried  to  the  guard  house,  and 
tor*  -  red  in  the  most  cruel  manner.  Some  were  surrounded 


236  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

with  soldiers,  armed  with  guns  and  bayonets  pointing  directly 
at  them,  and  so  near  as  to  render  the  prisoners  unable  to 
move  without  being  pierced  with  the  bayonets  ;  while  the  in 
famous  M'Kelpin  whipped  the  prisoners  and  caned  them  till 
he  had  glutted  his  vengeance.  Who  can  describe  the  inhu 
man  scene  ?  To  see  a  prisoner,  the  victim  of  cruelty  and 
wretchedness,  guiltless  and  defenceless,  confined  in  irons  with 
his  hands  behind  him,  ready  to  faint  for  want  of  food,  groan 
ing  under  the  excruciating  pains  of  his  frozen  limbs,  bathed 
in  blood  which  gushed  from  his  mangled  body,  tears  flowing 
from  his  eyes  in  streams,  which  bespoke  in  language  more 
forcible  than  a  voice  like  thunder,  as  they  trickled  down  his 
frozen  cheeks,  the  sorrows  of  a  heart  swollen  with  grief  and 
racked  with  pain.  I  could  say  with  Job,  "  Mine  eye  is  also 
dim  by  reason  of  sorrow,  and  all  my  members  are  a^s  a 
shadow." 

Others  of  this  unhappy  number  were  hung  up  by  the  neck 
till  nearly  dead,  while  their  hands  were  confined  in  irons  and 
their  faces  black  with  death,  when  they  were  taken  down,  and 
the  irons  which  had  bound  their  hands  jammed  into  their 
mouths  till  they  were  filled  with  blood.  Who  could  behold 
this  and  not  weep  and  mourn  for  the  depravity  of  man  left  to 
himself?  Who  can  witness  a  scene  like  this  without  ac 
knowledging  with  self-application  the  truth  of  those  words 
which  fell  from  our  Savior's  lips  to  the  unbelieving  Jews,  "  Ye 
are  of  your  father  the  devil,  and  the  lusts  of  your  father  ye 
will  do  "  ?  After  enduring  these  horrid  barbarities  and  inhu 
man  tortures,  inflicted  by  men  professing  the  principles  of 
humanity,  the  unhappy  sufferers  were  sent  back  to  their  bar 
racks,  there  to  weep  and  bewail  their  miserable  fate.  Often 
have  my  cheeks  been  wet  with  tears  of  commiseration,  while 
my  heart  ached  within  me,  for  these  unfortunate  sufferers  of 
the  unrestrained  vengeance  of  a  depraved  villain.  Nor  was 
I  left  to  be  reminded  of  their  torture  and  distress  only  by  a 
"recollection  of  the  past ;  but  my  eyes  could  witness  the  scars 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  237 

of  wounds  and  behold  the.  palefaced  visage  of  death  abiding 
on  the  countenance  of  many,  which  were  received  by  the  cru 
elties  of  this  horrid  scene.  And,  alas  !  I  needed  only  to  look 
at  myself  and  all  around  me  to  remind  me  of  the  woful  case 
of  those  whose  lot  it  is  to  fall  into  the  hands  and  become  the 
victims  of  a  revengeful  tyrant,  and  suffer  the  wrath  of  a  man 
totally  devoid  of  mercy,  unrestrained  either  by  the  authority 
of  a  superior,  the  laws  of  his  country,  or  the  fear  of  God. 
Doubtless  many  will  wear  the  marks,  and  thus  bear  witness 
of  his  cruelty,  to  their  graves. 

Emaciated  countenances,  scars,  and  impediment  of  speech 
were  the  visible  marks  of  the  savage  and  inhuman  treatment 
which  they  received  from  the  hand  of  M'Kelpin.  Let  detes 
tation  be  written  upon  his  character  as  legibly  as  the  marks 
of  depravity  are  to  be  seen  in  his  visage,  and  it  shall  be  a 
lesson  to  his  posterity  to  flee  from  iniquity  and  follow  the  path 
of  virtue.  He  excelled  in  nothing  but  cruelty  and  inhuman 
ity,  and  was  superior  to  none  except  in  the  most  nefarious 
acts  of  iniquity,  tyranny,  and  oppression.  His  highest  am 
bition  appeared  to  be  to  "  heap  up  wrath  against  the  day  of 
wrath,"  and  prepare  himself  to  receive  "  vengeance  due  to 
them  that  know  not  God,  and  obey  not  the  gospel  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  who  shall  be  punished  with  everlasting  destruc 
tion."  He  appeared,  involuntarily,  to  verify  the  truth  of  the 
proverb,  "  He  that  is  soon  angry  dealeth  foolishly ;  and  a  man 
of  wicked  devices  is  hated."  Out  of  the  abundance  of  the 
heart  he  publicly  declared  "  that  he  had  taken  more  comfort 
in  afflicting  the  prisoners  four  days  than  he  had  four  years' 
time  previous."  This  declaration  requires  no  additional  proof 
to  convince  every  mind  susceptible  of  the  least  sympathetic 
affection  that  he  was  possessed  of  no  better  disposition  than 
the  infernal  spirits,  and  must  be  sufficient  to  stamp  his  name 
with  infamy ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  excite  commiseration  in 
the  heart  of  every  person  who  realizes  it  is  by  grace,  and  not 
by  works,  that  he  is  saved  from  falling  into  the  like  wicked- 


238  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

ness.  Nor  let  any  man  boast  of  his  good  works,  knowing  it 
is  the  gift  of  God  to  possess  charity. 

When  we  review  this  awful  though  faint  description  of 
the 'conduct  of  M'Kelpin,  who  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  civ 
ilization  and  was  favored  with  the  joyful  tidings  of  "  peace 
on  earth  and  good  will  towards  men,"  filled  with  anger  and  re 
venge,  nature  cries  within  us,  "  Curse  the  wretch ! "  But  when 
the  meekness  and  pity  of  the  Savior  in  his  dying  agonies 
upon  the  shameful  and  accursed  tree  are  suifered  to  find  a 
place  in  our  bosoms,  we  are  led  to  cry,  with  him,  "  Father, 
forgive  !  "  And  though  the  conflict  between  revenge  and  for 
giving  mercy  be  strong,  yet  the  latter  will  surely  prevail 
whenever  she  is  properly  commanded  and  led  by  the  Spirit 
of  truth. 

I  would  not  intimate  that  I  have  the  power  of  necromancy, 
or  pretend  to  possess  a  spirit  of  divination ;  but,  from  the  au 
thority  of  holy  writ,  "  this  is  the  portion  of  a  wicked  man  with 
God,  and  the  heritage  of  oppressors,  which  they  shall  receive 
of  the  Almighty.  If  his  children  be  multiplied,  it  is  for  the 
sword ;  and  his  offspring  shall  not  be  satisfied  with  bread. 
Those  that  remain  of  him  shall  be  buried,  in  death,  and  his 
widows  shall  not  weep.  Though  he  heap  up  silver  as  the 
dust,  and  prepare  raiment  as  the  clay,  he  may  prepare  it,  but 
the  just  shall  put  it  on,  and  the  innocent  shall  divide  the  sil 
ver."  I  shall  therefore  leave  this  great  disturber  of  peace 
and  oppressor  of  the  afflicted  to  receive  from  the  hand  of 
"  Him,  who  doeth  all  things  well,"  the  punishment  due  to  his 
wickedness,  or  share  in  the  mercy  offered  to  the  truly  peni 
tent,  hoping  that  he  may  have  already,  by  deep  repentance, 
found  forgiveness,  or  will,  before  his  death,  if  he  is  yet  living, 
taste  the  sweetness  of  redeeming  grace. 

He  tarried  not  long  on  the  island,  though  much  longer  than 
he  was  desired,  when  another  took  his  office  whose  name  I 
do  not  recollect,  who  manifested  a  disposition  for  peace,  es 
tablished  good  order,  appeared  tc  have  a  regard  to  the  laws 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  239 

of  justice,  humanity,  and  benevolence,  restored  tranquillity 
among  the  prisoners,  and  reconciliation  between  them  and  the 
guard. 

Could  I  recollect  the  name  of  this  person,  I  would  present 
him  to  the  public  as  a  character  worthy  of  imitation ;  and  as 
"  peacemakers  shall  be  called  the  children  of  God,"  I  think  I 
am  authorized  by  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  call  him  by  that  dig 
nified  and  honorable  title. 

In  the  spring,  complaint  was  made  to  the  British  provincial 
government  against  the  base  M'Kelpin,  which  resulted  only 
in  his  exclusion  from  the  service  of  the  army  with  disgrace. 
The  long  and  successful  rebellion  of  the  colonies  had  greatly 
exasperated  the  British ;  and  M'Kelpin,  being  a  strong  ad 
herent  to  their  government,  loyal  to  his  majesty,  and  having 
been  harshly  treated  for  his  toryism,  doubtless  the  court  by 
which  he  was  tried  was  strongly  though  unjustly  biased  in 
his  favor,  which  greatly  ameliorated  his  punishment.  • 

In  seedtime  we  were  allowed  the  privilege  to  sow  garden 
seeds  and  plant  corn.  This  gave  us  a  prospect  of  being  fur 
nished  with  not  only  a  more  full  supply  but  a  greater  variety 
of  food,  if  it  should  prove  our  unhappy  lot  to  be  kept  in  con 
finement  another  winter.  It  also  gave  the  prisoners  an  op 
portunity  to  use  proper  exercise  to  preserve  health  and  pre 
vent  disease  —  a  consideration  of  no  small  importance.  But, 
disaffected  by  our  former  treatment,  and  fearing  that  the 
afflictions  we  had  once  received  would. again  be  laid  upon  us, 
many  chose  to  hazard  their  lives  by  an  attempt  to  swim  down 
the  rapids.  Some  thus  succeeded  in  making  their  escape, 
while  others  only  plunged  themselves  into  the  jaws  of  death. 

This  caused  the  confinement  of  all  who  were  left  behind. 
The  British  now  set  about  encompassing  our  barracks  with 
pickets  or  barricades,  by  setting  posts  in  the  ground  adjoining 
each  other  and  fastening  them  together. 

Discovering  what  they  were  about  to  do,  several  of  the 
prisoners,  among  whom  I  was  myself  one,  resolved  to  ma-ke 


240-  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

pur  endeavors  to  effect  our  escape  before  they  had  completed 
the  barricade  and  encircled  our  camp,  which  would  deprive 
us  of  the  liberty  of  the  island.  We  accordingly  collected 
some  logs  together  on  the  lower  part  of  the  island  for  a  raft, 
carried  some  provisions  for  our  sustenance  on  the  way  home, 
secreted  it  near  the  logs,  and,  at  an  hour  when  we  supposed 
all  were  at  rest,  we  started,  but  had  not  gone  far  when  we 
espied  one  of  the  soldiers  upon  the  bank  of  the  river  em« 
ployed  in  dressing  some  fish.  We  then  returned  to  our  bar 
racks.  Our  attempt  to  escape  now  became  known  to  some 
of  our  fellow-prisoners  by  discovering  our  absence,  who  be 
trayed  our  object  to  our  keepers,  thus  courting  favor  by  the 
deeds  of  treachery.  Having  these  suspicions,  we  improved 
an  opportunity  to  bring  back  our  provisions ;  and  the  next 
day  gave  proof  that  our  suspicions  were  well  founded,  as 
they  then  went  and  rolled  all  the  logs  off  that  part  of  the 
islafcd. 

We  still  were  determined  to  use  every  exertion  and  watch 
for  an  opportunity  to  effect  our  escape  from  confinement 
Thile  we  saw  their  labors  to  pravent  us.  We  sought,  but 
sought  in  vain.  Time  rolled  away,  till  we  found  ourselves 
enclosed  with  pickets,  which  rendered  it  almost  impossible  to 
make  our  escape,  as  we  were  not  allowed  to  go  without  this 
enclosure  unattended  by  the  guard,  and  that,  too,  in  the  day 
time  only.  ' 

We  were  allowed  to  go  in  the  daytime,  attended  by  one  or 
two  of  the  guard,  and  hoe  our  corn  and  garden  roots.  But 
this  afforded  us  no  opportunity  for  escape,  as  it  was  impossi 
ble  to  swim  the  current  on  either  side  of  the  island  undiscov 
ered  by  the  guard  or  the  soldiers  stationed  in  the  fort  oppo 
site  the  island.  The  prisoners,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  had 
long  been  very  uneasy  and  discontented ;  but,  as  is  usually  the 
case,  a  sense  of  being  confined  caused  still  more  disquietude 
in  their  minds,  and  excited  an  eager  desire  to  be  freed  from 
bondage. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  241 

The  yard  whicfi.  was  surrounded  by  the  pickets  was  about 
ten  or  fifteen  rods  wide  and  nearly  forty  rods  long,  extending 
lengthwise  of  the  stream.  They  completed  the  yard  some 
time  in  the  month  of  July,  1782.  Having  encouragement  of 
receiving  our  discharge,  by  exchange,  of&n  held  out  to  us, 
and  seeing  little  prospect  of  succeeding  in  the  hazardous  at 
tempt  to  escape  from  our  confinement,  we  long  waited  with 
great  impatience  for  the  approach  of  that  desirable  event,  and 
wholly  neglected  to  use  any  exertion  to  gain  our  liberty  by 
flight.  But  we  at  length  perceived  "that  their  object  in  giving 
us  repeated  encouragement  of  being  exchanged  was  only  to 
dally  us  with  the  fond  hopes  of  soon  seeing  better  days,  and 
thus  amuse  our  minds  with  fancied  prospects,  while  they  should 
be  enabled  to  rivet  our  chains  or  privately  assassinate  some 
undistinguished  number  of  us.  Of  this  design  we  had  abun 
dant  proof,  or  at  least  of  a  disposition  to  abuse  their  power 
by  rendering  it  subservient  to  the  most  despicable  actions  and 
wicked  purposes ;  for,  finding  one  of  the  prisoners  alone  in 
the  evening,  a  gang  of  them  took  him,  put  a  rope  round  his 
neck,  threatening  to  stab  him  to  the  heart  if  he  made  any 
noise,  and  were  about  to  hang  him,  when  one  of  the  company, 
staring  him  in  the  face,  with  a  tone  of  disappointment  cried 
out,  "  0,  this  is  not  the  one  ! "  They  then  took  the  rope  off 
his  neck  and  let  him  go. 

This  manifested  to  the  prisoners  either  a  determination 
among  the  guard  to  waylay  some  of  us,  or  a  wish  to  trifle 
with  their  authority  by  creating  fear  in  our  minds  and  thus 
torment  the  afflicted.  • 

As  we  were  sensible  that  the  guard,  if  disposed,  which  we 
little  doubted,  might  assassinate  one  or  more  of  the  prisoners, 
and,  consigning  the  body  to  the  waters  of  the  river,  keep  the 
transaction  hid  from  the  knowledge  of  any  person  who  should 
not  be  engaged  in  the  horrid  deed,  we  were  led  ever  after 
wards  to  take  the  precaution  never  to  be  found  alone  in  the 
dark  unarmed  with  a  large  scalping  knife,  which  we  kept  in 
21 


242  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

our  camp,  and  which  served  as  a  dagger  and  weapon  of  de 
fence  against  a  violent  attack  of  nocturnal  enemies.  Having 
long  been  flattered  with 'the  prospect  of  soon  being  set  at  lib 
erty,  and  discovering  an  intention  among  the  guard  privately 
to  assassinate  some  unknown  number  of  us,  we  resolved  to 
make  another  attempt  to  effect  our  escape,  and  thus  free  our 
selves  from  their  brutal  tyranny  and  unhallowed  pretences. 

We  had  once  paid  several  dollars  to  one  of  the  guard  to 
suffer  us  to  pass  through  the  gate,  should  he  find  an  opportu 
nity  ;  but  never  had  the  good  fortune  even  to  see  him  again. 

The  plan  we  adopted  was  in  itself  extremely  precarious  as 
to  its  success,  and  afforded  so  little  encouragement,  even  to 
those  who  seemed  to  be  most  anxious  to  obtain  their  freedom, 
that  few  would  engage  in  the  enterprise,  believing  it  would 
be  a  fruitless  attempt  to  obtain  our  object,  which  would  only 
cost'  us  pain  and  bring  upon  us  more  sore  trials  and  far  greater 
afflictions. 

Had  we  been  confined  upon  the  main  land,  where  liberty 
from  the  prison  would  have  afforded  us  a  chance  to  retreat 
from  danger,  though  we  should  be  obliged  even  to  pass  the 
gates  of  a  city  surrounded  with  enemies,  having  our  hands 
bound  in  irons  and  our  feet  fettered  with  chains,  yet  our  pros 
pects  of  success  in  our  attempt  to  escape  had  Still  been 
brighter  than  now  presented  to  our  view ;  for  then  our  deliv 
erance  from  prison  might  have  given  us  a  passport  to  the  wil 
derness  free  from  danger ;  but  now  our  freedom  from  those 
w^lls  of  wretchedness  incurred  the  penalty  of  death,  which 
was  annexed  to  our  escape  if  overtaken,. and  brought  us  to 
"  troubled  waters,"  which  seemed  to  promise  death  inevitable 
to  all  who  should  attempt  to  pass  the  current  even  with  well- 
fitted  boats ;  while  we  had  nothing  in  our  power  but  logs,  fas 
tened  together  with*  ropes.  • 

Our  plan  was,  to  dig  a  passage  under  ground  that  should 
extend  beyond  the  pickets,  which  stood  about  twenty  feet  from 
1he  barracks.  It  had  been  our  practice  during  the  summer 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  243 

to  hang  up  blankets  around  the  bunks  in  which  we  slept,  to 
prevent  the  flies  from  troubling  us  while  we  reposed  upon  our 
couch  in  the  daytime. 

We  now  again  hung  up  the  blankets  around  on  3  of  our 
bunks  in  a  corner  of  the  room,  though  ft>t  to  prevent  being 
disturbed  by  flies,  but  to  hide  ourselves  from  the  face  of  "  ser 
pents  that  will  bite  without  enchantment ;  and  a  babbler, 
which  is  no  better." 

Fearing  the  consequence  of  making  our  object  known  to 
the  prisoners  generally,  we  determined  to  keep  it  a  profound 
secret  to  all  except  the  number  who  belonged  to  our  room, 
consisting  of  twelve.  Accordingly,  we  took  up  the  floor,  both 
of  the  bunk  and  barrack,  and  commenced  digging.  If  any  of 
our  fellow-prisoners  or  the  guard  happened  to  come  in  while 
one  was  at  work,  others  would  drown  the  noise  of  his  digging 
by  making  some  noise  with  a  stick  or  with  their  feet,  which 
was  easily  done  without  being  suspected  of  the  design. 

We  dug  in  a  perpendicular  direction  deep  enough  to  have 
a  horizontal  course  leave  the  earth  between  the  barracks  and 
the  pickets,  of  sufficient  depth  to  render  it  safe  for  the  guard 
to  travel  over  the  hole  without  breaking  through.  As  they 
had  dug  a  ditch  along  the  back  side  of  the  barracks  between 
them  and  the  pickets  in  order  to  bank  up  the  walls  of  the 
barracks,  it  became  necessary  for  us  to  dig  a  perpendicular 
course  of  considerable  depth  before  we  could  dig  horizontally, 
to  prevent  any  person  who  might  chance  to  travel  in  the  ditch 
from  breaking  in  and  discovering  our  plan. 

We  had  no  other  tool  to  dig  with  except  a  large  jackknife ; 
nor,  indeed,  could  we  use  any  other  instrument  with  any  ad 
vantage  when  we  came  to  dig  in  a  horizontal  line.  And,  like 
the  animal  that  makes  his  abode  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth 
by  digging  a  subterraneous  passage  to  his  gloomy  cell,  after 
we  had  dug  a  quantity  of  earth  loose  so  that  we  had  no  room 
to  dig  more,  we  returned  backwards  drawing  or  scraping  the 
dirt  we  had  dug  with  our  hands  and  arms,  which  we  put  under 
the  floor  of  the  barrack*. 


244  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Our  progress,  as  must  readily  be  perceived,  was  very  slow ; 
though  some  one  of  us  kept  constantly  digging  except  in  the 
hours  of  sleep  and  time  of  taking  refreshment,  alternately 
following  each  other  in  our  turns  ;  having  a  dress  prepared 
for  the  purpose  whfch  each  one  wore  while  at  work  in  this 
dreary  cavern,  where  we  were  groping  in  cfarkness  at  noon 
day.  Here  we  had  an  opportunity  to  reflect  upon  our  wretch 
ed  condition,  while  our  labor  itself  witnessed  our  sufferings 
and  discontentment.  Here  we  could  perceive  the  comparative 
Kiate  of  him  who  spiritually  "  walketh  in  darkness  and,  hath 
no  light."  Here  it  might,  indeed,  with  propriety  be  said  that 
silence  wept.  We  succeeded,  however,  in  the  prosecution  of 
our  design  extremely  well,  finding  no  obstacle  in  our  way  till 
we  had  dug  under  the  ditch  before  mentioned,  when  a  heavy 
rain  fell  and  filled  the  ditch  full  of  water,  which  soaked  through 
the  ground  into  our  subterraneous  way  and  filled  the  hole  we 
had  dug  completely  full.  This  was  truly  a  great  misfortune, 
which  dampened  the  feelings  of  every  one  who  had  been  en 
gaged  in  the  arduous  undertaking. 

As  we  had  dug  considerable  distance  and  advanced  nearly 
to  the  pickets,  had  toiled  with  diligence  and  expended  much 
labor,  we  were  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  task  and  submit  to 
the  idea  of  continuing  in  bondage  another  winter.  And  we 
were  the  more  anxious  to  pursue  the  undertaking  and  effect 
our  escape,  because  the  infamous  M'Daniel,  of  whom  I  have 
spoken,  had  now  returned  and  resumed  his  command  over  us, 
which  gave  us  greater  reason  to  fear  that  we  should  again  be 
compelled  to  undergo  those  tortures  which  he  had  once  in 
flicted. 

But  it  now  became  impossible  any  longer  to  keep  the  mat 
ter  secret  as  we  had  done.  We  therefore  made  known  our 
object  to  all  the  prisoners  who  were  stationed  in  our  line  of 
barracks  ;  and,  receiving  their  universal  and  respective  prom 
ises  not  to  divulge  the  secret  to  any  of  the  prisoners  who  were 
stationed  in  the  other  line  of  barracks,  —  although  few  would 


CAPTIVITY    OP    ZADOCK    STEELE.  245 

assist  us,  considering  it  labor  in  vain,  —  we  resolved  to  perse 
vere  in  the  plan,  and,  if  possible,  effect  our  escape. 

We  now  commenced  dipping  out  the  water  into  a  barrel, 
which  we  emptied  into  a  ditch  that  was  made  to  convey  our 
wash  water  from  the  barracks  into  the  river.  "We  dipped  six 
barrels'  full  and  emptied  it  into  the  ditch,  besides  a  considera 
ble  quantity  which  we  put  into  a  clay  pit  under  the  barracks 
where  they  dug  clay  for  their  chimneys ;  and  still  there  was 
much  left  in  our  way. 

The  guard,  no  doubt,  supposed  we  were  washing,  or  they 
would  have  suspected  us.  Nor  yet  can  I  account  for  their 
stupidity  while  they  saw  we  were  .  in  possession  of  such  a 
quantity  of  water, -which  we  brought  out  of,  without  carrying 
into,  our  barracks. 

We  were  now  obliged  to  lie  half  buried  in  mud  and  water 
while  digging,  which  chilled  our  bodies,  benumbed  our  senses, 
and  depressed  our  spirits. 

1\>  prevent  being  discovered,  when  we  returned  from  our 
toil  we  were  under  the  necessity  of  washing  ourselves  in  a 
large  tub  of  water,  which  we  had  also  placed  behind  our 
blankets  that  were  hung  up  around  our  bunk ;  as  we  now  were 
forced,  on  account  of  the  mud,  to  enter  upon  our  subterrane 
ous  labor  entirely  naked.  Vain  would  be  the  attempt  to  give 
a  description  of  my  feelings  while  at  work  in  this  dreary  cav 
ern,  twenty  feet  under  ground,  wholly  without  clothing,  half 
buried  in  mud,  and  struggling  for  liberty. 

I  was  removed  from  all  my  friends  and  relatives  the  dis 
tance  of  more  than  three  hundred  miles,  and  placed  upon  an 
island  in  the  river,  on  both  sides  of  which  the  water  moved 
over  the  ragged  rocks  with  such  velocity  as  to  appear  white 
to  the  eye  like  a  foaming  billow,  not  less  than  three  miles-  in 
length.  Here  I  was  confined  within  the  power,  and  exposed 
to  the  envy,  malice,  and  resentment,  of  an  implacable  enemy. 
Shrouded  in  darkness,  in  the  heart  of  the  earth  where  light 
was  unapproachable,  my  body  lay  in  the  mire,  and  my  mind 
21* 


24G  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

was  overwhelmed  with  sorrow.  If  we  refrained  from  digging, 
we  seemed  to  be  threatened  with  death  on  every  side  ;  and  if 
we  continued  to  dig,  our  prospect  appeared  as  melancholy  as 
the  grave.  Fear  and  trouble  were  before  us ;  while  our  ab 
sence  from  the  barracks  exposed  us  to  the  danger  of  having 
our  plan  discovered,  which  would  be  sure  to  bring  upon  us 
the  most  awful  tortures,  and  perhaps  even  death  itself.  We 
chose,  however,  rather  to  hazard  our  lives  in  an  attempt  to 
escape,  though  doubtful  of  success,  than  to  risk  the  conse 
quences  of  remaining  in  confinement. 

When  we  arrived  to  the  picket  we  found  it  was  placed 
upon  a  large  stone.  We  then  dug  to  the  right,  where  we 
found  another,  which  formed  an  angle  with  the  first.  Then, 
turning  to  the  left,  we  also  found  a  third.  All  which  seemed 
to  discourage  my  fellow-laborers,  and  led  them  entirely  to 
give  up  the  object.  But,  being  in  perfect  health  and  in  good 
spirits  myself,  I  went  in  with  a  determination  to  remove  one 
of  these  obstacles,  if  possible,  before  I  returned.  We  had,  by 
this  time,  made  quite  -a  large  cavern  near  the  pickets,  which 
gave  me  considerable  chance  to  work.  After  laboring  in  this 
cold,  dismal  place  during  the  space  of  two  hours,  I  succeeded 
in  removing  one  of  the  stones  out  of  the  way,  and,  to  my 
great  joy,  found  that  the  picket  was  hollow  up  a  few  inches 
above  the  ground,  which  emitted  light  into  this  before  gloomy 
but  now  delightful  place.  I  could  verily  say  with  Solomon, 
"  Truly  the  light  is  sweet ;  and  a  pleasant  thing  it  is  to  behold 
the  sun." 

I  then  returned  and  informed  my  fellow-prisoners  of  my 
success,  which  occasioned  transports  of  joy,  raised  the  de 
sponding,  encouraged  the.  faithless,  confirmed  the  doubting, 
and  put  new  vigor  in  every  breast. 

The  work  was  now  prosecuted  in  earnest  and  soon  com 
pleted.  Animated  at  the  prospect  of  gaining  our  liberty,  the 
one  who  dug  last  undesignedly  broke  through  the  ground  and 
rendered  the  hole  visible  to  any  person  who  should  happen  tc 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  247 

pass  on  the  outside  of  the  pickets.  It  now  became  necessary 
to  devise  a  plan  to  secrete  the  hole  from  the  observation  of 
the  guard.  To  effect  this,  Mr.  Belknap,  one  of  our  fellow- 
prisoners,  went  to  the  guard,  and,  in  a  dissembling  tone,  rep 
resented  to  M'Daniel  the  little  prospect  we  had  of  being 
exchanged ;  that  we  had  long  been  flattered,  and  as  long 
waited  with  anxious  expectation,  for  the  approach  of  such 
a  happy  event,  but,  finding  ourselves  disappointed,  were 
forced  to  abandon  all  hopes  of  deliverance  by  exchange  that 
fall ;  that,  under  these  considerations,  the  prisoners  were  re 
solved  to  be  contented  during  their  confinement  on  the  island, 
till  they  should  find  themselves  actually  set  at  liberty,  when 
all  their  hopes  would  be  swallowed  up  in  the  full  fruition  of 
the  object  we  had  so  long"  sought.  Consequently  we  desired 
the  indulgence  of  an  opportunity  to  secure  all  our  garden 
seeds,  some  of  which,  such  as  lettuce  and  mustard,  were  then 
ripe  and  fit  to  harvest,  that  we  might  be  enabled  to  supply 
ourselves  with  the  like  articles  the  ensuing  year,  should  it  be 
our  unhappy  case  to  remain  on  the  island  another  season. 

Pleased  with  the  idea  that  the  prisoners  were  resolved  to 
be  submissive  to  his  requirements,  he  readily  ordered  one  of 
the  guard  to  go  and  attend  us  while  we  gathered  our  lettuce 
and  mustard,  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  no  one  absconded. 
Having  cut  and  tied  up  in  small  bundles  these  vegetables,  we 
proceeded  to  hang  them  up  so  as  to  fill  the  space  between  the 
pickets,  and  also  place  them  over  the  hole  we  had  dug,  to 
hide  our  escape  from  the  sight  of  the  sentinel,  who  walked 
over  the  hole  between  the  pickets  and  the  barracks  in  which 
we  were  stationed.  This  we  accomplished  while  our  unsus 
pecting  attendant  was  lounging  about  at  a  distance  from  us. 

Here  we  beheld  an  example  of  selfishness,  discontentment, 
fear,  and  deception,  actually  assuming  the  appearance  of  hon 
esty,  contentment,  and  submission. 

Knowing  that  we  must  separate  ourselves  into  small  com 
panies  and  take  different  rafts,  in  order  to  render  our  passage 


248  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

down  the  rapids  more  safe,  we  now  made  choice  of  our  asso 
elates  -to  pass  the  dangerous  scene  before  us.  •  I  associated 
myself  with  William  Cferk,  of  Virginia,  John  Sprague,  of 
Ballston,  New  York,  and  Simeon  Belknap,  of  Randolph,  Ver 
mont.  "We  had  prepared  some  food  for  our  sustenance  on 
the  way  by  taking  a  quantity  of  flour  and. mixing  it  with 
melted  butter,  which  we  put  into  a  small  bag  made  for  the 
purpose.  We  also  had  a  lifcle  salt  pork  and  bread,  together 
with  some  parched  corn  and  black  pepper. 

Those  of  us  who  had  been  engaged  in  digging  had  pre 
viously  furnished  ourselves  with  ropes,  by  cutting  our  blank 
ets  into  strings  and  twisting  them  together ;  while  those  who 
had  believed  our  attempt  to  b^  vain  and  foolish  had  neither 
provided  themselves  with  provisions,  ropes,  or  materials  for  a 
raft,  and  were,  therefore,  unable  to  improve  the  opportunity 
which  now  presented  to  effect  their  escape. 

But  they  could  not  forbear  collecting  in  small  companies 
and  whispering  together  to  devise  plans  for  escape,  which 
raised  suspicions  in  the  minds  of  the  guard  that  the  prisoners 
were  entering  into  some  plot  either  to  make  their  escape  or 
to  raise  a  mutiny  in  the  camp.  Under  these  apprehensions, 
which  took  rise  from  no  other  source  but  from  the  conduct 
of  those  who  had  been  made  privy  to  our  undertaking,  and 
would  neither  assist  us  in  the  work  nor  prepare  themselves  to 
make  their  escape,  M'Daniel  ordered  that,  "  if  any  prisoner 
should  be  found  attempting  to  make  his  escape  or  be  guilty 
of  any  misconduct  that  night,  he  should  not  be  spared  alive." 

We  commenced  digging  on  the  24th  of  August,  1782  ;  and 
having  dug  a  passage  under  ground  the  distance  of  twenty-two 
feet  and  a  half  with  no  other  tool  but  a  jackknife,  on  the  night 
of  the  10th  of  September  following,  after  waiting  till  nine 
o'clock,  when  the  roll  was  called  and  all  was  still,  we  tied  our 
ropes  to  our  packs  and  crawled  out,  drawing  our  packs  after 
us.  I  was  preceded  by  six  of  my  fellow-prisoners,  who,  after 
crawling  through  the  hole,  which  was  nearly  half  filled  witb 


CAPTIVITX    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  249 

mud,  made  a  path  in  the  grass,  as  they  crawled  down  the 
banks  of  the  river,  which  resembled  that  of  a  log  having  been 
drawn  through  the  mud. 

The  moon  shone  bright.  The  sentinel  was  walking  directly 
across  the  hole  just  as  I  was  about  to  crawl  out,  when  he 
cried  out,  "  AU's  well ! "  Thought  I,  "  Be  it  so ;  continue  the 
cry,  if  you  please."  My  head  at  this  time  was  not  more  than 
a  yard  from  his  feet.  I  crawled  on,  and  was  followed  by 
about  twenty  more,  who  were  our  fellow-laborers. 

As  we  had  been  allowed  to  go  out  of  our  enclosure  in  the 
daytime  to  hoe  our  corn  and  garden  roots  and  get  our  wood, 
attended  by  one  of  the  guard,  we  had  improved  the  opportu 
nity,  and*selected  some  loga  for  a  raft  to  which  we  could  go 
without  difficulty.  Clark,  Belknap,  Sprague,  and  myself  now 
separated  ourselves  from  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  and  re 
mained  together,  sharing  equally  in  all  the  sufferings  through 
which  we  were  called  to  pass. 

We  took  a  large  scalping  knife  with  us  and  a  pocket  com 
pass,  together  with  a  tinder  box^  and  fireworks.  We  rolled  a 
large  log  into  the  river  on  the  upper  part  of  the  north  side 
of  the  island,  on  each  side  of  which  we  placed  another ;  then, 
putting  sticks  across  both  ends  of  them,  underneath  and  on 
the  upper  side,  opposite  each  other,  we  tied  all  of  them  to 
gether  with  our  blanket  ropes,  and  fastening  our  packs  there 
on,  which  contained  our  provision,  &c.,  we  then  sat  one  on 
each  corner  and  set  sail  down  the  rapids. 

Death  in  its  most  frightful  form  now  seemed  to  threaten 
us,  and  the  foaming  billows  pointed  us  to  a  watery  grave. 
Guided  only  by  the  current,  sometimes  floating  over  rocks, 
sometimes  buried  in  the  water,  with  little  hope  of  again  being 
carried  out  alive,  we  passed  down  the  raging  stream  with 
the  greatest  rapidity  imaginable,  clinging  to  our  logs  respec 
tively,  sensible  that,  under  the  guidance  of  divine  Providence, 
our  only  ground  of  hope  rested  in  our  adhesion  to  the  raft. 

We-  passed  down  the  river  about  nine  miles,  when  we  were 


250  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

enabled  to  reach  shore.  We  lanoed  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river  about  two  hours  before  day,  with  not  a  dry  thread  in  our 
clothes,  chilled  with  the  cold  and  trembling  with  fear.  Our 
bread  had  all  washed  to  a  jelly  and  been  rendered  wholly  unfit 
to  eat.  None  of  our  provision  remained  fit  to  carry  with  us 
except  a  little  parched  corn,  which  was  in  a  small,  wooden 
bottle,  some  salt  pork,  and  our  buttered  flour,  which  we  found 
to  be  waterproof.  Our  compass  was  also  rendered  useless ; 
which  was  indeed  a  great  misfortune  to  us,  as  the  want  of  it 
protracted  our  journey  through  the  woods  many  days.  We 
marched  up  the  river  till  daybreak,  when  we  discovered  that 
we  were  near  the  fort  opposite  the  island.  We  then  turned 
north  into  the  woods,  which  led  us  into  a  swamp,'  where  we 
encamped  under  some  old  tree  tops  that  had  fallen  together, 
about  one  mile  from  the  fort,  which  formed  no  shelter  from 
rain,  but  merely  hid  us  from  our  expected  pursuers.  We 
plainly  heard  the  report  of  the  alarm  guns  on  the  morning  of 
the  llth  of  September,  which  announced  to  us  the  discovery 
of  what  had  cost  us  great^pains,  and  evinced,  to  all  who 
should  behold  the  place,  our  love  of  liberty  and  resolution  to 
obtain  it. 

.  We  remained  under  these  tree  tops  three  days  and  two 
nights  without  going  ten  rods  from  the  place,  having  nothing 
to  eat  but  salt  pork,  parched  corn,  and  our  buttered  flour, 
together  with  a  few  kernels  of  black  pepper ;  for  the  want  of 
which  last  I  think  we  must  have  perished,  as  it  rained  with  a 
mixture  of  snow  every  day  and  night  sufficiently  to  keep  us 
completely  wet  all  the  time. 

Having  been  so  harshly  treated  by  the  British,  and  know 
ing  that  "  confidence  in  an  unfaithful  man  in  time  of  trouble 
is  like  a  broken  tooth  and  a  foot  out  of  joint,"  we  resolved  to 
make  ourselves  known  to  no  one ;  and  like  the  Ishmaelites 
of  old,  while  we  had  reason  to  suppose  that  every  man's  hand 
was  against  us,  we  were  determined  to  put  our  own  hands 
against  every  man  who  should  come  in  our  way. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  251 

Destitute  of  food  sufficient  to  supply  us  through  the  long 
woods  we  were  to  pass  to  reach  our  homes,  we  were  deter- 
mjned  to  replenish  our  stores  before  we  crossed  the  River  St. 
Lawrence,  as  there  were,  but  few  settlements  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river  in  that  part  of  the  country.  We  were,  there 
fore,  under  the  necessity  of  staying  about  there  till  they  had 
done  searching  for  us. 

On  the  night  of  the  third  day  after  our  escape  we  ventured 
to  take  up  our  march,  and  travelled  till  we  came  to  a  stream 
which  <ve  supposed  emptied  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence  at 
the  fort ;  but  we  afterwards  found  it  to  be  only  a  branch  of 
that  stream.  I  waded  into  it,  and  found  it  was  so  deep  that 
we  could  not  ford  it.  I  therefore  returned,  and  we  encamped 
for  the  night.  Our  sufferings  this  night  were  almost  insup- 
porta^le ;  as  it  was  a  cold,  frosty  night,  and  we-  were  wholly 
exposed,  having  nothing  about  us  except  what  was  completely 
wet,  without  a  shelter,  and  destitute  of  fire. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th,  benumbed  and  chilled  with 
the  cold,  we  found  a  place  where  we  forded  the  stream,  and 
travelled  till  we  came  to  another ;  and  by  mistaking  the  former, 
we  supposed  this  to  empty  itself  into  the  river  above  the  fort. 
We  followed  the  current  of  this  stream  till  about  dark,  when 
we  came  in  sight  of  a  settlement.  After  waiting  till  about 
nine  o'clock  at  night  we  ventured  to  approach  a  little  nearer, 
when  to  our  utter  astonishment  we  heard  the  drum  beat, 
which  gave  us  assurance  that  we  were  near  the  fort.  Find 
ing  ourselves  so  near,  we  concluded  to  cross  the  stream  at  the 
nearest  fording-place.  In 'passing  off  we  went  through  the 
commanding  officer's  garden ;  and  I  pulled  up  a  hill  of  his 
potatoes  and  carried  them  along  with  me. 

We  then  went  into  the  road  and  followed  up  the  River  St. 
Lawrence  about  four  miles.  We  had  not  proceeded  far,  how 
ever,  before  we  came  to  a  boat  lying  at  anchor  in  the  river, 
near  the  shore.  I  waded  in  towards  it  till  I  heard  men  in  it 
snoring  in  their  sleep,  when  I  quickly  made  my  retreat.  TVa 


252  INDIAN   NAKRATIVES. 

then  went  on  till  we  came  to  the  house  of  a  Frenchman,  as 
we  supposed  by  his  speech,  who,  just  as  we  came  up,  opened 
the  door  and  hailed  us.  Turning  into  his  lot,  we  went  to  ^iis 
barn  and  endeavored  to  find  some  creature  to  kill.  We  found 
one  cow.  As  we  were  approaching  towards  her,  two  large 
dogs  came  at  us  with  great  rage,  and,  barking  most  furiously, 
appeared  to  be  determined  to  bite  us.  The  old  Frenchman 
again  came  to  the  door  and  hailed  us.  Fearing  that  soldiers 
might  be  quartered  there,  we  retreated  as  fast  as  we  could, 
keeping  an  eye  upon  the  dogs,  and  swinging  our  staves  at 
them  to  keep  them  from  biting  us,  while  the  old  Frenchman 
was  trying  to  set  them  on.  The  ground  was  descending  as 
we  retreated ;  and  while  we  were  all  moving  together  very 
fast,  having  our  eyes  partially  turned  upon  the  dogs,  we  *an 
against  a  fence,  slightly  laid  up,  and  threw  down*  many 
lengths,  which  made  such  a  rattling  that  it  terrified  the  dogs 
and  immediately  put  them  upon  their  retreat,  as  much  af 
frighted  as  they  had  been  outrageous. 

Trembling  for  our  safety,  we  kept  in  the  fields  back  of  the 
street ;  while  the  dogs  continued  their  barking  as  if  determined 
to  arouse  our  enemies  from  their  slumbers  and  cause  us  to  be 
taken.  They  succeeded,  at  least,  in  exciting  all  the  dogs  in 
the  neighborhood  to  engage  in  the  general  alarm,  and  seemed 
anxious  to  maintain  a  constant  echo  in  the  surrounding  atmos 
phere.  They  were  busily  employed  at  every  house,  and 
sometimes  in  great  earnest,  as  we  passed  along  the  distance 
of  several  miles.  . 

At  length  we  came  to  a  number  of  cattle  in  a  field  not  tar 
from  the  road,  among  which  we  found  a  two-year-old  heifer, 
very  tame  and  in  good  flesh. 

We  had  long  been  lurking  about,  waiting  for  the  agitation 
of  the  public  mind  to  abate,  that  we  might  have  opportunity 
to  obtain  some  provision  before  we  entered  into  the  wide  wil 
derness  through  which  we  were  expecting  to  pass ;  and  as 
the  favored  moment  had  now  arrived,  we  agreed  that  Belknap 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    ST.EELE.  253 

should  go  in  search  of  a  boat  to  convey  us  over  the  Lake  St. 
Francis,  near  which  we  found  the  cattle ;  that  Sprague  should 
stand  with  our  scalping  knife  to  defend  against  every  foe ; 
while  Clark  and  myself  should  kill  the  heifer  and  procure  a 
quantity  of  meat.  By  the  help  of  a  little  salt  I  soon  suc 
ceeded  in  catching  the  heifer ;  and,  taking  her  by  the  horns 
and  nose,  I  instantly  flung  her  down,  when  Clark  cut  her 
throat  with  a  large  jackknife  ;  and,  not  waiting  for  her  to  die 
or  even  spending  time  to  skin  her,  we  took  off  a  gammon  and 
left  her  bleeding.  Belknap  had  now  returned  and  informed 
us  that  he  had  found  a  boat,  to  which  we  immediately  resorted, 
carrying  with  us  our  unskinned  beef,  the  booty  we  had  de 
sired  for  many  days,  leaving  the  owner  of  the  heifer  to  seek 
his  recompense  where  he  could  find  it;  willing,  however,  he 
should  share  with  us  in  his  beef  by  taking  what  we  left. 

We  were  not  insensible  that,  if  he  were  a  British  subject,  we 
had  abundantly  compensated  his  loss  to  his  government  by 
our  own  starvation ;  or,  if  he  were  a  friend  to  the  unfortunate, 
he  could  not  lament  his  loss,  since  he  had  thus  far  contributed 
to  feed  the  hungry  without  even  knowing  what  his  right  hand 
did.  Nor,  indeed,  did  we  trouble  ourselves,  while  we  rumi 
nated  upon  the  affair,  concerning  what  might  be  the  cogitations 
of  the  owner ;  since  we  had  obtained  the  meat,  and  thus  an 
swered  our  own  purpose. 

Having  entered  the  boat  with  all  our  baggage,  the  moon 
shining  bright,  we  set  out  upon  the  lake,  steering  for  the  south 
shore.  We  had  advanced  but  little  distance  when  a  breeze 
arose  from  the  north-west  and  drifted  us  ahead  with  great 
violence,  every  wave  dashing  the  water  into  our  boat. 

'  It  now  became  necessary  that  two  of.  us  should  dip  the 
water  from  our  boat  with  our  hats  as  fast  as  possible,  while 
the  other  two  rowed  for  the  shore  with  the  greatest  exertion. 
The  wind  increased.  The  boat  was  fast  filling  in  spite  of  all 
we  could  do.  Every  wave,  to  human  view,  brought  us  by 
rapid  'strides  to  the  arms  of  death  and  presented  to  us  a 
22  • 


254  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

watery  grave.  But,  through  the  wonderful  goodness  of  the 
great  Preserver  of  men,  we  succeeded  in  landing  just  as  our 
boat  had  filled  with  water.  Haying  fastened  it  to  the  shore 
we  went  into  the  woods, t  struck  up  a  fire,  skinned  our  beef 
and  cut  it  into  thin  slices,  which  we  partially  roasted  on  sticks 
by  the  fire,  and  then  lay  down  to  sleep.  This  was  the  first 
time  we  had  been  to  any  fire  since  we  left  Prison  Island.  We 
had  lain  secreted  in  bushes  and  old  tree  tops ;  wandered  in  the 
darkness  of  the  night,  exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather ;  forded  streams  of  water  up  to  our  necks,  constantly 
and  completely  wet ;  'hungry,  and  chilled  with  cold ;  filled 
with  fear  and  anxiety  for  our  safety  during  the  space  of  four 
days  and  five  nights,  including  the  night  in  which  we  made 
our  escape. 

Destruction  and  misery  often  appeared  in  our  way.  Death 
frequently  stared  us  in  the  face,  threatening  to  make  us  his 
prey,  but  seemed  to  be  held  from  falling  upon  us  by  the  finger 
of  God. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  September,  (the  fifth  day 
after  we  escaped,)  supposing  we  had  landed  upon  an  island, 
we  began  to  seek  how  we  should  get  off  without  being  discov 
ered  by  the  inhabitants  on  the  northern  shores  of  the  lake  or 
by  those  who  might  happen  to  be  upon  the  waters.  Happily 
we  found,  by  travelling  into  the  woods,  that  we  were  upon  a 
peninsula,  joined  to  the  main  land  by  an  isthmus  not  more  than 
eight  or  ten  feet  wide.  This  was  a  circumstance  greatly  in 
our  favor,  as  we  should  otherwise  have  been  under  the  neces 
sity  of  exposing  ourselves  to  the  view  of  our  enemies,  or 
waiting  for  the  night  to  cover  our  escape. 

We  now  set  out,  directing  our  course  nearly  south-east,  for 
the  American  fort  at  Pittsford,  a  town  situated  on  Otter 
Creek,  in  the  western  part  of  the  State  of  Vermont. 

Our  companion,  Mr.  Clark,  had  been  much  accustomed  to 
travelling  in  the  woods,  having  been  engaged  in  the  business 
of  surveying  in  the  western  part  of  the  United  States  at  the 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  255 

time  he  was  taken  by  the  Indians.  We  therefore  cnose  him 
to  be  our  leader  through  the  wilderness  and  our  pilot  to  a 
more  favored  country. 

We  travelled  all.  the  first  day  over  low,  marshy  land,  tim 
bered  with,  cedar,  but  were  unable  to  find  any  water  to  drink 
either  in  running  brooks  or  by  digging ;  for  the  want  of  which 
we  suffered  much,  being  thirsty  as  well  as  hungry,  and  greatly 
fatigued.  Wishing  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  our  expected 
pursuers,  we  travelled  with  great  speed,  which,  together  with 
our  living  on  flesh  alone,  doubtless  occasioned  a  far  greater 
degree  of  thirst  than  we  should  have  felt  had  we  been  sup 
plied  with  bread.  The  next  day  we  found  water  in  great 
plenty.  We  crossed  many  streams  of  considerable  size  ;  some 
by  fording,  although  of  such  depth  as  to  reach  to  our  shoulders  : 
others  we  crossed  by  making  a  small  raft  sufficient  to  bear  one 
of  us  with  our  baggage ;  while  the  other  three  stripped,  and, 
hanging  by  one  hand  to  the  raft,  swam  by  her  side. 

After  wandering  in  the  wilderness  during  the  space  of  ten 
days,  —  sometimes  progressing  on  our  journey,  sometimes  loun 
ging  in  suspense,  doubting  which  course  to  take,  and  waiting 
for  the  clouds  to  be  dispelled,  that  the  sun  might  appear  to  en 
lighten  our  path  and  guide  our  way,  —  we  arrived  at  Lake 
Champlain  with  our  clothes  nearly  torn  from  our  bodies,  ema 
ciated  with  hunger  and  fatigued  with  the  daily  toil  and  long 
deprivation  of  the  comforts  of  civilized  life.  *  During  these  ten 
days  we  saw  no  other  human  being,  nor  heard  his  voice,  be 
held  his  footsteps,  or  the  works  of  his  hand.  We  lived  almost 
wholly  on  flesh,  like  the  carnivorous  race,  and,  like  them,  re 
posed  upon  the  ground,  equally  fearing  the  face  of  man,  sus 
picious  of  his  design,  and  dreading  his  approach  as  we  did  the 
instrument  of  death. 

While  we  one  day  lay  encamped  by  the  fire,  waiting  for  the 
appearance  of  the  sun,  we  were  aroused  from  our  sleep  by  the 
supposed  report  of  a  musket.  Ignorant  of  the  source  whence 
it  came)  and  fearing  to  make  immediate  flight  lest  we  should 


256  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

flee  into  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  we  prepared  ourselves  to 
march,  and  we.re  endeavoring  to  espy  the  foe,  when  a  similar 
noise,  proceeding  from  the  bursting  of  a  stone  heated  by  the 
fire,  relieved  our  minds  from  fearj  and  filled  our  bosoms  with 
joy  at  the  happy  disappointment  of  expected  danger. 

Soon  after  we  arrived  at  Lake  Champlain  we  found  a  part 
of  an  old  flat-bottomed  boat,  which  we  fitted  up,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  conveying  us  across  the  lake,  by  lashing  a  log  on 
each  side  with  bark  and  withs. 

At  about  sunset  we  Went  aboard  and  set  sail  to  cross  the 
lake.  We  had  proceeded  nearly  half  way  across,  when  the 
wind  arose  against  us  and  baffled  all  our  exertions  to  proceed 
farther.  After  laboring  till  about  midnight  without  success, 
and  fearing  we  should  be  taken  by  the  British  if  we  remained 
on  the  water  till  light,  we  concluded  to  row  back  to  the  shore 
we  left  and  relinquish  the  idea  of  crossing  the  lake  that 
night.  We  Lad  continued  upon  the  water  till  a  tempest 
arose,  and  the  wind  blew  from,  various  directions,  shifting  its 
course  every  few  minutes ;  and  our  strength  had  become  almost 
exhausted,  being  faint  for  want  of  food,  insomuch  that  we 
could  hardly  move.  We  labored  with  diligence  and  with  all 
our  might  till  daybreak,  having  nothing  to  use  for  oars  ex- . 
cept  such  sticks  as  we  found  in  the  woods  and  prepared  for 
the  purpose  with  a  jackknife.  We  were  now  enabled  to  reach 
the  same  shore  from  which  we  started,  though  several  miles 
farther  north.  Our  clothes  were  completely  wet,  and  our 
strength  so  far  gone  that  neither  of  us  could  scarcely  go. 
•  In  this  wretched  state,  stupefied  and  chilled  with  the  cold, 
so  faint  and  tired  that  we  could  hardly  move,  we  crept  a  few 
rods  into  the  woods,  built  a  fire,  and  laid  down  upon  the  ground. 

I  never  suffered  so  much. fatigue,  in  the  same  space  of  time 
in  my  life,  as  I  did  this  night ;  nor  would  I  have  believed  I 
could  endure  as  much,  with  so  little  strength,  without  perish 
ing.  Language  is  too  feeble  to  expres?,  nor  can  imagination 
conceive,  the  sufferings  we  underwent. 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  257 

We  bad  but  little  provision  left,  and  were  compelled  to  cur 
tail  our  former  allowance,  so  that  we  should  be  enabled  to 
subsist  and  continue  our  journey  till  \ve  could  reach  the 
desired  country.  •  , 

Having  rested  from  the  wearisome  and  fruitless  labors  of 
the  night  till  nearly  sunset  the  next  day,  we  resolved  to  travel 
on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  till  we  should  come  to  a  narrow 
place  where  we  could  well  hope  for  success  in  an  attempt  to 
cross.  We  resumed  our  march  and  travelled  a  few  miles  that 
night,  then  camped  down  and  waited  for  the  morning. 

The  next  day  we  came  to  the  River  Saranac,  which  empties 
into  Lake  Champlain  at  a  place  now  called  Plattsburg,  in 
the  State  of  New  York.  We  heard  the  noise  of  the  British 
engaged  in  chopping  a  few  rods  up  the  river,  while  we 
crossed  it  between  them  and  the  lake,  not  far  from  its 
mouth. 

After  we  crossed  the  river  we  travelled  a  small  distance 
•and  encamped  for  the  night  in  a  valley  which  was  in  the 
form  of  a  basin.  We  followed  up  the  lake  upon  the  western 
shore ;  crossed  Duck  Creek,  Eiver-au-Sable,  Salmon  River, 
and  Gilliland's  Creek ;  when  we  came  to  a  place  called  Split 
Rock,  where  the  lake  is  narrow,  which  afforded  us  a  prospect 
of  succeeding  if  we  attempted  to  cross.  We  then  went  to 
work  to  build  a  raft,  and  while  engaged,  a  little  before  sunset, 
espied  a  British  armed  vessel  making  towards  us  from  the 
south.  We  went  into  the  bushes  and  lay  secreted  from  their 
view,  though  they  were  so  visible  to  us  that  we  could  see 
their  red  coats,  and  even  count  the  buttons  upon  them,  while 
they  sailed  around  at  a  small  distance  from  us,  apparently  for 
amusement,  and  then  returned  again  to  the  south,  out  of  our 
sight,  without  discovering  us. 

We  then  went  to  work,  completed  our  raft  at  dark,  set  sail 

across  the  lake,  and  safely  landed  in  a  few  hours  at  a  place 

now  called  Charlotte,  in  the  State  of  Vermont.     We  were, 

however,  ignorant  at  that  time  both  of  the  name  of  the  place 

22* 


258  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

and  of  its  local  situation.  Being  yet  in  a  strange  wilderness, 
we  knew  not  which  way  to  direct  our  course  to  reach  inhab 
itants.  Indeed,  all  that  prompted  us  to  go  forward  was  the 
information  we  had  received  that  there  were  settlements  near 
some  part  of  this  lake.  But  we  were  wholly  ignorant  what 
way  to  take  that  should  enable  us  to  find  them.  Supposing 
ourselves  to  be  between  the  mouth  of  Onion  River  and  Otter 
Creek,  we  concluded  to  steer  in  a  south-east  direction,  which 
we  supposed  would  bring  us  to  Pittsford  Fort.  We  travelled 
into  the  woods  a  i#w  rods  and  lay  down  for  the  night.  In  the 
morning  we  resumed  our  march,  and  had  not  gone  far  before 
we  came  to  an  'old  log  house,  which  had  long  been  abandoned, 
and,  by  the  long  continuance  of  the  war,  had  become  greatly 
decayed. 

We  however  found  a  few  beans,  which  had  probably  been 
there  a  number  of  years,  and  were  covered  with  mould.  As 
our  provision  was  mostly  gone  and  we  were  extremely  hun 
gry,  we  took  and  parched  them,  as  we  would  corn,  by  the  fire, 
which  gave  some  relish  to  the  twigs,  roots,  and  berries  that 
had  already,  for  some  days,  composed  our  principal  food. 

Our  clothes  were  almost  torn  from  our  mangled  bodies  by 
the  bushes,  logs,  and  trees ;  and  the  blood  that  gushed  from 
our  naked  and  wornout  feet  witnessed,  in  every  track  we 
made,  the  pains  we  suffered. 

Parts  of  our  stockings  still  remained  about  our  feet ;  and, 
having  a  needle  (but  no  thread)  with  us,  we  ravelled  off  the 
tops  of  them  and  sewed  our  tattered  rags  together  as.  much  as 
possible,  to   defend  our  bo'dies  from  the  inclemency  of  the* 
weather. 

Our  daily  allowance  of  the  food  we  brought  with  us  from 
Prison  Island  was  now  reduced  to  about  an  inch  square  of 
salt  pork  and  as  much  of  our  buttered  flour  as  we  could  twice 
put  upon  the  point  of  a  large  jackknife.  We  had  eaten  al. 
our  beef  and  parched  corn. 

We  dug  roots  of  various  kinds  and  ate  them,  together  with 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  259 

birch  and  other  twigs.  Spikenard  roots,  which  we  roasted  by 
the  fire,  comprised  the  greatest  part  of  our  subsistence.  We 
found  several  small  frogs,  which  we  killed  and  ate  with  great 
delight.  But  we  could  find  only  a  few  of  them,  though  we 
searched  diligently.  Their  meat  tasted  exceedingly  sweet  and 
delicious.  We  also  found  means  to  catch  several  small  fish 
from  a  little  rivulet  which  we  crossed ;  but  could  not  obtain 
more  than  two  or  three,  although  we  spent  much  time  and 
used  every  exertion  in  our  power. 

Some  time  after  we  had  dressed  our  fish  and  had  advanced 
considerable  distance,  we  espied  a  bear  upon  a  tree  a  few  rods 
ahead  of  us.  We  hastened  to  the  foot  of  the  tree,  in  view  of- 
killing  her,  as  she  descended,  by  stabbing  her  with  our  large 
scalping  knife.  But,  on  examination,  we  found  the  knife  was 
left  at  the  place  of  dressing  the  fish,  which  frustrated  our  plan 
and  blighted  our  hopes  of  obtaining  any  meat. 

Disappointment  was  now  added  to  hunger  and  distress,  and 
our  faint  and  wearied  bodies  were  hardly  able  to  support  the 
dreadful  weight  of  sorrow  which  hung  over  our  minds. 

We  however  continued  to  keep  a  south-east  course  till  we 
reached  the  top  of  the  mountains  lying  between  Onion  River 
and  Otter  Creek,  when,  looking  back,  we  could  see  the"  lake 
in  fair  view.  Being  so  faint  for  want  of  food  that  we  could 
hardly  step,  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  obtaining  any,  it 
seemed  as  if  death  must  be  our  inevitable  fate.  We  had' 
travelled  seven  or  eight  days,  and  had  subsisted  the  whole 
time  mostly  upon  the  spontaneous  productions  of  the  country. 
The  season  for  berries  was  nearly  gone,  though  we  were  able 
to  find  some. 

Our  natures  seemed  to  waste  away  and  leave  nothing  but 
death  to  stare  us  in  the  face.  Winter  was  fast  approaching, 
while  we  were  almost  naked,  destitute,  and  forlorn.  O  the 
wretched  condition  of  those  whose  lot  it  is  to  be  cast  into  the 
wilderness  and  left  to  wander  upon  the  dark  mountains  of 
despair !  I  could  feelingly  adopt  the  language  of  Job,  and 


260  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

say,  "  Terrors  are  turned  upon  me :  they  pursue  my  soul  as 
the  wind ;  and  my  welfare  passeth  away  as  a  cloud.  When 
I  looked  for  good,  then  evil  came  unto  me;  and  when  I 
waited  for  light,  there  came  darkness.  I  am  a  brother  to 
dragons  and  a  companion  to  owls;  for  I  have  eaten  ashes 
like  bread  and  mingled  my  drink  with  weeping." 

Had  we  seen  any  prospect  of  soon  finding  the  house  of  a 
friend,  or  of  obtaining  provision  in  any  other  way  before  we 
should  arrive  among  inhabitants,  we  could  not  have  denied 
ourselves  at  once  to  eat  the  little  provision  we  had  in  our 
packs  while  we  suffered  so  much  by  hunger  on  our  way. 

The  barren' mountains  and  rocky  cliffs  of  Bristol,  Ripton, 
and  Hancock,  the  dismal  plain  of  Chataugua,  and  the  waters 
of  Champlain  witnessed  the  cries  of  our  sufferings ;  while  our 
steps  traced  in  blood  the  distress  we  endured. 

We  wandered  from  mountain  to  mountain  and  from  valley 
to  valley,  keeping  at  a  distance  from  the  lake,  lest  we  should 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  British,  who  had  command  of  the 
lake  at  that  time.  Sorrow,  hunger,  and  bitterness  of  soul 
were  our  constant  attendants  through  the  day ;  and  the  ap 
proach  of  the  night  only  increased  our  miseries  and  multi 
plied  our  sighs  and  groanings. 

Though  we  slept,  it  was  for  trouble ;  and  if  we  continued  to 
roam  the  wilderness  we  found  no  comfort,  and  our  strength 
failed.  If  we  slumbered,  it  was  upon  the  brink  of  the  grave, 
and  it  would  not  feed  us.  While  our  hunger  increased,  our 
hopes  of  relief  grew  dim. 

Seeing  no  prospect  of  ever  finding  the  habitations  of  friends, 
our  companions,  Clark  and  Sprague,  like  the  lepers  of  old, 
"  said  onp  to  another,  Why  sit  we  here  until  we  die  ?  "  It  we 
say  we  will  pursue  our  journey,  "  we  shall  die ;  and  if  we  sit 
still  here,  we  die  also."  They  therefore  resolved  to  return  to 
the  lake  if  they  could  get  there,  and  deliver  themselves  up 
into  the  hands  of  the  British. 

They  were  both  possessed  of  true  courage,  and  a  noble, 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK   STEELE.  261 

generous  spirit.  But  they  were  wholly  ignorant  of  the  coun- 
try  east  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  consequently  had  less  to  en 
courage  them  than  Belknap  and  myself.  They  were  "  unwill 
ing,"  said  they,  "  that  we  should  either  return  or  remain  with 
them,  if  we  could  ever  reach  inhabitants.  But  to  go  forward 
was  apparent  death,  even  if  inhabitants  might  be  found  by  two 
or  three  days'  travel ;  as  we  are  so  weak  we  can  hardly  go, 
and  still  growing  weaker."  They  requested  us  to  leave  them 
to  be  food  for  wild  beasts  or  a  prey  to  an  exasperated  foe. 
But  the  tender  feelings  of  human  sensibility  forbade  us  to  leave 
them  ;  and  Belknap  and  myself  persuaded  them  to  persevere 
and  remain  with  us  to  the  end  by  dealing  out  to  them  an 
extra  allowance  of  provision,  on  condition  that  I  should  take 
the  lead  and  be  their  pilot ;  to  which  I  consented. 

It  being  nearly  night,  we  encamped  till  morning,  when  we 
concluded  to  change  our  course  and  steer  nearly  a  south- 
south-westerly  direction.  We  travelled  on  moderately,  fearful 
of  the  event,  till  about  noon,  when,  being  some  rods  forward 
of  my  companions,  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  come  to  a  road. 
Of  this  I  notified  my  languishing  companions^  famishing  with 
hunger  and  groaning  under  the  weight  of  their  wretchedness, 
which  occasioned  transports  of  joy,  gladdened  their  hearts, 
and  invigorated  their  bodies ;  yea,  it  "  shed  happiness  around 
us  and  banished  misery  before  us."  For  we  could  say  with 
David,  that  we  had  "  wandered  in  the  wilderness,  in  a  solitary 
way,  and  found  no  city  to  dwell  in.  Hungry  and  thirsty,  our 
souls  fainted  within  us.  Then  we  cried  unto  the  Lord  in 
our  trouble,  and  he  delivered  us  out  of  our  distresses ;  and  he 
led  us  forth  by  the  right  way,  that  we  might  go  to  a  city  oi 
habitation." 

Animated  with  the  prospect  of  soon  finding  inhabitants,  we 
travelled  on  the  road  with  joy  a^id  delight.  Our  hopes  of 
again  seeing  our  friends  became  brightened,  and  our  expecta 
tions  greatly  strengthened  our  weak  and  trembling  limbs.  We 
soon  came  in  sight  of  an  old  horse,  and  an  old  mare  with  a 


262  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

sucking  colt  by  her  side.  As  they  were  in  a  valley  some  dis 
tance  from  the  road,  we  concluded  not  to  go  after  them,  hop 
ing  soon  to  find  inhabitants,  where  we  should  be  enabled  also 
to  find  friends,  who  would  lend  the  hand  of  charity.  We 
therefore  travelled  on,  and  soon  came  to  a  stream,  but  could  not 
determine  whether  it  was  Otter  Creek  or  only  a  branch  of  it. 
If  it  were  a  branch,  we  knew  we  ought  to  follow  the  current 
till  we  came  to  the  creek.  But  to  follow  the  current  of  the 
creek  itself  would  lead  us  directly  to  the  lake,  where  we 
should  be  exposed  to  the  British. 

We  however  thought  it  most  prudent  to  follow  down  the 
stream,  and  soon  ca*me  to  its  mouth,  and  still  were  left  in 
doubt  whether  the  stream  into  which  the  first  we  discovered 
emptied  itself  was  Otter  Creek  or  some  other  branch. 

As  it  began  to  draw  near  sunset,  and  seeing  no  prospect  of 
finding  inhabitants  that  night,  we  resolved  to  return  to  the 
place  where  we  came  to  the  first  stream,  having  there  found 
the  Avails  of  an  old  log  house.  Clark  and  myself  went  and 
procured  the  horses  and  colt;  while  Belknap  and  Sprague 
struck  up  a  fire  and  built  a  camp. 

Having  returned  with  the  horses  and  confined  them  in  the 
old  log  house,  we  killed  and  dressed  the  colt  and  roasted  some 
of  the  meat  upon  sticks  by  the  fire  and  ate  it ;  and  surely  "  it 
was  pleasant  to  the  taste."  Indeed,  I  never  ate  any  meat  of 
so  delicious  a  flavor,  although  without  bread,  salt,*  or  sauce 
of  any  kind. 

The  next  morning  we  started  with  our  old  horse  and  colt- 
less  mare,  and  travelled  till  after  the  middle  of  the  day,  when 
we  came  to  the  place  we  passed  about  noon  the  day  preceding. 
We  were  confident  it  was  the  same  place,  by  finding  some^ 
spikenard  roots  which  we  had  thrown  away  soon  after  we 
found  the  road. 

*  We  brought  a  small  quantity  of  salt  from  Prison  Island,  but  losv 
the  principal  part  of  it  in  passing  down  the  rapids.  The  remaindei 
we  gave  to  the  heifer  we  killed,  and  took  her  gammon  in  exchange. 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  263 

Being  lost,  and  knowing  not  whether  to  turn  to  the  right 
hand  or  to  the  left,  having  obtained  a  new  supply  of  meat, 
by  which  we  had  been  much  refreshed,  and  as  the  sun  had 
been  invisible  to  us  for  several  days,  we  concluded  to  tarry 
there  through  the  day  and  encamp  for  the  night,  hoping  the 
sun  would  rise  clear  the  next  morning,  which  would  enable  us 
'the  better  to  determine  what  course  to  take. 

"While  we  were  patrolling  about  the  fields,  which  appeared 
to  have  been  unoccupied  and  but  partially  cultivated  during 
the  long  war,  we  found  a  large  yard  of  turnips. 

We  then  prepared  our  camp,  built  a  fire,  and,  having  pro 
cured  some  turnips,  kept  continually  roasting  them  successively 
during  the  night,  first  sleeping  a  little  and  then  eating ;  thus 
alternately  refreshing  ourselves  by  sleep  and  eating  cold  meat 
with  roasted  turnips  till  the  approach  of  day.  As  we  had 
long  lived  upon  the  spontaneous  growth  of  the  wilderness,  and 
had  not  only  been  almost  entirely  destitute  of  bread  and  meat, 
but  wholly  deprived  of  every  cultivated  vegetable,  we  were 
conscious  that  it  would  be  injurious,  and  even  dangerous,  to 
eat  immediately  all  we  might  crave  for  the  night. 

We  therefore  chose  to  satiate  our  hunger  in  a  measure  by 
piecemeals,  while  we  truly  feasted  upon  that  kind  of  fare 
which  was  undoubtedly,  of  all  kinds  of  food,  the  best  adapted 
to  our  wretched  condition  and  craving  appetites.  In  the 
morning  the  sky  was  clear,  and  the  sun  rose,  to  every  one  of 
us,  directly  in  the  west.  We  now  discovered  the  cause  of 
becoming  lost ;  and,  feeling  much  refreshed  and  strengthened, 
we  took  our  horses  and  directed  our  course  according  to  the 
sun,  diametrically  against  our  own  ideas  of  the  true  point  of 
compass.  We  had  not  proceeded  far  when  we  came  to  three 
other  horses,  which  we  took,  leaving  the  old  mare  for  the  ben 
efit  of  the  owner. 

After  travelling  till  about  noon  we  came  to  a  man  chop 
ping  in  the  woods.  Seeing  us  all  on  horseback,  with  bark 
bridles  and  no  saddles,  having  on  coats  made  of  Indian  blan 


264  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

kets,  which  were  all  in  rags,  with  beards  an  inch  long,  and 
each  one  of  us  armed  with  a  cudgel)  the  trembling  wood 
cutter  stood  in  dreadful  awe,  with  his  axe  raised  above  his 
shoulder,  dreading  our  approach,  but  fearing  to  try  his  suc 
cess  in  an  attempt  to. escape  ;  while  we  drew  near,  rejoicing 
that  we  had  once  more  arrived  where  we  could  behold  the 
face  of  one  whose  hand  should  not  be  against  us,  and  against 
whom  we  were  not  compelled  for  our  safety  to  put  our'  own 
hands. 

We  were  not  much  surprised,  though  very  sorry,  to  find  our 
friend  so  grievously  alarmed  while  we  only  desired  his  friend 
ship.  We  informed  him  of  our  wretched  condition,  and  be 
sought  him  to  be  our  friend,  with  tears  of  joy  and  tenderness 
trickling  down  our  emaciated  cheeks.  Finding  we  were  not 
his  enemies,  but  the  subjects  of  his  pity  and  tender  compas 
sion,  bursting  into  tears  of  sympathy  at  the  short  relation  we 
gave  him  of  our  sufferings,  he  invited  us  to  go  with  him  and 
he  would  lead  us  to  Pittsford  Fort,  which  was  only  about  one 
mile  distant,  where  we  should  be  made  welcome  to  every  thing 
necessary  for  our  comfort. 

We  soon  arrived  at  the  fort.  It  was  now  about  one  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  We  were  received  with  the  greatest  marks 
of  sympathy  and  commiseration  and  treated  with  every 
respect  due  to  our  wretchedness  and  want.  And  though 
justice  demands  that  I  should  acknowledge  the  generous  dis 
play  of  philanthropic  zeal,  as  well  as  selfish  curiosity,  com 
mon  on  such  occasions,  yet  I  could  not  forbear  to  notice 
with  pain  that  cold  indifference  for  the  miseries  of  others, 
commonly  observable  in  those  who  have  long  been  familiar 
with  scenes  of  wretchedness  and  woe,  which  was  manifested 
by  some,  and  especially  by  the  commander  of  the  fort,  on  our 
arrival  at  that  place. 

Not  long  after  we  arrived  at  the  fort  the  owners  of  the  horses 
came  up,  carrying  their  saddles  upon  their  backs.  They 
had  been  out  for  the  purpose  of  surveying  land,  and  had  turned 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ZADOCK    STEELE.  265 

out  their  horses  to  feed.  After  hearing  a  short  account  of  our 
sufferings  and  being  made  acquainted  with  our  deplorable  condi 
tion,  they  readily  replied,  with  seeming  compassion,  that  they 
were  only  sorry  we  had  not  been  so  fortunate  as  to  find  their 
saddles  likewise.  • 

After  wandering  in  the  wilderness  twenty-two  days,  we  ar 
rived  at  the  fort  on  the  2d  day  of  October,  1782,  having 
forded  rivers  of  water  up  to  our  shoulders ;  traversing 
through  dismal  swamps,  the  habitations  of  beasts  of  prey ; 
and  climbing  mountains  of  rocks,  where  no  human  eye  could 
pity  or  friends  console  us ;  making  the  earth  our  bed  of  re 
pose  for  the  night,  and  extreme  anxiety  our  constant  compan 
ion  through  the  day ;  nearly  starved,  and  almost  naked ;  little 
expecting  ever  again  to  see  the  faces  of  our  friends  or  to  be 
hold  those  habitations  which  witnessed  our  juvenile  years, 
where  we  enjoyed  the  kind  embraces  of  tender  and  affec 
tionate  mothers  and  the  paternal  care  of  indulgent  fathers  ; 
expecting  every  day  to  see  the  approach  of  that  hour  when 
our  spirits  should  be  called  to  leave  our  bodies  in  a  howling 
wilderness  to  become  food  for  wild  beasts,  and  our  friends  to 
lament  our  absence,  ignorant  of  our  end.  After  enduring  all 
this,  yea,  more  than  pen  can  describe  or  language  'express, 
who  can  tell  our  joy  and  gratitude  when  we  came  to  behold  a 
"  city  of  habitation  "  and  the  abodes  of  plenty  ?'  What  heart 
would  not  palpitate  for  exceeding  great  joy  at  such  an  event  ? 
Who  could  forbear  to  speak  forth  praise  to  the  great  Pre 
server  of  men  on  such  an  occasion  ?  Would  not  every  heart, 
susceptible  of  the  least  impression,  acknowledge  the  hand  of 
the  Almighty  in  so  great  a  deliverance  ? 

Instead  of  making  our  bed  upon  the  cold  ground,  with  our 
clothes  wet  and  our  bodies  benumbed,  we  could  now  enjoy 
sweet  repose  by  the  fireside,  sheltered  from  storms  and  sur 
rounded  with  friends.  Instead  of  feeding  upon  frogs  and 
the  spontaneous  growth  of  uncultivated  nature,  subsisting  on 
roots,  twigs,  and  bark,  we  could  now  taste  the  fruits  of  labor 
23 


266  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

and  industry,  and  feast  upon  the  bounties  of  Heaven.  ID 
stead  of  wandering  through  a  lonely  wilderness,  with  otfr 
cheeks  wet  with  tears  of  sorrow,  almost  overwhelmed  with 
despair,  we  could  now  travel  through  a  country  of  civiliza 
tion  free  from  enemies,  and  receive  support  from  the  hand  of 
charity. 

After  sharing  in  the  benevolence  of  many  individuals,  and 
receiving  every  token  of  friendship  from  the  garrison  at  the 
fort,  as  they  were  expecting  soon  to  be  attacked  by  the  Brit 
ish,  we  were  advised  to  travel  on  still  farther  that  night,  that 
we  might  be  the  more  safe  from  the  grasp  of  the  enemy. 

We  therefore  proceeded  on  towards  Rutland  several  miles, 
when  we  obtained  lodgings  in  the  house  of  a  "  poor  widow," 
who  furnished  us  with  the  best  food 'her  house  afforded,  of 
which  we  ate  heartily.  Having  long  been  without  bread  of 
any  kind,  and  being  now  furnished  with  a  full  supply  of  good 
wheat  bread,  it  seemed  as  if  we  should  die  with  the  effect  of 
eating  it.  It  lay  like  lead*  in  our  Stomachs,  and  caused  us  the 
most  agonizing  distress  for  some  hours,  while  we  rolled  u|>on  the 
floor  with  bitter  groanings,  although  we  had  denied  ourselves 
the  satisfaction  of  eating  the  half  of  what  our  appetites  craved. 
But  our  extreme  hunger  prevented  the  exercise  of  prudence 
and  economy  in  the  choice  of  that  kind  of  food  which  was 
best  adapted  to  our  wretched  condition.  Nor  did  we  wait 
long  to  consult  about  the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  eating 
any  thing  we  found  within  our  reach.  Our  avidity  for  food, 
however,  soon  abated,  when  we  found  no  injury  to  result  from 
eating  all  we  desired. 

We  made  our  escape  on  the  night  of  the  10th  of  Septem 
ber,  arrived  at  Lake  Champlain  in  about  ten  days,  and  came 
to  the  fort  on  the  night  of  the  2d  of  October  following; 
having  been  in  the  wilderness  twenty-two  days,  without  speak 
ing  to  any  other  person  except  our  own  company.*  It  is  true 


*  When  the  sun  was  invisible,  harlt  jg  lost  our  compass,  we  direc  ted 
our  course  by  the  moss  upon  tree?   which  is  found  only  upon  th« 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ZADOCK    STEELE.  267 

we  had  seen  some  of  our  species  at  a  distance  from  us,  though 
with  terror  and  dismay,  fearing  their  approach  as  we  should 
have  done  that  of  a  voracious  animal  ready  to  devour  us. 

In  a  few  days  we  arrived  at  Bennington,  in  Bennington 
county, Vermont,  where  we  were  employed  till  we  had  acquired, 
by  our  own  labor  and  the  benevolence  of  others,  some  money 
sufficient  to  enable  us  to  prosecute  our  journey  to  Connecticut. 

Having  travelled  many  days  through  the  woods  almost  des 
titute  of  any  covering  for  our  feet,  they  had  become  very  sore, 
which  prevented  our  going  far  in  a  day. 

Assisted  by  the  hand  of  charity  and  by  means  of  occasional 
labor  on  the  way,  we  were  enabled  to  reach  our  friends.  Be 
ing  destined  to  different  places,  our  companions,  Clark  and 
Sprague,  separated  from  us  at  Bennington.  By  a  mutual 
participation  of  sufferings,  we  had  acquired  that  affection  for 
each  other  which  will  remain,  I  trust,  till  death.  Having  suf 
fered  many  hardships  and  endured  many  trials  together, 
having  been  rescued  from  many,dangers  and  delivered  out  of 
many  troubles,  sharing  equally  in  hunger,  pains,  and  distress, 
as  well  as  in  the  joys  resulting  from  our  deliverance,  we  now 
reluctantly  parted,  affectionately  taking  our  leave,  perhaps 
never  again  to  see  each  other  till  .we  shall  meet  in  that  world 
where  "  the  weary  be  at  rest.  There  the  prisoners  rest 
together;  they  hear  not  the  voice  of  the  oppressor.  The 
small  and  great  are  there ;  and  the  servant  is  free  from  his 
master." 

And  may  it  not  be  the  unspeakable  infelicity  of  either  of 
us  to  fail  of  "  entering  into  that  rest  because  of  unbelief."  ^  . 

Belknap  and  I  continued  our  course  together  to  Ellington, 
in  Connecticut,  where  our  friends  resided.  We  arrived  there 
on  the  17th  of  October,  1782,  being  just  two  years  from 
the  day  I  was  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Randolph.  What  pen 


north,  side.  In  passing  over  land  timbered  with  cedar,  -which  has  no 
moss  upon  it,  we  were  compelled  to  lie  still  and  wait  the  appearance 
of  the  sun,  which  protracted  our  journey  many  days. 


268  INDIAN   NARRATIVES.. 

can  describe  the  mutual  joy  which  was  felt  by  parents  and 
children  on  our  arrival  ?  Truly  our  fathers,  "  seeing  us  while 
yet/a  great  way  off,  ran  and  fell  upon  our  necks  and  kissed 
us."  Behold  now  the  affection  of  a  father.  See  him  shed 
the  tear  of  compassion.  Hear  him  say,  "  This  my  son  was 
dead,  and  is  alive  again ;  he  was  lost,  and  is  found."  See 
him  "  begin  to  be  merry ; "  nor  think  it  strange  that  the  fat 
ted  calf  should  be  killed. 

Behold  a  kind  father  in  tears  of  joy,  and  a  tender  step 
mother  *  kindly  embracing  the  subject  of  her  husband's  for 
mer  grief,  but  present  delight.  See  '"  the  best  robe  "  cast 
around  him,  with  "  the  ring  upon  his  hand  and  the  shoes  upon 
his  feet."  See  brothers  and  sisters  surrounding  the  returned 
brother.  Hear  their  acclamations  of  joy  and  gladness,  em 
bracing  their  once  lost  but  now  living  brother.  What  heart 
would  not  melt  at  the  sight  'of  such  a  joyful  scene?  And 
what  can  I  say  to  express  my  own  feelings  on  this  delightful 
interview  ?  Having  endured  the  hardships  of  an  Indian  cap 
tivity  and  the  pains  of  the  prison,  the  gnawings  of  hunger, 
the  tortures  of  the  rack,  and  the  still  more  dreadful  distress 
of  twenty-two  days'  wrandering  in  the  wilderness  ;  filled  with 
despair,  anxiety,  and  fear  ;  almost  starved,  and  nearly  naked ; 
full  of  wounds,  and  constantly  chilled  with  the  cold  ;  imagine, 
kind  reader,  the  feelings  of  my  heart  when  I  came  to  behold 
the  face  of  affectionate  parents  and  receive  the  tender  em 
braces  of  beloved  brothers  and  a  loving  sister.  Think  of  the 
festivities  of  that  evening,  when  I  could  again  enjoy  a  seat  in  a 
social  circle  of  friends  and  acquaintance  around  the  fireside  in 
my  father's  house. 

Vain  is  the  attempt  to  describe  my  own  feelings  on  that 
joyful  occasion.  Fruitless  indeed  must  be  all  my  endeavors 
to  express  the  mutual  congratulations  manifested  by  all  on 
my  return. 

*  My  own  mother  died  while  I  was  quite  young,  and  my  father 
had  married  again  to  a  woman  possessing  the  kindest  affections  and 
the  most  endearing  love. 


„      CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  269 

My  long  absence  from  my  friends,  together  with  a  sense  of 
the  numerous  and  awful  dangers  through  which  I  had  been 
preserved,  increased  our  gratitude,  and  causejd  wonder  and 
astonishment  to  dwell  in  every  breast.  We  could  now  heartily 
unite  in  ascribing  praise  and  adoration  to  Him  who  granted 
me  protection  while  exposed  to  the  shafts  of  hatred  and  re- 
•venge.  I  was  treated  with  all  that  friendship  which  pity 
could  excite  or  sympathy  dictate,  and  saluted  by  every  per 
son  I  met,  whether  old  or  young,  with  a  hearty  welcome. 
Every  one  seemed  to  be  in  a  good  degree  conscious  of  the 
extreme  sufferings  I  had  undergone.  In  short,  my  return 
afforded  me  an  opportunity  to  witness  a  display  of  all  the  ten 
der  passions  of  the  soul. 

Knowing  the  deplorable  wretchedness  of  those  who  had 
the  misfortune  to  become  prisoners  to  the  British,  and  conse 
quently  expecting  every  day  to  hear  of  m^  death,  my  friends 
were  little  less  astonished  at  my  return  than  they  would  have 
been  had  they  witnessed  the  resurrection  of  one  from  the 
dead. 

The  extreme  hunger  and  distress  I  had  felt  were  clearly 
manifested  to  those  who  beheld  my  emaciated  countenance 
and  mangled  feet;  and  no  one  was  disposed  to  doubt  the 
truth  of  my  words  who  heard  me  relate  the  affecting  tale 
of  my  sore  afflictions.  For,  "  by  reason  of  the  voice  of  my 
groanings,  my  bones,"  it  might  verily  be  said,  did  "  cleave  to 
my  skin."  I  however  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  mylfceep 
anxiety  to  be  delivered  from  bondage  and  escape  from  the 
enemy,  my  ardent  wishes  to  see  my  friends,  and  my  hungry, 
craving  appetite,  wholly  satisfied  in  the  full  fruition  of  all  my 
toils.  The  munificence  of  the  wealthy  was  offered  for  my  re 
lief,  and  the  poor  approached  me  with  looks  of  tenderness  and 
pity.  All  things  around  me  wore  a  propitious  smile.  From 
morning  till  night,  instead  of  being  guarded  by  a  company  of 
refugees  and  tories,  or  wandering  in  a  lonesome  wilderness, 
hungry  and  destitute,  I  could  now  behold  the  face  of  friends^ 
23* 


270  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

and  at  the  approach  of  night  repose  my  head  upon  a  downy 
pillow,  under  the  hospitable  covert  of  my  father's  roof.  In 
stead  of  being  made  a  companion  of  the  wretched,  I  could 
now  enjoy  the  sweet  conversation  of  a  beloved  sister  and 
affectionate  brothers. 

Having  for  more  than  two  years  been  deprived  of  hearing 
the  gospel  sound,  surely  "  I  was  glad  when  they  said  unto  me^ 
Let  us  go  into  the  house  of  the  Lord."  For  unto  God  I  could 
say,  "  Thou  art  my  hiding-place ;  thou  shalt  preserve  me  from 
trouble  ;  thou  shalt  compass  me  about  with  songs  of  deliver 
ance.  I  will  be  glad  and  rejoice  in  thy  name  ;  for  thou  hast 
considered  my  trouble  ;  thou  hast  known  my  soul  in  adversity." 
This  I  hoped  would  be  the  language  of  every  one  who  made 
their  escape  with  me.  Forfcnyself,  I  trust  it  was  the  sincere 
language  of  my  heart. 

Notwithstanding  the  prisoners  whom  we  left  on  the  island 
were  set  at  liberty  shortly  after  our  escape,  and  although  our 
sufferings  in.  the  wilderness  were  exceedingly  great,  yet  I 
never  found  cause  to  lament  that  I  improved  the  opportunity 
to  free  myself  from  the  hands  of  t^se  cruel  tormentors  and 
oppressors  of  the  afflicted.  For  "the  spirit  of  a  man  will 
sustain  his  infirmity."  And  under  this  consideration  we  chose 
rather  to  hazard  the  consequences  of  an  escape,  though  it 
might  prove  our  death,  than  to  become  the  menial  servants, 
and  thus  gratify  the  infernal  desires,  of  a  petty  tyrant. 

"  Now  I  feel,  by  proof, 
That  fellowship  in  pain  divides  not  smart, 
Nor  lightens  aught  each  man's  peculiar  load." 

I  have  never  had  the  satisfaction  to  hear  from  either  of  my 
friends  and  fellow-sufferers,  Clark  and  Sprague,  since  I  parted 
with  them  at  Bennington. 

Mr.  Belknap  now  lives  in  Randolph,  Vermont,  and,  from 
the  sad  experience  of  the  like  sufferings  himself  and  his  par 
ticipation  in  my  own,  can  witness  to  the  truth  of  ray  statement 


CAPTIVITY    OP    ZADOCK    STEELE.  271 

Let  not  the  preservation  of  my  life  through  such  a  train 
of  dangers  be  attributed  to  mere  chance  ;  but  let  the  praise 
be  given  to  "  God  our  Rock,  and  the  high  God  our  Redeemer." 

In  September,  previous  to  my  escape,  a  treaty  of  peace 
was  concluded  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
at  Paris,  the  glad  news  of  which  reached  America  not  long 
after  my  return,  which  occasioned  the  release  of  the  remain 
der  of  the  prisoners  who  were  confined  upon  Prison  Island. 

As  the  war  had  now  terminated,  my  return  to  Randolph 
would  not  be  attended  with  the  dange*  of  being  again  made 
captive  by  the  Indians ;  which  induced  me,  the  spring  follow 
ing,  to  go  to  that  place  and  resume  my  settlement. 

On  my  arrival  there  I  found  my  house  was  demolished, 
which  recalled  to  mind  the  confusion  and  horror  of  that  dread 
ful  morning  when  the  savage  tribe  approached,  with  awful 
aspect,  my  lonely  dwelling.  I  went  to  work  and  erected  a 
house  upon  the  same  spot,  into  which  my  father  shortly  after 
moved  his  family.  The  grass  seed  which  the  Indians  had 
scattered  for  some  distance  from  the  house,  as  before*  observed, 
had  taken  root,  stocked  the  ground,  and  remained  entire  for 
many  years  a  fresh  memento  of  that  woful  event,  which 
proved  but  a  faint  prelude  of  all  my  direful  sufferings. 

Here  my  father  lived  by  cultivating  that  soil  which  had 
borne  the  brutal  band  to  my  unwelcome  door  till  April,  1812, 
when  he  died  at  the  good  old  age  of  seventy-six.  Here  he 
has  spent  many  a  winter's  evening  in  rehearsing  the  mournful 
tale  of  my  "  captivity  and  sufferings  "  to  his  friends  and  ac 
quaintance. 

Generous  and  hospitable  by  nature,  and  having  been  taught 
by  my  sufferings  to  feel  for  the  needy,  he  was  ever  ready  to 
extend  the  hand  of  charity  to  relieve  their  distresses,.  His 
house,  always  the  abode  of  plenty,  was  an  asylum  for  the 
naked  and  forlorn,  an  acceptable  home  to  the  poor  and  the 
wretched. 

Always  exhibiting  a  sense  of  what  sufferings  I  had  under 


272  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

gone  for  want  of  food,  he  seemed  in  nothing  to  be  more 
delighted  than  "  to  feed  the  hungry  and  clothe  the  naked." 
My  loving  and  aged  step-mother,  with  one  of  her  sons,  (a  half- 
brother  of  mine,)  now  lives  on  the  same  farm. 

In  the  winter  of  1785  I  was  married  to  Hannah  Shurtliff, 
of  Tolland,  Connecticut,  and  settled  at  Randolph  not  far 
from  my  father's  house,  where  I  resided  eight  years,  when 
I  purchased  a  farm  and  removed  to  Brookfield,  a  town  ad 
joining. 

Here  I  have  reside^  until  the  present  time,  (1816,)  and  ob 
tained  my  own  subsistence  and  that  of  my  numerous  family 
by  means  of  «ultivating  the  soil.  By  a  steady  course  of  in 
dustry  and  economy  I  have  been  enabled,  under  the  divine 
blessing,  to  acquire  a  comfortable  support,  and  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  my  labors  in  quietude  and  peace.  As  my  occupation 
was  that  of  a  farmer,  my  opportunities  for  information,  like 
those  of  many  others  of  my  class,  have  been  limited. 

My  family,  not  unlike  Job's,  consists  of  seven  sons  and 
three  daughters ;  nor  have  I  reason  to  think  my  afflictions 
much  inferior  to  his.  Although  deafh  has  never  been  per 
mitted  to  enter  my  dwelling  and  take  any  of  my  family,  yet 
my  substance  has  once  been  destroyed  by  worse  than  Chal 
dean  hands,  and  that,  too,  at  the  very  outset  of  my  adventures 
:n  life.  Not  only  were  my  house  and  effects  destroyed,  but 
myself,  at  a  most  unpropitious  hour,  when  far  removed  from 
all  my  friends,  compelled  to  leave  my  employment,  relinquish 
all  those  objects  of  enterprise  peculiar  to  the  juvenile  age, 
and  forced  to  enter  the  ranks  of  a  savage  band  and  travel 
into  an  enemy's  country.  Thus  were  all  my  expectations  cut 
off.  My  hopes  were  blasted  and  my  youthful  prospects 
darkened.  "  I  was  not  in  safety,  neither  had  I  rest,  neither 
was  I  quiet ;  yet  trouble  came.  O  that  my  grief  were  thor 
oughly  weighed,  and  my  calamity  laid  in  the  balances  to 
gether!" 

Notwithstanding  that  inhumanity  and  cruelly  which  char 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  273 

acterized  the  conduct  of  the  savages,  yet  I  think  that  the 
barbarous  treatment  which  we  received  from  the  impious 
commanders  of  the  British  fort,  in  whose  charge  we  were 
kept,  might  put  to  the  blush  the  rudest  savage  who  traverses 
the  western  wild.  Their  conduct  illy  comported  with  what 
might  be  expected  from  men  who  are  favored  with  the  light 
of  revelation. 

The  savage,  when  he  does  a  deed  of  charity  towards  his 
prisoner,  is  no  doubt  less  liable  to  be  actuated  by  a  selfish 
principle,- and  influenced  by  the  hope  of  reward  or  by  a  fear 
of  losing  his  reputation,  than  he  is  who  has  been  made  ac 
quainted  with  the  gracious  reward  offered  to  those  who  "  do 
unto  others  as  they  would  that  others  should  do  unto  them," 
and  knows  the  bitter  consequences  of  the  contrary  prac 
tice. 

And  I  think  the  destruction  of  Royalton  and  all  its  evil 
consequences  may  with  less  propriety  be  attributed  to  the 
brutal  malevolence  of  the  savage  tribe  than  to  the  ignoble 
treachery  and  despicable  fanaticism  of  certain  individuals  of 
our  own  nation. 

Scarce  can  that  man  be  found  in  this  enlightened  country 
who  would  treat  his  enemy  with  as  much  tenderness  and  com 
passion  as  I  was  treated  by  the  savage  tribe ;  though  I  ha  - 
abundant  cause  to  say  that  the  "  tender  mercies  of  the  wicked 
are  cruel." 

Who  would  not  shudder  at  the  idea  of  being  compelled  to 
take  up  their  abode  with  a  herd  of  tawny  savages  ?  Yet,, 
alas !  when  I  contrasted  The  sufferings  I  endured  while  with 
the  Indians  with  those  afflictions  that  were  laid  upon  me  by 
men  who  had  been  from  their  youth  favored  with  the  advantages 
of  civilization,  clothed  with  authority,  and  distinguished  with  a 
badge  of  honor,  I  could  truly  say  the  former  chastised  me 
with  whips,  but  the  latter  with  scorpions. 

An  Indian  captivity  will  hardly  admit  of  a  comparison  with 


274  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

my  wretched  condition  while  in  the  hands  of  the  British  and 
under  the  domineering  power  of  a  company  of  refugees  and 
tories. 

While  with  the  Indians  my  food  was  unsavory  and  un 
wholesome  ;  my  clothing,  like  their  own,  was  scant  and  cov 
ered  with  filthy  vermin ;  and  my  life  was  always  exposed  to 
the  danger  of  their  implacable  hatred  and  revenge.  This 
was  a  most  perilous  condition  indeed  for  any  one  to  be 
placed  in.  But  my  confinement  with  the  British  multiplied 
my  complaints,  added  to  my  afflictions,  rendered  me  more 
exposed  to  the  danger  of  losing  my  life,  increased  my  sorrows, 
and  apparently  brought  me  near  the  grave.  My  food  was 
less  filthy ;  but  I  was  not  allowed  the  half  of  what  my  ap 
petite  craved  and  my  nature  required  to  render  me  com 
fortable. 

By  these  and  my  subsequent  afflictions  I  have  been  taught 
a  lesson  that  has  made  an  impression  upon  my  mind  which  I 
trust  will  remain  as  long  as  life  shall  last. 

I  have  been  taught,  by  ocular  demonstration  and  sad  expe 
rience,  the  depravity  of  man,  and  the  fallacy  of  looking  for 
durable  happiness  in  terrestrial  things. 

My  own  sufferings  have  implanted  within  my  breast  that 
sympathy  for  the  distressed  which  is  better  felt  than  described. 
Nakedness  and  poverty  have  once  be^en  my  companions  ;  and 
I  shall  not  readily  forget  to  lend  a  listening  ear  to  the  cries  of 
the  needy. 

And  I  would  exhort  myself  and  all  my  fellow-men,  by 
the  extreme  sufferings  I  have  endured,  to  be  ready  at  all 
times  to  "  feed  the  hungry  and  clothe  the  naked,"  nor  ever 
fail  to  extend  the  hand  of  charity  for  the  assistance  of  the 
unfortunate.  * 


CAPTIVITY    OP   ZADOCK    STEELE.  275 


Names  of  a  Part  of  the  Persons  killed  and  taken  at  the  Burn 
ing  of  Royalton. 

Zadock  Steele,  taken  at  Randolph. 

Experience  Davis. 

Elias  Curtis. 

J.  Parks. 

Moses  Parsons. 

Simeon  Belknap,  now  living  in  Randolph. 

Samuel  Pember. 

Thomas  Pember,  killed  at  Royalton. 

Gardner  Rix,  now  living  at  Royalton. 

Daniel  Downer. 

Joseph  Kneeland,  killed  at  the  encampment  at  Randolph, 

Jonathan  Brown,  now  residing  in  Williamstown. 

Adan  Durkee,  died  at  Montreal. 

Joseph  Havens. 

Peter  Hutchinson. 

John  Hutchinson,  now  living  in  Bethel. 

John  Kent. 

Peter  Mason. 

Giles  Gibbs,  killed  at  Randolph.  ' 

Elias  Button,  killed  at  Royalton. 

Nathaniel  Gilbert. 


fhe  following  Persons  were  released  by  the  Intercession  of 
Mrs.  Hendee. 

Daniel  Downer,  Jr. 
Andrew  Durkee. 
Michael  Hendee. 


£76  *  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Roswell  Parkhurst. 
Shelden  Durkee. 
Joseph  Bix. 
Bufus  Fish. 

Fish. 

Nathaniel  Evi 


EVENTS  ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  FRON 
TIER  FROM  1794  TO  1811. 

THIS  was  a  period  of  comparative  tranquillity;  but  the 
British  still  continued  their  intrigues,  with  the  Indians,  on  the 
northern  and  western  frontiers. 

On  the  17th  of  September,  1802,  Governor  Harrison,  at  In 
diana  Territory,  entered  into  an  agreement  with  various  chiefs 
of  the  Pottawatomie,  Eel  River,  Piankeshaw,  Wea,  Kaskaskia, 
and  Kickapoo  tribes,  by  which  were  settled  the  bounds  of  a 
tract  of  land  near  that  place,  said  to  have  been  given  by  the 
Indians  to  its  founder;  and  certain  chiefs  were  named  who  were 
to  conclude  the  matter  at  Fqrt  Wayne.  This  was  the  first  step 
taken  by  Harrison  in  those  negotiations  which  continued  through 
so  'many  years,  and  added  so  much  to  the  dominions  of  the 
Confederation.  He  found  the  natives  jealous  and  out  of  temper, 
owing  partly  to  American  injustice,  but  also  in  a  great  degree, 
it  was  thought,  to  the  acts  of  the  British  traders  and  agents. 

Governor  Harrison,  on  the  18th  of  August,  1804,  purchased 
from  the  Delawares  their  claim  to  a  large  tract  between  the 
Wabash  and  Ohio ;  from  the  Piankeshaws  their  claims  to  the" 
same,  and  also  to  the  lands  granted  by  the  Kaskaskias  in  1803, 
from  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  their  title  to  most  of  the  immense  dis 
trict  between  the  Mississippi,  Illinois,  Fox  river  emptying  into 
the  Illinois,  and  Wisconsin  rivers ;  comprehending,  it  is  said, 
more  than  fifty-one  millions  of  acres.  This  latter  treaty  was 
made  at  St.  Louis. 

24  277 


278  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

On  the  21st  of  August,  1805,  G-overnor  Harrison,  at  Vin- 
cennes,  received  from  the  Miamies  a  region  containing  two 
million  acres  within  what  is  now  Indiana;  and  on  the  30th  of 
December,  at  the  same  place,  purchased  of  the  Piankeshaws  a 
tract  of  eighty  or  ninety  miles  wide,  extending  from  the  Wabash 
west  to  the  cession  by  the  Kaskaskias  in  1803.  At  this  timd; 
although  some  murders  by  the  Indians  had  taken  place  in  the 
far  west,  the  body  of  the  natives  seemed  bent  on  peace.  But 
mischief  was  gathering.  Tecumthe,  his  brother  the  Prophet, 
and  other  leading  men,  had  formed  at  Greenville,  the  germ  of 
that  union  of  tribes  by  which  the  whites  were  to  be  restrained 
in  their  invasions.  We  are  by  no  means  satisfied  that  Tecumthe 
used  any  concealment,  or  meditated  any  treachery  towards  the 
United  States,  for  many  years  after  this  time.  The  efforts  of 
himself  and  his  brother  were  directed  to  two  points :  first,  the 
reformation  of  the  savages,  whose  habits  unfitted  them  for  con 
tinuous  and  heroic  effort  \  and  second,  such  a  union  as  would 
make  the  purchase  of  land  by  the  ynited  States  impossible,  and 
give  to  the  aborigines  a  strength  that  might  be  dreaded.  Both 
these  objects  were  avowed,  and  both  were  pursued  with  won 
derful  energy,  perseverance,  and  success ;  in  the  whole  country 
bordering  upon  the  lakes,  the  power  of  the  Prophet  was  felt,  and 
the  work  of  reformation  went  on  rapidly. 

During  1808,  Tecumthe  and  the  Prophet  still  continued 
quietly  to  extend  their  influence,  professing  no  other  end  than 
a  reformation  of  the  Indians.  Before  the  end  of  June,  they 
had  removed  from  Greenville  to  the  banks  of  the  Tippecanoe,  a 
tributary  to  the  Upper  Wabash,  where  a  tract  of  land  had  been 
granted  them  by  the  Pottawatomies  and  Kickapoos.  In  July, 
the  Prophet  sent  to  General  Harrison  a  messenger  begging  him 
not  to  believe  the  tales  told  by  his  enemies,  and  promising  a 
visit ;  in  August,  accordingly,  he  spent  two  weeks  at  Vincennes, 
*nd  by  his  words  and  promises  led  the  governor  to  think  him 


INDIANS   PREPARING    FOR   WAR.     '  279 

other  than  a  fool  and  impostor,  and  to  believe  that  his  influence 
might  be  beneficial  rather  than  mischievous. 

Through  the  year  1809,  we  again  find  Tecumthe  and  his 
brother  strengthening  themselves  both  openly  and  secretly. 
Harrison,  however,  had  been  once  more  led  to  suspect  their 
ultimate  designs,  and  was  preparing  to  meet  any  emergency  that 
might  arise.  The  probability  of  its  being  at  hand  was  very 
greatly  increased  by  the  news  received  from  the  Upper  Missis 
sippi  of  hostile  movements  there  among  the  savages.  In  refe 
rence  to  these  movements  and  the  position  of  the  Shawaneso 
brothers,  Harrison  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war  on  the  5th  of 
July,  as  follows : 

The  Shawanese  Prophet  and  about  forty  followers  arrived 
here  about  a  week  ago.  He  denies  most  strenuously  any  par 
ticipation  in  the  late  combination  to  attack  our  settlements, 
which  he  says  was  entirely  confined  to  the  tribes  of  the  Missis 
sippi  and  Illinois  rivers ;  and  he  claims  the  merit  of  having 
prevailed  upon  them  to  relinquish  their  intentions. 

I  must  confess  that  my  suspicions  of  his  guilt  have  been 
rather  strengthened  than  diminished  at  every  interview  I  have 
had  with  him  since  his  arrival.  He  acknowledges  that  he  re 
ceived  an  invitation  to  war  against  us,  from  the  British,  last 
fall,  and  that  he  was  apprised  of  the  intention  of  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  &c.  early  in  the  spring,  and  warmly  solicited  to  join  in 
their  league.  But  he  could  give  no  satisfactory  explanation  of 
his  neglecting  to  communicate  to  me  circumstances  so  extremely 
interesting  to  us,  and  towards  which,  I  had  a  few  months  before, 
directed  his  attention,  and  received  a  solemn  assurance  of  his 
cheerful  compliance  with  the  injunctions  I  had  impressed  upon 
him. 

The  result  of  all  my  inquiries  on  the  subject,  is,  that  the  late 
combination  was  produced  by  British  intrigue  and  influence,  in 
anticipation  of  war  between  them  and  the  United  States.  It  was; 


280  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

however,  premature  and  ill  judged,  and  the  event  sufficiently 
manifests  a  great  decline  in  their  influence,  or  in  the  talents  and 
address,  with  which  they  have  been  accustomed  to  manage  their 
Indian  relations. 

The  warlike  and  well  armed  tribes  of  the  Pottawatomies,  Ot- 
tawas,  Chippewas,  Delawares,  and  Miamies,  I  believe  neither 
had,  nor  would  have  joined  in  the  combination  :  and,  although 
the  Kickapoos,  whose  warriors  are  better  than  those  of  any 
other  tribe,  the  remnant  of  the  Wyandottes  excepted,  are  much 
under  the  influence  of  the  Prophet.  I  am  persuaded  that  they 
were  never  made  acquainted  with  his  intentions,  if  these  were 
really  hostile  to  the  United  States. 

During  the  year  1810,  the  hostile  intentions  of  Tecumthe 
and  his  followers  towards  the  United  States,  were  placed  beyond 
a  doubt.  The  exciting  causes  were — the  purchase  at  Fort 
Wayne,  in  1809,  which  the  Shawanese  denounced  as  illegal  and 
unjust;  and  British  influence.  And  here,  as  in  1790  to  1795, 
it  is  impossible  to  learn  what  really  was  the  amount  of  British 
influence,  and  whence  it  proceeded ;  whether  from  the  agents 
merely,  or  from  higher  authority.* 

But  however  we  may  think  the  evil  influence  originated,  cer 
tain  it  is  that  the  determination  was  taken  by  "  the  successor 
of  Pontiac,"  to  unite  all  the  western  tribes  in  hostility  to  the 
United  States,  in  case  that  power  would  not  give  up  the  lands 
bought  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  undertake  to  recognize  the  principle, 
that  no  purchases  should  thereafter  be  made  unless  from  a 
Council  representing  all  the  tribes  united  as  one  nation.  By 
various  acts  the  feelings  of  Tecumthe  became  more  and  more 
evident,  but  in  August,  he  having  visited  Vincennes  to  see  the 
governor,  a  Council  was  held,  at  which,  and  at  a  subsequent 
interview,  the  real  position  of  affairs  was  clearly  ascertained— 

*  Perkins. 


COUNCIL    WITH    THE   INDIANS.  181 

of  that  Council  we  give  the  account  contained  in  Mr.  Drake's 
life  of  the  Great  Chieftain. 

Governor  Harrison  had  made  arrangements  for  holding  the 
Council  on  the  portico  of  his  own  house,  which  had  been  fitted 
up  with  seats  for  the  occasion.  Here,  on  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  chief,  being  attended  by  the 
judges  of  the  supreme  court,  some  officers  of  the  army,  a  ser 
geant  and  twelve  men,  from  Fort  Knox,  and  a  large  number 
of  citizens.  At  the  appointed  hour,  Tecumthe  supported  by 
forty  of  his  principal  warriors,  made  his  appearance ;  the  re 
mainder  of  his  follo^rs  being  encamped  in  the  village  and  its 
environs.  When  the  chief  had  approached  within  thirty  or 
forty  yards  of  the  house,  he  suddenly  stopped,  as  if  awaiting 
some  advances  from  the  governor.  An  interpreter  was  sent 
requesting  him  and  his  followers  to  take  seats  on  the  portico. 
To  this  Tecumthe  objected— -he  did  not  think  the  place  a  suit 
able  one  for  holding  the  conference,  but  preferred  that  it  should 
take  place  in  a  grove  of  trees — to  which  he  pointed — standing 
a  short  distance  from  the  house.  The  governor  said  he  had  no 
objection  to  the  grove,  except  that  there  were  no  seats  in  it  for 
their  accommodation.  Tecumthe  replied,  that  constituted  no 
objection  to  the  grove,  the  earth  being  the  most  suitable  place 
for  the  Indians,  who  loved  to  repose  upon  the  bosom  of  their 
mother.  The  governor  yielded  Uhe  point,  and  the  benches  and 
chairs  having  been  removed  to  the  spot,  the  conference  was 
begun,  the  Indians  being  seated  on  the  grass. 

Tecumthe  opened  the  meeting  by  stating,  at  length,  his  objec 
tions  to  the  Treaty  of  F.ort  Wayne,  made  by  General  Harrison 
in  the  previous  year ;  and  in  the  course  of  his  speech,  boldly 
avowed  the  principle  of  his  party  to  be,  that  of  resistance  to 
every  cession  of  land,  unless  made  by  all  the  tribes,  who,  he 
contended,  formed  but  one  nation.  He  admitted  that  he  had 
threatened  to  kill  the  chiefs  who  signed  the  Treaty  of  Fort 


282 


INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 


Wayne;  and  that  it  was  his  fixed  determination  not  to  permit 
the  village  chiefs,  in  future,  to  manage  their  affairs,  but  to  place 
the  power  with  which  they  had  been  heretofore  invested,  in  the 
hands  of  the  war  chiefs.  The  Americans,  he  said,  had  driven 
the  Indians  from  the  sea  coast,  and  would  soon  push  them  into 
the  lakes;  and,  while  he  disclaimed  all  intention  of  making  war 
upon  the  United  States,  he  declared  it -to  be  his  unalterable 
resolution  to  take  a  stand,  and  resolutely  oppos.e  the  further 
intrusion  of  the  whites  upon  the  Indian  lands.  He  concluded, 
by  making  a  brief  but  impassioned  recital  of  the  various  wrongs 
and  aggressions  inflicted  by  the  white  men  upon  the  Indians, 
from  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war  down  to  the 
period  of  that  council;  all  of  which  was  calculated  to  arouse 
and  inflame  the  minds  of  such  of  his  followers  as  were  present. 

To  him  the  governor  replied,  and  having  taken  his  seat,  the 
interpreter  co'mmenced  explaining  the  speech  to  Tecumthe,  who, 
after  listening  to  a  portion  of  it,  sprung  to  his  feet  and  began 
to  speak  with  great  vehemence  of  manner. 

The  governor  was  surprised  at  his  violent  gestures,  but,  as  he 
did  not  understand  him,  thought  that  he  was  making  some 
explanation,  and  suffered  his  attention  to  be  drawn  towards  ^ 
Winnemac,  a  friendly  Indian  lying  on  the  grass  before  him, 
who  was  renewing  the  priming  of  his  pistol,  which  he  had  kept 
concealed  from  the  other  Indians,  but  in  full  view  of  the  gover 
nor.  His  attention,  however,  was  again  directed  towards  Te 
cumthe,  by  hearing  General  Gibson,  who  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  Shawanese  language,  say  to  Lieutenant 
Jennings,  "  those  fellows  intend  to  do  mischief;  you  had  better 
bring  up  the  guard."  At  that  moment,  the  followers  of  Te 
cumthe  seized  their  tomahawks  and  war-clubs,  and  sprung  upon 
their  feet,  their  eyes  turned  upon  the  governor.  As  soon  as  he 
could  disengage  himself  from  the  arm-chair  in  which  he  sat,  he 
rose,  drew  a  small  sword  which  he  had  by  his  side,  and  stood 


EVENTS  ON  THE  FRONTIER.  283 

on  the  defensive.  Captain  G.  R.  Floyd,  of  the  army,  who 
stood  near  him,  drew  a  dirk,  and  the  chief  Winnemac  cocked 
his  pistol.  The  citizens  present  were  more  numerous  than  the 
Indians,  but  were  unarmed ;  some  of  them  procured  clubs  and 
brickbats,  and  also  stood  on  the  defensive.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Wi- 
oans,  of  the  Methodist  church,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  got 
a  gun,  and  posted  himself  at  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 
During  this  singular  scene,  no  one  spoke,  until  the  guar3  came 
running  up,  and  appearing  to  be  in  the  act  of  firing,  the  gover 
nor  ordered  them  not  to  do  so.  He  then  demanded  of  the 
interpreter,  an  explanation  of  what  had  happened,  who  replied 
that  Tecumthe  had  interrupted  him,  declaring  that  all  the  go 
vernor  had  said  was  false ;  and  that  he  and  the  Seventeen  Fires 
had  cheated  and  imposed  on  the  Indians. 

The  governor  then  told  Tecumthe  that  he  was  a  bad  man, 
and  that  he  would  hold  no  further  communication  with  him ; 
that  as  he  had  come  to  Vincennes  under  the  protection  of  a 
council-fire,  he  might  return  in  safety,  but  that  he  must  imme 
diately  leave  the  village.  Here  the  council  terminated. 

The  now  undoubted  purposes  of  the  brothers  being  of  a  cha 
racter  necessarily  leading  to  war,  General  Harrison  proceeded 
to  strengthen  himself  for  the  contest  by  preparing  the  militia, 
and  posting  the  regular  troops  that  were  under  him,  under 
Captains  Posey  and  Cross  at  Vincennes. 


TIPPECANOE  WAR. 

THE  difficulties  with  England  seemed  to  increase,  and  during 
the  early  part  of  the  year  1811,  nothing  was  looked  for  but  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  between  England  and  the  United 
States.  But  little  was  accomplished  as  far  as  concerned  the 
Indians,  during  the  first  part  of  this  year ;  yet  a  spirit  of  enmity 
was  still  rife  among  them,  and  the  prospect  of  a  contest  was  not 
improbable.  Harrison  sent  a  message  to  the  Shawanese  cau 
tioning  them  to  beware  of  hostilities.  A  visit  from  Tecumthe 
with  about  three  hundred  of  his  warriors  followed,  but  nothing 
was  done ;  the  chief  going  south,  for  the  purpose  of  enlisting 
the  Creeks  in  his  cause. 

Harrison,  in  the  meanwhile,  received  reinforcements,  and 
after  warning  the  Indians  to  respect  the  treaty  of  Greenville, 
he  resolved  if  necessary  to  break  up  the  Prophet's  Town  on  the 
Tippecanoe.  For  this  purpose,  he  marched  to  a  point  on  the 
Wabash,  some  sixty  miles  above  Vincennes,  where  he  built 
Fort  Harrison.  One  of  his  sentinels  being  fired  upon,  he 
entertained  no  doubt  that  the  intentions  of  the  Prophet  were 
hostile. 

Harrison  reached  the  mouth  of  Vermilion  creek  on  the  31st 
of  October,  where  he  built  a  block-house,  as  a  depot  for  his 
luggage,  and  the  protection  of  his  boats.  He  then  proceeded 
to  the  vicinity  of  the  Prophet's  Town,  where  he  was  met  by  a 
party  of  Indians,  who  were  assured  that  the  Governor's  inten 
tions  were  peaceful,  should  they  continue  true  to  their  treaties. 
One  of  the  chiefs  pointed  out  a  place  for  an  encampment,  which 
<•  (284) 


TIPPECANOE    WAR.  285 

Harrison  did  not  like,  as  it  offered  too  great  facilities  for  the 
approach  of  the  savages.  We  give  Harrison's  own  account  of 
the  order  of  encampment  and  battle 

"  For  a  night  attack  the  order  of  encampment  was  the  order 
of  battle,  and  each  man  slept  immediately  opposite  to  his  post 
in  the  line.  In  the  formation  of  my  troops  I  used  a  single  rank, 
or  what  is  called  Indian  file — because  in  Indian  warfare,  where 
there  is  no  shock  to  resist,  one  rank  is  nearly  as  good  as  two, 
and  in  that  kind  of  warfare  the  extension  of  line  is  of  the  first 
importance.  Raw  troops  also  manoeuvre  with  much  more  facility, 
in  single  than  in  double  ranks.  It  was  my  constant  custom  to 
assemble  all  the  field  officers  at  my  tent  every  evening  by  signal, 
to  give  them  the  watchword  and  their  instructions  for  the  night ; 
those  given  for  the  night  of  the  6th  were,  that  each  corps  which 
formed  a  part  of  the  exterior  line  of  the  encampment,  should 
hold  its  own  ground  until  relieved.  The  dragoons  were  directed 
to  parade  dismounted  in  case  of  a  night  attack,  with  their  pistols 
in  their  belts,  and  to  act  as  a  corps  of  reserve.  The  camp  was 
defended  by  two  captains'  guards,  consisting  each  of  four  non 
commissioned  officers  and  forty-two  privates;  and  two-subal 
terns'  guards  of  twenty  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 
The  whole  under  the  command  of  a  field  officer  of  the  day.  The 
troops  were  regularly  called  up  an  hour  before  day,  and  made 
to  continue  under  arms  until  it  was  quite  light.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  7th,  I  had  risen  at  a  quarter  after  four  o'clock,  and 
the  signal  for  calling  out  the  men  would  have  been  given  in 
two  minutes,  when  the  attack  commenced.  It  began  on  our 
left  flank — but  a  signal  gun  was  fired  by  the  sentinels  or  by  the 
guards  in  that  direction,  which  made  not  the  least  resistance, 
but  abandoned  their  officer  and  fled  into  the  camp,  and  the  first 
notice  which  the  troops  of  that  flank  had  of  the  danger,  was 
from  the  yells  of  the  savages  within  a  short  distance  of  the  line — 
but  even  under  those  circumstances  the  men  were  not  wanting 


286  INDIAN    NARRATIVE. 

to  themselves  or  to  the  occasion.  Such  of  them  as  were  awake, 
or  were  easily  awakened,  seized  their  arms  and  took  their  sta 
tions  ;  others,  who  were  more  tardy,  had  to  contend  with  the 
enemy  in  the  doors  of  their  tents.  The  s^orni  first  fell  upon 
Captain  Barton's  company  of  the  4th  United  States  regiment, 
and  Captain  Geiger's  company  of  mounted  riflemen,  which 
formed  the  left  ang.e  of  the  rear  line.  The  fire  upon  these  was 
exceedingly  severe,  and  they  suffered  considerably  before  relief 
could  be  brought  to  them.  Some  few  Indians  passed  into  the 
encampment  ncq^  the  angle,  and  one  or  two  penetrated  to  some 
distance  before  they  were  killed.  I  believe  all  the  other  com 
panies  were  under  arms  and  tolerably  formed  before  they  were 
fired  on.  The  morning  was  dark  and  cloudy  ;  our  fires  afforded 
a  partial  light,  which  if  it  gave  us  some  opportunity  of  taking 
our  positions,  was  still  more  advantageous  to  the  enemy,  afford 
ing  them  the  means  of  taking  a  surer  aim ;  they  were  therefore 
extinguished  as  soon  as  possible.  Under  all  these  discouraging 
circumstances  the  troops  (nineteen-twentieths  of  whom  had  never 
been  in  action  before)  behaved  in  a  manner  that  can  never  be 
too  much  applauded.  They  took  their  places  without  noise  and 
with  less  confusion  that  could  have  been  expected  from  veterans 
placed  in  a  similar  situation.  As  soon  as  I  could  mount  my 
horse,  I  rode  to  the  angle  that  was  attacked — I  found  that  Bar 
ton's  company  had  suffered  severely,  and  the  left  of  Geiger's 
entirely  broken.  I  immediately  ordered  Cook's  company  and 
the  late  Captain  Wentworth's,  under  Lieutenant  Peters,  to  be 
brought  up  from  the  centre  of  the  rear  line,  where  the  ground 
was  much  more  defensible,  and  formed  across  the  angle  in  sup 
port  of  Barton's  and  Geiger's.  My  attention  was  then  engaged 
by  a  heavy  firing  upon  the  left  of  the  front  line,  where  were 
stationed  the  small  company  of  United  States  riflemen  (then, 
however,  armed  with  muskets)  and  the  companies  of  Baen, 
Snelling,  and  Prescott  of  the  4th  regiment.  I  found  Majo/ 


TIPPECANOE    WAR.  28? 

Davies  forming  the  dragoons  in  the  rear  of  thoso  companies,  and 
understanding  that  the  heaviest  part  of  the  enemy's  fire  pro* 
ceeded  from  some  trees  about  fifteen  or  twenty  paces  in  front  of. 
those  companies,  I  directed  the  major  to  dislodge  them  with  a 
part  of  the  dragoons. "  Unfortunately  the  major's  gallantry 
determined  him  to  execute  the  order  with  a  smaller  force  than 
was  sufficient,  which  enabled  the  enemy  to  avoid  him  in  front, 
and  attack  his  flanks.  The  major  was  mortally  wounded,  and 
his  party  driven  back.  The  Indians  were,  however,  imme 
diately  and  gallantly  dislodged  from  their  advantageous  position, 
by  Captain  Snelling,  at  the  head  of  his  company.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  minutes  after  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  the  fire 
extended  along  the  left  flank,  the  whole  of  the  front,  the  right 
flank,  and  part  of  the  rear  line.  Upon  Spencer's  mounted 
riflemen,  and  the  right  of  Warwick's  company,  which  was  posted 
on  the  right  of  the  rear  line,  it  was  excessively  severe ;  Captain 
Spencer,  and  his  first  and  second  lieutenants,  were  killed,  and 
Captain  Warwick  was  mortally  wonnded — those  companies  how 
ever  still  bravely  maintained  their  posts,  but  Spencer  had 
suffered  so  severely,  and  having  originally  too  much  ground  to 
occupy,  I  reinforced  them  with  Robb's  company  of  riflemen, 
which  had  been  driven,  or  by  mistake  ordered  from  the  position 
on  the  left  flank,  towards  the  centre  of  the  camp,  and  filled  the 
vacancy  occupied  by  Robb  with  Prescott's  company  of  the  4th 
United  States  regiment.  My  great  object  was  to  keep  the  lines 
entire,  to  prevent  the  enemy*from  breaking  into  the  camp  until 
daylight,  which  should  enable  me  to  make  a  general  and  effec 
tual  charge.  With  this  view,  I  had  reinforced  every  part  of 
the  line  that  had  suffered  much ;  and  as  spon  as  the  approach 
of  morning  discovered  itself,  I  withdrew  from  the  front  line, 
Snelling' s,  Posey's,  (under  Lieutenant  Albright,)  and  Scott's, 
and  from  the  rear  line,  Wilson's  companies,  and  drew  them  up 
upon  the  left  flank,  and  at  the  same  time  I  ordered  Cook's  an*1 


288  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Baen's  companies,  the  former  from  the  rear,  and  the  latter  from 
the  front  lines,  to  reinforce  the  right  flank;  foreseeing  that  at 
these  points  the  enemy  would  make  their  last  efforts.  Major 
Wells,  who  commanded  on  the  left  flank,  not  knowing  my  inten 
tions  precisely,  had  taken  the  command  of  these-companies,  had 
charged  the  enemy  before  I  had  formed  the  body  of  dragoons 
with  which  I  had  meant  to  support  the  infantry ;  a  small  detach 
ment  of  these  were,  however,  ready,  and  proved  amply  sufficient 
for  the  purpose.  The  Indians  were  driven  by  the  infantry,  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  and  the  dragoons  pursued  and  forced  them 
Into  a  marsh,  where  they  could  not  be  followed.  Captain  Cook 
and  Lieutenant  Larrabee  had,  agreeably  to  my  order,  marched 
their  companies  to  the  right  flank,  had  formed  them  under  the 
fire  of  the  enemy,  and  being  then  joined  by  the  riflemen  of  that 
flank,  had  charged  the  Indians,  killed  a  number,  and  put  the 
rest  to  a  precipitate  flight.  A  favorable  opportunity  was  here 
offered  to  pursue  the.  enemy  with  dragoons,  but  being  engaged 
at  that  time  on  the  other  flank,  I  did  not  observe  it  until  it  was 
too  late." 

There  were  near  seven  hundred  Americans  engaged  in  this 
battle,  of  whom  thirty-seven  were  killed,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty-two  wounded :  twenty-six  mortally.  On  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  forty  were  killed;  the  number  of  wounded  not  being 
known.  Their  numbers  amounted  to  between  eight  hundred 
and  a  thousand  warriors. 

The  Indians  fought  with  unusual  fury  and  courage.  The 
Prophet  did  not  engage  in  the  battle,  but  sat  on  a  rock,  out  of 
the  reach  of  all  danger,  singing  his  songs,  and  going  through 
with  his  absurd  ceremonies.  The  cause  of  the  obstinacy  of  his 
followers  is  ascribed  to  his  assurance  that  the  bullets  of  their 
enemies  would  do  them  no  harm,  and  that  victory  would  crown 
their  efforts.  Their  defeat  was  the  disgrace  of  the  Prophet; 
and  from  that  period  his  influence  was  almost  entirely  destroyed. 


TIPPECANOE    WAR.  289 

The  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  fought  on  the  7th  $f  November, 
and  on  the  4th  of  December,  Harrison  asserted  that  the  frontiers 
never  enjoyed  more  perfect  tranquillity.  flp" 

Tecumthe  upbraided  "his  brother,  for  rendering  his  plans  fruit 
less,  by  risking  a  battle  at  that  time.  The  declaration  of  war  by 
the  United  States  against  Great  Britain,  before  ho  could  mature 
new  schemes,  forced  him  to  become  an  ally,  when  he  aimed  to 
be  a  principal. 

25 


SURRENDER  OF  DETROIT. 

AT  the  commencement  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  in  1812, 
preparations  were  made  for  an  invasion  of  Canada.  The  com 
mand  of  the  expedition  was  given  to  General  Hull,  who  with 
about  two  thousand  men  was  soon  upon  the  north-western  fron 
tier.  He  took  .possession  of  the  beautiful  little  town  of  Sand 
wich,  some  two  miles  below  Detroit.  The  British  and  Indians, 
were  posted  at  Maiden ;  and  amounted  to  about  eleven  hundred 
men,  under  the  command  of  Gkneral  Brock  and  Tecumthe. 

Upon  entering  Canada,  Hull  issued  a  proclamation,  offering 
them  security  if  they  submitted  to  the  American  arms,  and 
destruction  if  they  opposed  them. 

In  the  meantime  ths  British  and  Indians  at  St.  Joseph's,  pre 
pared  to  attack  Fort  Michilimackinac,  on  an  island  of  the  same 
name.  The  force  of  the  enemy  .was  some  three  hundred  British 
and  seven  hundred  Indians,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Roberts.  That  of  the  Americans  amounted  to  only  fifty-seven 
men.  The  inhabitants  knowing  this  force  to  be  inadequate  to 
cope  with  the  enemy,  and  being  informed  by  Roberts,  that  unless 
they  surrendered,  the  whole  garrison  would  be  delivered  into 
the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  subjected  to  their  merciless  treat 
ment,  fled  in  great  numbers. 

Lieutenant  Porter  Hanks,  who  commanded  the  garrison, 
resolved  to  offer  as  gallant  a  resistance  as  was  in  his  power. 
The  Indians  were  posted  in  an  adjoining  wood,  while  the  Bri 
tish  were  stationed  on  an  eminence,  that  commanded  the  weakest 
point  of  the  little  garrison. 
(290) 


SURRENDER    OF    DETROIT.  291 

A  flag  was  now  sent  by  Roberts  for  a  surrender  of  the  fort, 
and  Hanks  being  for  the  first  time"  informed  of  the  state  of 
affairs  between  the  United  States  and  England,  and  knowing 
that  if  he  resisted,  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  would  follow, 
prudently  resolved  to  surrender  the  place.  He  entered  into 
terms  of  capitulation,  in  which  the  right  of  private-property  was 
acknowledged,  though  he  placed  the  enemy  in  possession  of  a 
fortress,  capable  of  being  rendered  the  strongest  in  America. 

Meantime,  on  the  29th  of  July,  Colonel  Proctor  had  reached 
Maiden,  and  seeing  at  once  the  power  which  the  position  of  that 
post  gave  him  over  the  supplies  of  the  army  of  the  United  States, 
he  commenced  a  series  of  operations,  the  object  of  which  was 
to  cut  off  the  communications  of  Hull  with  Ohio,  and  thus  not 
merely  neutralize  all  active  operations  on  his  part,  but  starve 
him  into  surrender. 

Hull  dispatched  Major  Vanhorne  to  escort  a  company  of 
volunteers,  on  their  way  from  Ohio,  with  provisions  for  the 
army.  They  had  arrived  as  far  as  the  Raisin,  a  distance  of  thirty- 
six  miles  from  Detroit.  Vanhorne  had  Searly  reached  Browns- 
town,  when  he  was  attacked  by  a  large  force  of  British  and 
Indians.  The  Americans  stood  their  ground  nobly,  but  were 
forced  to  retreat.  This  was  performed  in  a  masterly  manner  \ 
Vanhorne  only  losing  nineteen  men  killed,  and  nine  wounded. 

General  Hull,  contrary  to  the  wishes  and  entreaties  of  his 
officers,  abandoned  the  enterprise  against  Maiden,  and  proclaimed 
his  intention  of  evacuating  Canada,  and  posting  himself  at  Fort 
Detroit.  Here  they  received  the  intelligence  of  the  late  skir 
mish.  The  communication  between  the  Raisin  and  their  pre 
sent  post,  was  entirely  destroyed,  and  the  way  blocked  up  by 
savages.  It  was  necessary  that  this  should  be  opened,  or  the 
army  would  be  in  want  of  provisions  very  shortly. 

For  this  purpose  Colonel  James  Miller  was  dispatched  with  a 
force  of  five  hundred  men.  Tho  British  and  Indians  anticipat- 


282  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

ing  a  return  of  the  detachment  they  had  driven  back,  reinforced, 
increased  their  numbers  sufficiently,  as  they  supposed,  to  drive 
them  off  again.  They  took  possession  of,  and  fortified  a  place 
called  Maguaga,  four  miles  from  Brownstown.  They  erected 
breastworks  by  felling  trees,  from  behind  which  they  might 
shower  forth,  -death  and  destruction.  Tecumthe  commanded  the 
Indians ;  the  united  force  of  British  and  Indians  was  commanded 
by  Major  Muir. 

On  the  9th,  the  American  troops,  though  they  proceeded  with 
great  caution,  reached  the  ground  oa  which  the  enemy  desired 
to  see  them  before  they  discovered  their  ambuscade.  Captain 
Snelling,  commanding  the  advance,  was  attacked  from  it,  and 
sustained  a  combat  until  the  main  body  came  up,  when  the 
British  and  Indians  sprang  suddenly  from  behind  the  works, 
formed  a  line  of  buttle  with  great  celerity,  and  commenced  a 
brisk  fire,  accompanied  with  all  the  demonstrations  of  savage 
war.  Sudden  and  unexpected  as  was  the  attack,  the  intrepid 
commander  of  the  American  force  was  not  the  least  dismayed ; 
his  troops  received  the  shock  without  shrinking,  and  with  a 
coolness  and  sagacity  which  are  commonly  looked  for  in  soldiers 
of  long  experience,  he  as  suddenly  drew  up  his  men,  and  after 
very  a  rapid  fire,  charged  upon  the  enemy  with  such  unlocked 
for  firmness,  as  to  throw  them  into  complete  disorder.  The 
obstinacy  of  the  Indians,  however,  would  not  admit  of  flight; 
they  might  not  act  in  concert  with  the  British,  and  resorting  to 
their  own  kind  of  combat,  they  were  resolved  not  to  abandon 
the  contest.  But  the  British  had  now  recovered  from  their 
confusion,  and  a  scene  of  indescribable  horror  ensued.  Five 
hundred  Indians,  led  on  and  encouraged  by  the  regulars,  (many 
of  whom  were  like  themselves,  almost  naked,)  frightfully 
painted,  and  sending  forth  such  dreadful  whooping  and  yelling 
as  might  have  appalled  almost  any  other  troops,  were  fighting 
on  every  side  of  the  American  detachment;  but  on  every  side 


SURRENDER   OF    DETROIT.  293 

they  were  gallantly  repulsed.  No  such  means  could  induce 
these  brave  men  to  forsake  their  standard,  or  to  disgrace  their 
nation.  They  saw  danger  strengthening  arcund  them,  they 
knew  what  kind  of  destiny  awaited  their  defeat,  and  they  were 
resolutely  determined  to  repel  the  foe,  or  to  yield  only  with 
their  lives. 

Athough  Colonel  Miller  was  contending  against  a  force  greatly 
superior,  he  succeeding  in  driving  them  back  into  Brownstown, 
and  would  have  totally  conquered  them,  had  not  boats  been  in 
waiting  to  receive  them.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  seven 
killed  and  wounded ;  while  that  of  the  Indians  was  about  one 
hundred.  The  Americans  had  fifteen  of  their  number  killed 
and  between  thirty  and  forty  wounded. 

The  force  at  the  Raisin  still  continued  there,  waiting  an 
escort,  when  Captain  Brush,  who  commanded  the  party,  received 
instructions  from  General  Hull,  dated  the  llth  of  August,  to 
remain  there,  and  in  conjunction  with  the -regiment,  Le  Croix's 
corps,  and  his  own,  protect  the  provisions  until  further  orders. 
Hull  added  a  postscript,  in  which  he  stated  that  Captain  Brush 
on  consulting  Colonel  Anderson,  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  might 
use  his  own  discretion,  about  proceeding  on  an  upper  road, 
crossing  the  river  Huron ;  but  notice  was  to  be  given  at  Detroit, 
if  this  was  determined  on.  Hull  sent  Colonels  Cass  and 
W  Arthur,  on  the  14th,  with  some  three  hundred  men,  to  assist 
in  the  transportation  of  provisions. 

Captain  Heald,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Chicago,  received 
orders  on  the  same  day  that  the  battle  of  Maguaga  was  fought, 
to  repair  at  once  to  Detroit.  After  giving  the  friendly  Indians 
all  the  goods  in  the  factory,  and  the  provisions  that  they  could 
not  take  with  them,  he  hastened  to  obey  orders.  The  inhabi 
tants,  principally  women  and  children,  accompanied  them,  fearing 
to  be  left  behind,  as  the  place  would  be  almost  defenceless. 

They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  suddenly  discovered 
25*'  ;  « 


294  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

that  they  were  about  to  be  attacked  by  a  party  of  hostile  In 
dians.  Heald  was  forced  to  surrender,  after  nearly  two-thirds 
of  his  army  were  slain.  Heald  stipulated  for  the  safety  of  the 
women  and  children,  but  forgot  to  mention  the  wounded,  whom, 
with  the  exception  of  Mrs.  Heald,  Mrs.  Helm,  Captain  Heald,  and 
Lieutenant  Helm,  who  were  saved  by  some  friendly  Indians, 
they  massacred  on  the  spot. 

The  other  prisoners  were  distributed  among  the  cuiefs,  and 
carried  in  different  directions  into  the  country  of  the  Potta- 
watomies.  Captain  Heald  and  his  heroic  wife,  who  endured 
wounds  and  scenes  of  horror  with  wondrous  fortitude,  after 
many  adventures  and  hair-breadth  escapes,  arrived  safely  at 
Detroit. 

Meanwhile  the  British  occupied  a  point  opposite  Detroit,  and 
any  attempt  to  accelerate  the  transportation  of  the  provisions 
would  be  useless.  Three  days  were  occupied  by  the  British  in 
throwing  up  breastworks,  without  the  slightest  opposition  from 
the  Americans. 

General  Brock,  on  the  15th,  sent  Hull  a  flag,  with  a  demand 
to  surrender,  stating  that  if  they  did  not,  that  it  would  be 
utterly  out  of  his  power  to  control  the  numerous  body  of  Indians, 
the  moment  the  contest  commenced ;  and  that  if  he  did  not 
surrender,  a  war  of  extermination  must  ensue,  as  the  character 
of  the  Indians  was  well  known,  and  that  nothing  but  blood 
would  satisfy  their  savage  natures. 

Hull  answered  this  summons  by  stating  that  the  "town  and 
fort  would  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity." 

An  officer  rode  round  Detroit,  warning  the  inhabitants  to 
seek  a  place  of  safety,  as  the  batteries  of  the  British,  at  Sand 
wich,  would  most  probably  soon  open  upon  the  town.  The 
utmost  panic  and  confusion  ensued.  Women  were  busy  pack 
ing  up  their  valuables ;  men  running  about,  here  and  there, 
seeking  a  place  fo»  those  dear  to  them  by  all  the  ties  of  blood ; 


SURRENDER   OF    DETROIT.  295 

infants  crying*  and  clinging  to  their  agonized  mothers  j   every 
thing  in  short  conspired  to  render  the  town  a  second  Babel. 

The  inhabitants  commenced  leaving  the  town  about  noon ; 
but,  alas !  there  seemed  to  be  no  place  of  safety.  The  enemy 
on  one  side ;  the  woods  swarming  with  Indians — professing 
friendship — but  what  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  savage 
integrity,  should  the  enemy  gain  the  upper  hand.  A  deep 
ravine  on  the  "  Cass  farm/7  owned  at  that  time  by  General  Mc 
Donald,  seemed  to  offer  the  best  security,  and  there  assembled 
the  mass  of  helplessness,  with  a  few  men  for  protectors. 

The  enemy  then  opened  their  fire  from  their  batteries  upon  the 
town,  which  was  returned  with  precision  and  effect.  At  day 
light,  on  the  16th,  the  cannonade  was  renewed ;  and  their  whole 
force  soon  afterwards  crossed  the  river  and  landed  at  Spring- 
wells,  about  three  miles  west  of  Detroit.  Here  the  British  ge 
neral,  learning  the  absence  of  Colonel  Miller  with  his  detach 
ment,  resolved  at  once  upon  forcing  the  American  camp. 

The  American  army  appears  to  have  waited  the  approach  of 
the  enemy  with  coolness  and.  good  order.  Two  twenty-four- 
pounders,  loaded  with  grape,  were  planted  in  a  favorable  posi 
tion  for  their  annoyance.  The  regular  troops  were  placed  in 
the  fort,  and  the  militia  and  volunteers  behind  pickets,  when, 
to  the  astonishment  of  every  one,  the  whole  force  was  ordered 
to  retire  into  the  fort,  where  their  arms  were  stacked,  and  the 
artillerymen  forbidden  to  fire.  Here,  crowded  as  they  were, 
into  a  narrow  compass,  every  ball  from  the  enemy's  batteries 
took  effect,  and  the  general  soon  ordered  the  white  flag  to  be 
hung  out  in  token  of  surrender.  In  a  short  time  the  terms  of 
capitulation  were  agreed  upon ;  and  the  whole  army,  including 
the  detachments  of  Colonels  Miller  and  M' Arthur,  which  re 
turned  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  and  the  force  under  Cap 
tain  Brush,  at  the  river  Raisin,  were  surrendered  prisoners  of 
war.  The  enemy  found  in  the  fort  an  ample  supply  of  ammu- 


296  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

nition  and  provisions.  They  must  have  been  greatly  astonished 
at  obtaining  such  a  capital  prize,  with  so  little  effort. 

The  indignation  of  the  Americans  at  this  cowardly  and  dis 
graceful  transaction  knew  no  bounds.  Expectation  had  been 
raised  to  such  a  height  by  the  confident  language  of  previous 
dispatches  from  General  Hull,  that  nothing  less  than  the  cap 
ture  of  all  Upper  Canada  was  expected.  The  surrender,  there 
fore,  of  an  American  army  to  an  inferior  force,  together  with 
the  cession  of  a  large  extent  of  territory,  as  it  had  never  entered 
into  the  calculations  of  the  people,  was  almost  too  much  for 
them  to  bear.  General  Hull  was  openly  accused  of  imbecility 
and  cowardice. 

As  soon  as  he  was  exchanged,  he  was,  of  course,  brought 
before  a  court-martial,  tried  on  the  charges  of  treason,  cowardice, 
and  un-officerlike  conduct,  found  guilty  of  the  two  last,  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot.  The  President,  however,  in  consequence 
of  his  age  and  former  services,  remitted  the  capital  punishment, 
but  directed  his  name  to  be  stricken  from  the  rolls  of  the  army; 
a  disgrace,  which,  to  a  lofty  and  honorable  spirit,  is  worse  than 
death. 


DEFENCE  OF  FORT  HARRISON. 

THE  surrender  of  Detroit  was  not  the  only  misfortune, 
although  the  leading  one  of  this  unfortunate  summer.  Fort 
Michilimackinac,  the  key  of  the  northern  lakes,  was  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  British  and  Indians ;  whilst  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Dearborne,  under  Captain  Heald,  had  nearly  all  been  massacred. 

Thus  by  the  middle  of  August,  the  whole  north-west,  with 
the  exception  of  Forts  Wayne  and  Harrison,  was  again  in  pos 
session  of  the  British  and  their,  red  allies.  These  forts  were 
attacked  early  in  September,  and  had  the  latter  not  been  stoutly 
defended,  it  would  have  shared  a  similar  fate  to  the  others. 
The  following  account  is  from  its  commander,  then  Captain 
Taylor,  and  will  be  perused  with  additional  interest  when  it  is 
remembered  that  he  occupied  so  conspicuous  a  place  in  the 
recent  war  with  Mexico. 

Fort  Harrison,  Sept.  10. 

"  DEAR  SIR — On  Thursday  evening,  the  3d  instant,  after 
retreat  beating,  four  guns  were  heard  to  fire  in  the  direction 
where  two  young  men  (citizens  who  resided  here) "were  making 
hay,  about  four  hundred  yards  distance  from  the  fort.  I  was 
immediately  impressed  with  the  idea  that  they  were  killed  by 
the  Indians,  as  the  Prophet's  party  would  soon  be  here  for  the 
purpose  of  commencing  hostilities,  and  that  they  had  been 
directed  to  leave  this  place,  as  we  were  about  to  do.  I  did  not 
think  it  prudent  to  send  out  at  that  late  hour  of  the  night  to 
<ioe  what  had  become  of  them;  and  their  not  coming  in  con* 

297 


298  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

vinced  me  that  I  was  right  in  my  conjecture.  I  waited  until 
eight  o'clock  next  morning,  when  I  sent  out  a  corporal  with  a 
small  party  to  find  them,  if  it  could  be  done  without  running 
too  much  risk  of  being  drawn  into  an  ambuscade.  He  soon  sent 
back  to  inform  me  that  he  had  .found  them  both  killed,  and 
wished  to  know  my  further  orders;  I  sent  the  cart  and  oxen, 
had  them  brought  in  and  buried ;  they  had  been  shot  with  two 
balls,  scalped,  and  cut  in  the  most  shocking  manner.  Late  in 
evening  of  the  4th  instant,  old  Joseph  Lenar  and  between  thirty 
and  forty  Indians  arrived  from  the  Prophet's  town,  with  a  white 
flag ;  among  whom  were  about  ten  women,  and  the  men  were 
composed  of  chiefs  of  the  different  tribes  that  compose  the  Pro 
phet's  party.  A  Shawanese  man,  that  spoke  good  English, 
informed  me  that  old  Lenar  intended  to  speak  to  me  the  next 
morning,  and  try  to  get  something  to  eat. 

At  retreat  beating  I  examined  the  men's  arms,  and  found 
them  all  -in  good  order,  and  completed  their  cartridges  to  fifteen 
rounds  per  man.  As  I  had  not  been  able  to  mount  a  guard  of 
more  than  six  privates  and  two  non-commissioned  officers  for 
some  time  past,  and  sometimes  part  of  them  every  other  day, 
from  the  unhealthiness  of  the  company ;  I  had  not  conceived  my 
force  adequate  to  the  defence  of  this  post  should  it  be  vigorously 
attacked,  for  some  time  past. 

As  I  had  just  recovered  from  a  severe  attack  of  the  fever,  I 
was  not  able  to  be  up  much  through  the  night.  After  tattoo,  I 
cautioned  the  guard  to  be  vigilant,  and  ordered  one  of  the  non 
commissioned  officers,  as  the  sentinels  could  not  see  every  part 
of  the  garrison,  to  walk  rouftd  on  the  inside  during  the  whole 
night,  to  prevent  the  Indians  taking  any  advantage  of  attacking 
us.  About  eleven  o'clock,  I  was  awakened  by  the  firing  of  one 
of  the  sentinels;  I  sprang  up,  ran  out,  and  ordered  the  men  to 
their  posts ;  when  my  orderly  sergeant,  who  had  charge  of  the 
upper  block-house,  called  out  that  tho  Indians  had  fired  tbo 


DEFENCE  OP  FORT  HARRISON.  299 

lower  block-house,  (which  contained  the  property  of  the  con 
tractor,  which  was  deposited  in  the  lower  part,  the  upper  hav 
ing  been  assigned  to  a  corporal  and  ten  privates  as  an  alarm- 
post.)  The  guns  had  began  to  fire  pretty  smartly  from  both 
sides.  I  directed  the  buckets  to  be  got  ready  and  water  brought 
from  the  well,  and  the  fire  extinguished  immediately,  as  it  was 
perceivable  at  that  time :  but  from  debility  or  some  other  cause, 
the  men  were  very  slow  in  executing  iny  orders — the  word  fire 
appeared -to  throw  the  whole  of  them  into  confusion ;  and  by  the 
time  they  had  got  the  water  and  broken  open  the  door,  the  fire 
had  unfortunately  communicated  to  a  quantity  of  whiskey  (the 
stock  having  licked  several  holes  through  the  lower  part  of  the 
building,  after  the  salt  that  was  stored  there,  through  which 
they  had  introduced  the  fire  without  being  discovered,  as  the 
night  was  very  dark,)  and  in  spite  of  every  exertion  we  could 
make  use  of,  in  less  than  a  moment  it  ascended  to  the  roof  and 
baffled  every  effort  we  could  make  to  extinguish  it.  As  that 
block-house  adjoined  the  barracks  that  made  part  of  the  fortifi 
cations  most  of  the  men  immediately  gave  themselves  up  for 
Tost,  and  I  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  getting  my  orders  exe 
cuted — and,  sir,  what  from  the  raging  of  the  fire — the  yelling 
and  howling  of  several  hundred  Indians — the  cries  of  nine  wo 
men  and  children  (a  part  soldiers'  and  a  part  citizens'  wives, 
who  had  taken  shelter  in  the  fort)  and  the  desponding  of  so 
many  of  the  men,  which  was  worse  than  all— I  can  assure  you 
that  my  feelings  were  unpleasant — and  indeed  there  were  not 
more  than  ten  or  fifteen  men  able  to  do  a  great  deal,  the  others 
being  sick  or  convalescent — and  to  add  to  our  misfortunes,  two 
of  the  strongest  men  in  the  fort,  and  that  I  had  every  confi 
dence  in,  jumped  the  picket  and  left  us.  But  my  presence  of 
mind  did  not  for  a  moment  forsake  me.  I  saw,  by  throwing  off 
a  part  of  the  roof  that  joined  the  block-house  that  was  on  fire, 
and  keeping  the  end  perfectly  wet,  the  whole  row  of  buildings 


£00  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

might  be  saved,  and  leave  only  a  space  of  eighteen  or  twenty 
feet  for  the  entrance  of  the  Indians  after  the  house  was  con 
sumed  ;  and  that  a  temporary  breastwork  might  be  executed  to 
prevent  their  even  entering  there — I  convinced  the  men  that 
this  might  be  accomplished  and  it  appeared  to  inspire  them  with 
more  firmness  and  desperation.  Those  that  were  able  (while 
the  others  kept  up  a  constant  fire  from  the  other  block-house 
and  the  two  bastions)  mounted  the  roofs  of  the  house»,  with 
Dr.  Clarke  at  thetr  head,  who  acted  with  the  greatest  firmness 
and  presence  of  mind  the  whole  time  the  attack  lasted,  which 
was  seven  hours,  under  a  shower  of  bullets,  and  in  less  than  a 
moment  threw  off  as  much  of  the  roof  as  was  necessary.  This 
was  done  with  the  loss  of  only  one  m*an  and  two  wounded,  and 
I  am  in  hopes  neither  of  them  dangerously ;  the  man  that  was 
killed  was  a  little  deranged,  and  did  not  get  off  the  house  as 
soon  as  directed,  or  he  would  not  have  been  hurt — and  although 
the  barracks  were  several  times  in  a  blaze,  and  an  immense 
quantity  of  fire  against  them,  the  men  used  such  exertions  that 
they  kept  it  under,  and  before  day  raised  a  temporary  breast 
work  as  high  as  a  man's  head,  although  the  Indians  continued 
tp  pour  in  a  heavy  fire  of  ball  and  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
arrows  during  the  whole  time  the  attack  lasted,  in  every  part 
of  the  parade.  I  had  but  one  other  man  killed,  nor  any  other 
wounded  inside  the  fort,  and  he  lost  his  life  by  being  too 
anxious — he  got  into  one  of  the  gallies  in  the  bastions,  and  fired 
over  the  pickets,  and  called  out  to  his  comrades  that  he  had 
killed  an  Indian,  and  neglecting  to  stoop  down  in  an  instant  he 
was  shot  dead.  One  of  the  men  that  jumped  the  pickets, 
returned  an  hour  before  day,  and  running  up  toward  the  gate, 
begged  for  God's  sake  for  it  to  be  opened.  I  suspected  it  to  be 
a  stratagem  of  the  Indians  to  get  in,  as  I  did  not  recollect  the 
voice.  I  directed  the  men  in  the  bastion,  where  I  happened  to 
be,  to  shoot  him  let  him  be  who  be  would,  and  one  of  them 


DEFENCE    OF   FORT   HARRISON.  301 

fired  at  him,  but  fortunately  he  ran  up  to  the  other  bastion, 
where  they  knew  his  voice,  and  Dr.  Clarke  directed  him  to  lie 
down  close  to  the  pickets  behind  an  empty  barrel  that  happened 
to  be  there,  and  at  daylight  I  had  let  him  in.  His  arm  was 
broken  in  a  most  shocking  manner ;  which  he  says  was  done  by 
the  Indians — which,  I  suppose,  was  the  cause  of  his  returning 
— I  think  it  probable  that  he  will  never  recover.  The  other 
tiey  caught  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  yards  from  the  gar- 
lison,  and  cut  him  all  to  pieces.  After  keeping  up  a  constant 
fire  until  six  o'clock  the  next  morning,  which  we  began,  to  return 
with  some  effect  after  daylight,  they  removed  out  of  reach  of 
our  guns.  A  party  of  them  drove  up  the  horses  that  belonged 
to  the  citizens  here,  as  they  could  not  catch  them  very  readily, 
shot  the  whole  of  them  in  our  sight,  as  well  as  a  number  of  their 
hogs. '  They  drove  off  the  whole  of  the  cattle,  which  amounted 
to  sixty-five  head,  as  well  as  the  public  oxen.  I  had  the  vacancy 
filled  before  night,  (which  was  made  by  the  burning  of  the 
block-house)  with  a  strong  row  of  pickets,  which  I  got  by  pull 
ing  down  the  guard-house.  We  lost  the  whole  of  our  provisions, 
but  must  make  out  to  live  upon  green  corn  until  we  can  get  a 
supply,  which  I  am  in  hopes  will  not  be  long.  I  believe  the 
whole  of  the  Miamies  or  Weas,  were  among  the  Prophet's  party, 
as  one  chief  gave  his  orders  in  that  language,  which  resembled 
Stone  Eater's  voice,  and  I  believe  Negro  Legs  was  there  like 
wise.  A  Frenchman  here  understands  their  different  languages, 
and  several  of  the  Miamies  or  Weas,  that  have  been  frequently 
here,  were  recognized  by  the  Frenchman  and  soldiers,  the  next 
morning.  The  Indians  suffered  smartly,  but  were  so  numerous 
as  to  take  off  all  that  were  shot.  They  continued  with  us  until 
the  next  morning,  but  made  no  further  attempt  upon  the  fort, 
nor  have  we  seen  any  thing  more  of  them  since. 

"  I  have  delayed  informing  you  of  my  situation,  as  I  did  not 
like  to  weaken  the  garrison,  and  I  looked  for  some  person  from 

26 


302  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Vincennes,  and  none  of  my  men  were  acquainted  with  the 
woods,  and  therefore  I  would  either  have  to  take  the  road  or 
the  river,  which  I  was  fearful  was  guarded  by  small  parties  of 
Indians,  that  would  not  dare  attack  a  company  of  rangers  that 
was  on  a  scout ;  but  being  disappointed,  I  have  at  length  deter 
mined  to  send  a  couple  of  my  men  by  water,  and  am  in  hopes 
they  will  arrive  safe.  I  think  it  would  be  best  to  send  the  pro 
visions  under  a  pretty  strong  escort,  as  the  Indians  may  attempt 
to  prevent  their  coming.  If  you  carry  on  an  expedition  against 
the  Prophet  this  fall,  you  ought  to  be  well  provided  with  every 
thing,  as  you  may  calculate  on  having  every  inch  of  ground 
disputed  between  this  and  there  t%i  they  can  defend  with 
advantage.  Z.  TAYLOR. 

His  Excellency  Gov.  HARRISON. 


EVENTS  ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  FRON 
TIER  DURING  1813. 

BUT  little  of  any  importance  was  done  on  the  north-western 
frontier  during  the  latter  part  of  the  year  of  1812,  after  the  de 
fence  of  Fort  Harrison ;  although  the  Indians  were  as  hostile 
as  ever,  and  gave  some  trouble  to  the  settlers  of  that  portion  of 
the  country.  General  Harrison  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  army  in  the  west.  His  main  objects  were,  Srst  to  drive 
the  Indians  from  the  western  side  of  Detroit  river ;  second  to 
take  Maiden ;  and  third,  having  thus  secured  his  communica 
tions,  to  recapture  the  Michigan  Territory  and  its  dependencies. 
But  his  plans  were  of  no  avail.  A  portion  of  his  troops,  under 
General  Winchester,  worn  'out  and  starved,  were  on  the  verge 
of  mutiny.  Under  these  circumstanced,  Harrison  deemed  it 
best  to  wait  until  the  winter  had  bridged  the  streams  and 
morasses  with  ice,  and  even  when  that  had  taken  place,  he  was 
doubtful  as  to  the  wisdom  of  an  attempt  to  conquer  without 
vessels  on  Lake  Erie.  • 

On  the  10th  of  January,  1813,  Winchester  with  his  troops 
reached  the  Rapids,  General  Harrison  with  the  right  wing  of 
the  army  being  still  at  Upper  Sandusky,  and  Tupper  with  the 
centre  at  Fort  McArthur.  From  the  13th  to  the  16th,  mes 
sengers  arrived  at  Winchester's  camp,  from  the  inhabitants  of 
Frenchtown  on  the  river  Raisin,  representing  the  danger  to 
which  that  place  was  exposed  from  the  hostility  of  the  British 
and  Indians,  and  begging  for  protection.  These  representations 

(303) 


f>04  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

and  petitions  excited  the  feelings  of  the  Americans,  and  led  them, 
forgetful  of  the  main  objects  of  the  campaign,  and  of  military 
caution,  to  determine  upon  the  step  of  sending  a  strong  party 
to  the  aid  of  the  sufferers.  On  the  17th,  accordingly,  Colonel 
Lewis  was  dispatched  with  five  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  the 
river  Raisin,  and  soon  after  Colonol  Allen  followed  with  one 
hundred  and  ten  more.  Marching  along  the  frozen  Bay  and 
Lake,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  18th  the  Americans  reached  and 
attacked  the  enemy  who  were  posted  in  the  village,  and  after  a 
severe  contest  defeated  them.  Having  gained  possession  of  the 
town,  Colonel  Lewis  wrote  for  reinforcements,  and  prepared 
himself  to  defend  the  position  he  had  gained.  And  it  was  evi 
dent  that  all  his  means  of  defence  would  be  needed,  as  the  place 
was  but  eighteen  miles  from  Maiden,  where  the  whole  British 
force  was  collected  under  Proctor.  Winchester,  on  the  19th, 
having  heard  of  the  action  on  the  previous  day,  marched  with 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  was  the  most  he  dared  detach 
from  the  Rapids,  to  the  aid  of  the  captor  of  Frenchtown,  which 
place  he  reached  on  the  next  evening.  But  instead  of  placing 
nis  men  in  a  secure  position,  and  taking  measures  to  prevent 
the  secret  approach  of  the  enemy,  Winchester  suffered  the  troops 
he  had  brought  with  him  to  remain  in  the  open  ground,  and 
took  no  efficient  measures  to  protect  himself  from  surprise, 
although  informed  that  an  attack  might  be  expected  at  any 
moment.  The  consequence  was  that  during  the  night  of  the 
21st  the  whole  British  force  approached  undiscovered,  and 
erected  a  battery  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  American 
camp.  From  this,  before  the  troops  were  fairly  under  arms  in 
the  morning,  a  discharge  of  bombs,  balls,  and  grape-shot,  in 
formed  the  devoted  soldiers  of  Winchester  of  the  folly  of  their 
commander,  and  in  a  moment  more  the  dreaded  Indian  yell 
sounded  on  every  side.  The  troops  under  Lewis  were  protected 
by  the  garden  pickets  behind  Avhich  their  commander,  who  afone 


BATTLE  OF  FRENCHTOWN.  305 

seems  to  have  been  upon  his  guard,  had  stationed  them ;  those 
last  arrived  were,  as  we  have  said,  in  the  open  field,  and  against 
them  the  main  effort  of  the  enemy  was  directed.  Nor  was  it 
long  so  directed  without  terrible  results ;  the  troops  yielded, 
broke,  and  fled,  but  fled  under  a  fire  which  mowed  them  down 
like  grass :  Winchester  and  Lewis,  (who  had  left  his  pickets  to 
aid  his  superior  officer,)  were  taken  prisoners.  Upon  the  party 
who  fought  from  behind  their  slight  defences,  however,  no  im 
pression  could  be  made,  and  it  was  not  till  Winchester  was 
induced  to  send  them  what  was  deemed  an  order  to  surrender 
that  they  dreamed  of  doing  so.  This  Proctor  persuaded  him  to 
do  by  the  old  story  of  an  India-n  massacre  in  case  of  continued 
resistance,  to  which  he  added  a  promise  of  help  and  protection 
for  the  wounded,  and  of  a  removal  at  the  earliest  moment; 
without  which  last  promise  the  troops  of  Lewis  refused  to  yield 
even  when  required  by  their  general.  But  the  promise,  even 
if  given  in  good  faith,  was  not  redeemed,  and  the  horrors  of  the 
succeeding  night  and  day  will  long  be  remembered  by  the  inha 
bitants  of  the  frontier.  Of  a  portion  of  the  horrors  we  give  a 
description  in  the  words  of  an  eye-witness.*  • 

Nicholasville,  Kentucky,  April  24,  1813. 

"  SIR  : — Yours  of  the  5th  instant,  requesting  me  to  give  you 
a  statement  respecting  the  late  disaster  at  Frenchtowu,  was 
duly  received.  Rest  assured,  sir,  that  it  is  with  sensations  the 
most  unpleasant  that  I  undertake  to  recount  the  infamous  and 
barbarous  conduct  of  the  British  and  Indians  after  the  battle  of 
the  22d  of  January.  The  blood  runs  cold  in  my  veins  when  T 
think  of  it. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  23d,  shortly  after  light,  six  or  eight 
Indians  came  to  the  house  of  Jean  Baptiste  Jereaume,  where  I 
was,  in  company  with  Major  Graves,  Captains  Hart  and  Hick 

iH  *  Perkins. 

26* 


806  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

man,  Dr.  Todd,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  volunteers,  belonging  to 
different  corps.  They  did  not  molest  any  person  or  thing  on 
their  first  approach,  but  kept  sauntering  about  until  there  was 
a  large  number  collected,  (say  one  or  two  hundred)  at  which 
time  they  commenced  plundering  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  the  massacre  of  the  wounded  prisoners.  I  was  one  amongst 
the  first  that  was  taken  prisoner,  and  was  taken  to  a  place  about 
twenty  paces  from  the  house,  after  being  divested  of  part  of  my 
clothing,  and  commanded  by  signs  there  to  remain  for  further 
orders.  Shortly  after  being  there,  I  saw  them  knock  down 
Captain  Hickman  at  the  door,  together  with  several  others  with 
whom  I  was  not  acquainted.  Supposing  a  general  massacre 
had  commenced,  I  made  an  effort  to  get  to  a  house  about  one 
hundred  yards  distant,  which  contained  a  number  of  wounded, 
but  on  my  reaching  the  house,  to  my  great  mortification,  found 
it  surrounded  by  Indians,  which  precluded  the  possibility  of  my 
giving  notice  to  the  unfortunate  victims  of  savage  barbarity. 
An  Indian  chief  of  the  Tawa  tribe,  of  the  name  of  M'Carty, 
gave  me  possession  of  his  horse  and  blanket,  telling  me  by  signs, 
to  lead  the  h^rse  to  the  house  which  I  had  just  before  left.  The 
Indian  that  first  took  me,  by  this  time  came  up  and  manifested 
a  hostile  disposition  towards  me,  by. raising  a  tomahawk  as  if 
to  give  me  the  fatal  blow,  which  was  prevented  by  my  very 
good  friend  M'Carty.  On  my  reaching  the  house  which  I  had 
just  started  from,  I  saw  the  Indians  take  off  several  prisoners, 
which  I  afterwards  saw  in  the  road,  in  a  most  mangled  condi 
tion,  and  entirely  stripped  of  their  clothing. 

"  Messrs.  Bradford,  Searls,  Turner,  and  Blythe,  were  col 
lected  round  a  carryall,  which  contained  articles  taken  by  the 
Indians  from  the  citizens.  We  had  all  been  placed  there,  by 
our  respective  captors,  except  Blythe,  who  came  where  we  were 
entreating  an  Indian  to  convey  him  to  Maiden,  promising  to 
give  him  forty  or  fifty  dollars,  and  whilst  in  the  act  of  pleading 


MASSACRE   OF   PRISONERS    AFTER  THE   BATTLB   OF   rXKSCmoWV.—Paat  806. 


307 

for  mercy,  an  Indian,  more  savage  than  the  other,  stepped  up 
behind,  tomahawked,  stripped,  and  scalped  him.  The  next 
that  attracted  my  attention,  was  the  houses  on  fire  that  contained 
several  wounded,  who  I  knew  were  unable  to  get  out.  After 
the  houses  were  nearly  consumed,  we  received  marching  orders, 
and  after  arriving  at  Sandy  Creek,  the  Indians  called  a  halt 
and  commenced  cooking;  after  preparing  and  eating  a  little 
sweetened  gruel,  Messrs.  Bradford,  Searls,  Turner  and  myself, 
received  some,  and  were  eating,  when  an  Indian  came  up  and 
proposed  exchanging  his  moccasins  for  Mr.  Searls's  shoes,  which 
he  •  readily  complied  with.  They  then  exchanged  hats,  after 
which  the  Indian  inquired  how  many  men  Harrison  had  with 
him,  and  at  the  same  time,  calling  Searls  a  Washington  or  Madi 
son,  then  raised  his  tomahawk  and  struck  him  on  the  shoulder, 
which  cut  into  the  cavity  of  the  body.  Searls  then  caught  hold 
of  the  tomahawk,  and  appeared  to  resist,  and  upon  my  telling 
him  his  fate  was  inevitable,  he  closed  his  eyes  and  received  the 
savage  blow  which  terminated  his  existence.  I  was  near  enough 
to  him  to  receive  the  brains  and  blood,  after  the  fatal  blow, 
on  my  blanket.  A  short  time  after  the  death  of  Searls,  I  saw 
three  others  share  a  similar  fate.  We  then  set  out  for  Browns- 
town,  which  place  we  reached  about  twelve  or  one  o'clock  at 
nigjit.  After  being  exposed  to  several  hours  incessant  rain  in 
reaching  that  place,  we  were  put  into  the  council-house,  the 
floor  of  which  was  partly  covered  with  water,  at  which  place  we 
remained  until  next  morning,  when  we  again  received  march 
ing  orders  for  their  village  on  the  river  Rouge,  which  place  we 
made  that  day,  where  I  was  kept  six  days,  then  taken  to  Detroit 
and  sold.  For  a  more  detailed  account  of  the  proceedings,  I 
take  the  liberty  of  referring  you  to  a  publication  which  appeared 
in  the  public  prints,  signed  by  Ensign  J.  L.  Baker,  and  to  the 
publication  of  Judge  Woodward,  both  of  which  I  have  particu- 


308  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

larlj  examined,  and  find  them  to  be  literally  correct,  so  far  an 
came  under  my  notice. 

I  am,  sir,  with  due  regard,  your  fellow-citizen, 

GUSTAVUS  M.  BOWER. 

General  Harrison  was  at  Upper  Sandusky  when  Winchester 
reached  the  Rapids.  He  received  some  word  of  a  meditated 
movement,  and  hurried  with  all  speed  to  Winchester's  assistance, 
but  all  was  in  vain.  He  met  the  few  survivors  long  before  he 
reached  the  ground.  Harrison  with  his  troops  retired  to  the 
Rapids;  here  a  consultation  was  held,  when  it  was  determined 
to  retreat  yet  farther  in  order  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  being 
cut  off  from  the  convoys  of  stores  and  artillery  upon  their  way 
from  Sandusky.  The  next  morning  the  troops  retired  to  Pol  tage 
river,  eighteen  miles  in  the  rear  of  Winchester's  position,  there 
to  await  the  guns  and  reinforcements,  which  were  daily  expected. 

General  Harrison  now  found  his  army  to  be  seventeen  hun 
dred  strong,  and  on  the  1st  of  February,  again  advanced  to  the 
Bapids,  where  he  took  up  a  new  and  stronger  position,  at  which 
point  he  ordered  all  the  troops  to  gather  as  rapidly  as  possible. 
This  was  done  in  the  hope  of  advancing  upon  Maiden  before 
the  middle  of  the  month ;  but  the  warm  weather  had  placed 
the  roads  in  such  a  condition  that  his  troops  were  unable  to  join 
him ;  so  the  winter  campaign  was  of  necessity  abandoned,  as 
the  autumnal  one  had  been  before. 

Thus  far  the  operations  in  the  north-west  had  certainly  been 
discouraging.  Nothing  had  been  gained,  and  of  what  had  been 
lost,  nothing  had  been  retaken ;  the  slight  advantages  gained 
by  a  few  officers  over  the  Indians,  had  not  shaken  the  power  or 
confidence  of  Teeumthe  and  his  allies,  while  the  unsuccessful 
efforts  of  Harrison  through  five  months,  to  gather  troops  enough 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Maumee  river,  to  attempt  the  reconquest 
of  Michigan,  which  had  been  taken  in  a  week,  depressed  th& 


SIEGE   OF   FORT   MEIGS.  309 

spirits  of  the  Americans,  and  gave  new  life  and  hope  to  their 
foes. 

Among  the  defensive  operations  of  the  spring  and  summer 
of  1813,  that  at  Fort  or  Camp  Meigs,  the  new  post  occupied  by 
Harrison  at  the  Rapids,  and  that  at  Lower  Sandusky,  deserve 
notice.  It  was  supposed  that  in  the  beginning  of  spring,  that 
the  British  would  attempt  the  reconquest  of  the  position  upon 
the  Maumee.  As  had  been  expected  on  the  28th  of  April,  the 
English  forces  began  the  investment  of  Harrison's  camp,  and 
by-  the  1st  of  May,  had  completed  their  batteries.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  Americans  had  thrown  up  a  bank  of  earth  twelve  feet 
high,  behind  which  they  withdrew,  the  moment  the  enemy  com 
menced  operations. 

Up  to  the  5th,  nothing  had  been  done  of  importance.  On 
that  day,  General  Clay,  with  twelve  hundred  additional  troops, 
came  down  the  Maumee  in  flat-boats,  and  according  to  orders' 
received  from  General  Harrison,  detached  eight  hundred  men 
under  Colonel  Dudley,  to  attack  the  batteries  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river,  while,  with  the  remainder,  he  landed  upon  the 
southern  shore,  and  fought  his  way  into  camp.  Dudley  suc 
ceeded  in  capturing  the  batteries,  but  he  neglected  spiking  the 
cannon,  and  then  returning  to  the  boats,  he  suffered  his  men 
to  dally  with  the  Indians,  until  Proctor  cut  off  their  only 
chance  of  retreat,  and  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  out  of 
the  eight  hundred  escaped  captivity  or  death.  Colonel  Miller, 
however,  captured  and  made  useless  the  batteries,  that  had  been 
erected  south  of  the  Maumee. 

The  result  of  these  proceedings  was  sad  enough  for  the  Ame 
ricans,  still  the  British  general  saw  in  it  nothing  to  encourage 
him  j  and  as  news  was  received  that  the  Americans  were  about 
to  receive  reinforcements  from  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  Proctor 
deemed  it  best  to  retreat,  and  on  the  9th  of  May,  returned  to 
Maiden. 


310  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

The  principal  stores  of  Harrison  were  at  3andusky,  and 
thither  Proctor  moved  with  immense  bands  of  Indians.  Har 
rison  himself  was  at  Seneca,  and  Major  Croghan  at  Fort  Ste- 
phenson,  or  Lower  Sandusky.  It  was  deemed  advisable  to 
abandon  the  fort,  as  it  was  indefencible  against  heavy  cannon, 
which  it  was  thought  the  British  general  would  bring  against 
it ;  but  before  this  could  be  accomplished,  the  appearance  of  the 
enemy  on  the  31st  of  July,  rendered  it  impossible  to  carry  out 
their  determination. 

The  garrison  of  this  little  fort  was  composed  of  one  Hundred 
and  fifty  men,  under  a  commander  just  past  his  21st  year,  and 
with  a  single  piece  of  cannon,  while  the  investing  force,  includ 
ing  Tecumthe's  Indians,  was,  it  is  said,  three  thousand  three 
hundred  strong,  and  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  all  of  them, 
fortunately,  light  ones.  Proctor  demanded  a  surrender,  and  told 
the  unvarying  story  of  the  danger  of  provoking  a  general  mas 
sacre  by  the  savages,  unless  the  fort  was  yielded :  to  all  which 
the  representative  of  young  Croghan  replied  by  saying  that  the 
Indians  would  have  none  left  to  massacre,  if  the  British  con 
quered,  for  every  man  of  the  garrison  would  have^  died  at  his 
post.  Proctor,  upon  this,  opened  his  fire,  which  being  concen 
trated  upon  the  north-west  angle  of  the  fort,  led  the  commander 
to  think  that  it  was  meant  to  make  a  breach  there,  and  carry 
the  works  by  assault :  he  therefore  proceeded  to  strengthen  that 
point  by  bags  of  sand  and  flour,  while  under  cover  of  night  he 
placed  his  £ix  pounder  in  a  position  to  rake  the  angle  threatened, 
and  then,  having  charged  his  infant  battery  with  slugs,  and 
hidden  it  from  the  enemy,  he  waited  the  event.  During  the 
night  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  till  late  in  the  evening  of  the 
2d,  the  firing  continued  upon  the  devoted  north-west  corner) 
then,  under  cover  of  the  smoke  and  gathering  darkness,  a 
column  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men  approached  unseen  to 
within  twenty  paces  of  the  walls.  The  musketry  opened  upon 


s  BATTLE   OF   THE   THAMES.  311 

them,  but  with  little  effect, — the  ditch  was  gained,  and  in  a 
moment  filled  with  men ;  at  that  instant,  the  masked  cannon, 
only  thirty  feet  distant,  a,nd  so  directed  as  to  sweep  the,  ditch, — 
was  unmasked  and  fired, — killing  at  once  twenty-seven  of  the 
assailants ;  the  effect  was  decisive,  the  columns  recoiled,  and  the 
little  fort  was  saved  with  the  loss  of  one  man  j — on  the  next 
morning  the  British  and  their  allies,  having  the  fear  of  Harrison 
before  his  eyes,  were  gone,  leaving  behind  them  in  their  haste, 
guns,  stores,  and  clothing. 

Meanwhile  Perry  had  gained  his  famous  victory  on  the  lakes, 
and  the  American  army  having  been  reinforced,  set  sail  for 
Canada  on  the  27th  of  September,  and  in  a  few  hours  stood 
around  the  ruins  or  the  deserted  and  wasted  Maiden,  from  which 
place  Proctor  had  retreated  to  Sandwich,  intending  to  make  his 
way  into  Canada,  by  the  valley  of  the  Thames.  • 

General  Harrison  started  in  pursuit,  and  he  found  Proctor 
posted  on  the  Thames ;  his  left  flanked  by  the  river,  and  his 
right  by  a  swamp.  Between  this  and  another  swamp,  and  still 
further  to  the  right,  waa  Tecumthe  and  his  Indians.  Proctor 
had  formed  his  men  in  open  order,  that  is,  with  intervals  of 
three  or  four  feet  between  the  files.  Colonel  Johnson  was  ordered 
by  Harrison  to  dash  through  the  enemy's  line  in  a  column. 
This  was  done,  and  the  broken  line  of  the  Indians  assailed. 
The  British  threw  down  their  arms,  and  begged  for  quarter. 

Some  fighting  took  place  on  the  American  left,  with  the  In 
dians.  Tecumthe  rushed  on  Colonel  Johnson  with  his  toma 
hawk  raised,  and  was  in  the  act  of  striking  him,  when  Johnson 
drew  a  pistol,  and  shot  him  dead.  The  Indians  no  longer  hear 
ing  the  cry  of  their  chief,  animating  them  to  renewed  exertions, 
gave  way,  and  fled  in  great  confusion.  We  give  Harrison's 
account  of  the  battle. 

"The  troops  at  my  disposal  consisted  of  about -one  hundred 
and  twenty  regulars  of  the  27th  regiment,  five  brigades  of  Ken- 


31iJ  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

tucky  volunteer  militia  infantry,  under  his  excellency  Governoi 
Shelby,  averaging  less  than  five  hundred  men,  and  Colonel 
Johnson's  regiment  of  mounted  infantry,  making  in  the  whole 
an  aggregate  of  something  above  three  thousand.  No  disposi 
tion  of  an  army,  opposed  to  an  Indian  force,  can  be  safe  unless 
it  is  secured  on  the  flanks  and  in  the  rear.  I  had,  therefore, 
no  difficulty  in  arranging  the  infantry  conformably  to  my  general 
order  of  battle.  General  Trotter's  brigade  of  five  hundred  men, 
formed  the  front  line,  his  right  upon  the  road  and  his  left  upon 
the  swamp.  General  King's  brigade  as  a  second  line,  <jne  hun 
dred  and  fifty  yards  in  the  rear  of  Trotter's  and  Chiles' s  brigade, 
as  a  corps  of  reserve  in  the  rear  of  it.  These  three  brigades 
formed  the  command  of  Major-General  Henry;  the  whole  of 
General  Desha's  division',  consisting  of  two  brigades,  were  formed 
en  pot^ice  upon  the  left  of  Trover. 

"  Whilst  I  was  engaged  in  forming  the  infantry,  I  had  di 
rected  Colonel  Johnson's  regiment,  which  was  still  in  front,  to 
be  formed  in  two  lines  opposite  to  the  enemy,  and  upon  the 
advance  of  the*  infantry,  to  take  ground  to  the  left  and  forming 
upon  that  flank  to  endeavor  to  turn  the  right  of  the  Indians.  A 
moment's  reflection,  however,  convinced  me  that  from  the  thick 
ness  of  the  woods  and  swampiness  of  the  ground,  they  would 
be  unable  to  do  any  thing  on  horseback,  and  there  was  no  time 
to  dismount  them  and  place  their  horses  in  security;  I,  there 
fore  determined  to  refuse  my  left  to  the  Indians,  and  to  break 
the  British  lines  at  once,  by  a  charge  of  the  mounted  infantry; 
the  measure  was  not  sanctioned  by  any  thing  that  I  had  seen 
or  heard  of,  but  I  was  fully  convinced  that  it  would  succeed. 
The  American  backwoodsmen  ride  better  in  the  woods  than  any 
other  people.  A  musket  or  rifle  is  no  impediment  to  them, 
being  accustomed  to  carry  them  on  horseback  from  their  earliest 
youth.  I  was  persuaded,  too,  that  the  enemy  would  be  quite 
unprepared  for  the  shock,  and  that  they  could  not  resist  it 


BATTLE    OF   THE   THAMES.  313 

Conformably  to  this  idea,  I  directed  the  regiment  to  be  drawn 
up  in  close  column,  with  its  right  at  the  distance  of  fifty  yards 
from  the  road,  (that  it  might  be  in  some  measure  protected  by 
the  trees  from  the  artillery)  its  left  upon  the  swamp,  and  to 
charge  at  full  speed  as  soon  as  the  enemy  delivered  their  fire. 
The  few  regular  troops  of  the  27th  regiment  under  their  Colonel 
(Paull)  occupied,  in  columns  of  sections  of  four,  the  small  space 
between  the  road  and  the  river,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  the 
enemy's  artillery,  and  some  ten  or  twelve  friendly  Indians  were 
directed  to  move  under  the  bank.  The  crotchet  formed  by  the 
front  line,  and  General  Desha's  division  was  an  important  point. 
At  that  place,  the  venerable  governor  of  Kentucky  was  posted, 
who  at  the  age  of  sixty-six  preserves  all  the  vigor  of  youth,  the 
ardent  zeal  which  distinguished  him  in  the  revolutionary  war., 
and  the  undaunted  bravery  which  he  manifested  at  King's 
Mountain.  With  myaids-de-camp,  the  acting  assistant  adjutant- 
general,  Captain  Butler,  my  gallant  friend,  Commodore  Perry, 
who  did  me  the  honor  to  serve  as  my  volunteer  aid-de-camp, 
and  Brigadier-General  Cass,  who,  having  no  command,  tendered 
me  his  assistance,  I  placed  myself  at  the  head  of  the  front  line 
of  infantry,  to  direct  the  movements  of  the  cavalry,  and  give 
them  the  necessary  support.  The  army  had  moved  on  in  this 
order  but  a  short  distance,,  when  the  mounted  men  received  the 
fire  of  the  British  line,  and  were  ordered  to  charge ;  the  horses 
in  the  front  of  the  column  recoiled  from  the  fire ;  another  was 
given  by  the  enemy,  and  our  column  at  length  getting  in  mo 
tion,  broke  through  the  enemy  with  irresistible  force.  In  one 
minute  the  contest  in  front  was  over;  the  British  officer  seeing 
no  hopes  of  reducing  their  disordered  ranks  to  order,  and  our 
mounted  men  wheeling  upon  them  and  pouring  in  a  destructive 
fire,  immediately  surrendered.  It  is  certain  that  three  only  of 
our  troops  were  wounded  in  this  charge.  Upon  the  left,  how 
ever,  the  contest  was  more  severe  with  the  Indians.  Colonel 

27 


314  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Johnson,  who  commanded  on  that  flank  of  his  regiment,  received 
a  most  galling  fire  from  them,  which  was  returned  with  great 
effect.  The  Indians  still  further  to  the  right  advanced  and  fell 
in  with  our  front  line  of  infantry,  near  its  junction  with  Desha's 
division,  and  for  a  moment  made  an  impression  upon  it.  His 
excellency,  Governor  Shelby,  however,  brought  up  a  regiment 
to  its  support,  and  the  enemy  receiving  a  severe  fire  in  front, 
and  a  part  of  Johnson's  regiment  having  gained  their  rear, 
retreated  with  precipitation.  Their  loss  was  very  considerable 
in  the  action,  and  many  were  killed  in  their  retreat. 


THE  CEEEK  WAR.     * 

IN  the  spring  of  1812,  the  southern  Indians  were  visited  by 
Tecumthe,  the  celebrated  Shawanese  chief,  who  attended  their 
councils,  and  used  every  persuasion,  to  induce  them  to  league 
with  their  brethren  of  the  north,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  British 
to  extirpate  the  whites.  "  He  told  them  that  the  Great  Spirit 
had  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  whites,  and  the  re-possession 
of  the  country  by  the  red  men.  The  Creeks  received  these  doc 
trines  as  gospel,  and  with  other  tribes  were  induced  to  commence 
hostilities  against  tke  United  States.  . 

Several  murders  and  robberies  were  committed,  and  the  per 
petrators  refused  to  be  given  up ;  evident  appearances  of  hos 
tilities  were  now  every  where  visible.  Alarm  and  consternation 
prevailed  among  the  white  inhabitants;  those  of  the  Tensaw 
district,  a  considerable  settlement  on  the  Alabama,  fled  for  safety 
to  Fort  Mimms,  on  that  river,  sixteen  miles  above  Fort  Stod- 
dard.  The  place  was  garrisoned  by  one  hundred  and  fifty 
volunteers  of  the  Mississippi  Territory,  under  Major  Beasly. 
The  inhabitants  collected  at  the  fort  amounted  to  about  three 
hundred. 

At  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  August,  a  body  of  In 
dians  to  the  amount  of  six  or  seven  hundred  warriors  issued 
from  the  adjoining  wood,  and  approached  the  fort;  they  ad- 
vanced  within  a  few  rods  of  it  before  the  alarm  was  given.  As 
the  sentinel  cried  out^  "  Indians,"  they  immediately  gave  the 
war-whoop,  and  rushed  in  at  the  gate  Before  the  garrison  had 

(315) 


316  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

time  to  shut  it.  This  decided  their  fate.  Major  Beasly  was 
mortally  wounded  at  the"  commencement  of  the  assault  -}  he 
ordered  his  men  to  secure  the  ammunition,  and  retreat  into  the 
house  ;  he  was  himself  carried  into  the  kitchen,  and  afterwards 
consumed  in  the  flames.  The  fort  was  originally  square,  but 
Major  Beasly  fead  enlarged  it  by  extending  the  lines  upon  two 
sides  about  fifty  feet,  and  putting  up  a  new  side,  into  which  the 
gate  was  removed ;  the  old  line  of  pickets  were  standing,  and 
the  Indians  on  rushing  in  at  the  gate,  obtained  possession  of  ths 
outer  part,  and  through  the  port-holes  of  the  old  line  of  pickets, 
fired  on  the  people  who  held  the  interior.  On  the  opposite  side 
of  the  fort  was  an  off-set  or  bastion  made  round  the  back  gate, 
which  being  open  on  the  outside,  was  occupied  by  the  Indians, 
who,  with  the  axes  that  lay  scattered  about,  cut  down  the  gate. 
The  people  in  the  fort  kept  possession  of  the  port-holes  on  the 
other  lines,  and  fired  on  the  Indians  who  remained  on  the  out 
side.  Some  of  the  Indians  ascended  the  block-house  at  one  of 
the  corners,  and  fired  on  the  garrison  below,  but  were  soon  dis 
lodged  ]  they  succeeded,  however,  in  setting  fire  to  a  house  near 
the  pickets,  which  communicated  to  the  kitchen,  and  thence  to 
the  main  dwelling-house.  When  the  people  in  the  fort  saw  the 
Indians  in  full  possession  of  the  outer  court,  the  gate  open,  the 
men  fast  falling,  and  their  houses  in  flames,  they  gave  up  all 
for  lost,  and  a  scene  of  the  most  distressing  horror  ensued.  The 
women  and  children  sought  refuge  in  the  upper  story  of  the 
dwelling-house,  and  were  consumed  .in  the  flames,  the  Indians 
dancing  and  yelling  round  them  with  the  most  savage  delight. 
Those  who  were  without  the  buildings  were  murdered  and  scalped 
without  distinction  of  age  or  sex ;  seventeen  only  escaped.  The 
battle  and  massacre  lasted  from  eleven  in  the  forenoon  until  six  *. 
in  the  afternoon,  by  which  time  the  work  of  destruction  was 
fully  completed,  the  for£  and  buildings  entirely  demolished,  and 
upwards  of  four  hundred  men,  women,  and  children  massacred, 


DESTRTCTION    OF   TALLUSHATCHES.  #17 

This  event  spread  consternation  and  dismay  thi  Dugh  all  the 
neighboring  settlements ;  the  inhabitants  fled  with  the  utmost 
precipitation,  without  taking  any  means  of  subsistance,  to  Fort 
Stoddard,  Mobile,  and  other  places,  where  they  deemed  them 
selves  safe  from  the  fury  of  the  savages.  Their  dwellings  and 
property  were  left  a  prey  to  the  Indians,  who  .plundered  and 
laid  waste  the  adjacent  country  to  a  great  extent,  without 
opposition.  ^ 

These  calamitous  events,  excited  the  liveliest  feelings  of 
anxiety  in  Tennessee  and  Georgia,  and  three  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men  were  immediately  raised  in  Tennesee,  and  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Jackson  and  General  Cocke.  Georgia 
organized  and  equipped  eighteen  hundred  men,  who  were  placed 
under  the  command  of  General  Floyd,  and  marched  into  the 
southern  section  of  the  Creek  nation. 

The  infatuated  Creeks  were  now  doomed  to  atone  in  the  most 
exemplary  manner  for  the  massacre  at  Fort  Minims,  and  their 
subsequent  ravages.  The  first  object  to  which  the  troops  under 
General  Jackson  were  directed,  was  their  encampments  at  the 
Tallushatches  towns,  on  the  Coosa  river,  a  northern  branch  of 
the  Alabama.  On  the  2d  of  November,  General  Coffee  was 
detached  with  a  part  of  his  brigade  of  cavalry,  and  a  corps  of 
mounted  riflemen,  amounting  to  nine  hundred,  against  this 
assemblage.  He  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the^Sd,  and  encircled 
the  encampment  with  his  cavalry;  when  he  had  approached 
within  half  a  mile,  the  Creeks  sounded  the  war-whoop,  and  pre 
pared  for  action.  Captain  Hammond's  and  Lieutenant  Patter 
son's  companies  advanced  within  the  circle  and  gave  a  few  shots 
for  the  purpose  of  drawing  out  the  enemy.  The  Creeks  formed 
and  made  a  violent  charge.  Captain  Hammond,  according  to 
his  orders,  gave  way,  and  was  pursued  by  the  Indians,  until 
they  met  the  right  column,  which  gave  them  a  general  fire,  a,nd 
then  charged.  The  Indians  immediately  retreated  within  and 

27* 


318  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

behind  their  buildings,  and  fought  with  desperation  ;  but  their 
destruction  was  soon  accomplished.  The  soldiers  rushed  up  to 
the  doors  of  their  houses,  broke  them  open,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
killed  the  last  warrior  of  them  :  not  one  escaped  to  carry  the 
news.  None  asked  for  quarters,  but  fought  as  long  as  they 
could  stand  or  sit,  and  met  death  in  various  chapes  without  a 
groan.  Two  hundred  warriors  were  killed,  eighty-four  women 
and  children  taken  prisoners  and  discharged;  of  General  Coffee's 
troops  five  only  were  killed,  and  forty-one  wounded. 

General  Jackson's  head-quarter's  were  established  at  a  place 
called  the  Ten  Islands,  on  the  Coosa.  river,  and  after  fortifying 
it,  he  called  it  Fort  Strother.  Jackson  received  information  from 
some  friendly  Indians,  that  the  hostile  Creeks  were  assembling 
in  great  numbers  at  Fort  Talladega,  thirty  miles  below,  on  the 
same  river.  He  determined  to  commence  his  march  the  same 
"  night,  and  dispatched  a  messenger  to  General  White,  informing 
him  of  his  movement,  and  wishing  him  to  hasten  his  march,  in 
order  to  protect  Fort  Strother.  He  had  previously  ordered  Ge 
neral  White  to  join  him  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  had  received 
his  assurances  that  he  would  be  with  him  on  the  7th.  General 
Jackson  crossed  the  river  at  Ten  Islands  immediately,  leaving 
his  baggage  wagons,  and  whatever  else  might  hinder  his  pro- 
greSs,  behind.  He  was  within  six  miles  of  Talladega,  about 
midnight,  when  |je  was  overtaken  by  a  runner,  with  a  note  from 
General  White,  informing  him  that  he  had  altered  his  course, 
and  was  on  his  march  back  t6  join  General  Cocke,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Chataga. 

It  was  then  too  late  for  the  general  to  change  his  plan  of  ope 
rations,  or  make  any  new  arrangements.  He  renewed  his 
inarch  at  three  o'clock,  and  at  sunrise,  came  within  half  a  mile 
of  his  enemy,  whom  he  found  encamped  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in 
adyance  of  the  fort.  He  immediately  formed  the  line  of  battle; 
the  militia  on  the  left,  the  volunteers  on  the  right,  and  the 


BATTLE    OF    TALLADEGA.  819 

cavalry  on  the  wings ;  and  advanced  in  a  curve,  keeping  his 
rear  connected  with  the  advance  of  the  infantry  line,  so  as  to 
inclose  the  enemy  in  a  circle.  The  advance  guard  met  the 
attack  of  the  Indians  with  intrepidity,  and  having  poured  upon 
them  four  or  five  rounds,  fell  back  to  the  main  body.  The 
enemy  pursued,  and  were  met  by  the  front  line.  This  line 
was  broken,  and  several  companies  of  militia  retreated.  At  this 
moment  a  corps  of  cavalry,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dyer, 
which  was  kept  as  a  reserve,  was  ordered  to  dismount  and  fill 
the  vacancy.  The  order  was  promptly  executed,  the  militin 
soon  rallied,  and  returned  to  the  charge.  The  fire  now  became 
general  along  the  first  line  and  the  contiguous  wings.  The  In 
dians  fled,  and  were  mefr  and  pursued  in  every  direction.  The 
right  wing  followed  them  with  a'  destructive  fire  to  the  moun- 
tians,  three  miles  distant.  Two  hundred  and  ninety  of  their 
warriors  were  found  dead,  and  a  large  number  killed  in  the 
pursuit,  who  were  not  found.  General  Jackso'n  lost  fifteen 
men  killed,  and  eighteen  wounded.  In  consequence  of  the 
failure  of  General  White  to  proceed  "to  camp  Strother,  General 
Jackson  was  obliged  to  give  up  further  pursuit,  and  immediately 
return  to  his  camp  to  protect  his  sick,  wounded,  and  baggage. 

In  the  meantime,  General  White,  with  a  party  of  Tennessee 
militia,  acting  under  orders  from  General  Cocke,  who  considered 
that  he  held  a  command  entirely  separate  from  General  Jackson, 
attacked  the  chief  town  of  the  Hillabee  tribe  of  Indians,  killed 
sixty  warriors,  and  returned  to  Fort  Armstrong  with  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  prisoners,  without  the  loss  of  a  man  killed  or 
wounded. 

On  the  29th  of  November,  General  Floyd,  with  a  body  of 
Georgia  militia,  attacked  a  number  of  hostile  Indians,  at  the 
Autosee  towns,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tallapoosa  river. 
His  line  of  battle  was  formed  at  half-past  six  in  the  morning, 
ia  front  of  the  principal  town.  The  Indians  presented  them- 


320  INDIAN"    NARRATIVES. 

selves  at  every  point,  and  fought  with  desperate  fury.  But  the 
fire  of  the  artillery  forced  them  to  take  refuge  in  the  copses, 
thickets,  and  out-houses,  in  the  rear  of  the  town.  At  nine 
o'clock,  the  Indians  were  completely  driven  from  the  plain ;  the 
contest  lasted  about  three  hours.  Their  loss  was  estimated  au 
about  two  hundred  killed,  among  whom  were  the  Autosee  and 
Tallisee  kings.  The  numoer  of  wounded  could  not  be  ascer 
tained,  as  they  were  dragged  from  the  field  by  their  friends, 
yet  they  must  have  been  considerable. 

After  resting  a  few  days,  General  Floyd  proceeded  to  camp 
Defiance,  some  fifty  miles  further  west,  into  the  enemy's  country. 
Here  he  was  attacked,  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  the  8d 
of  January,  1814,  and  after  a  sharp  contest,  the  enemy  were  driven 
from  the  field  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  leaving  thirty-seven 
dead,  and  from  the  numerous  war-clubs,  head-dresses,  and  trails 
of  blood  found  in  various  directions  their  loss  must  have  been 
much  greater.  General  Floyd  lost  seventeen  killed,  and  one 
hundred  and  thirty  wounded :  of  the  friendly  Indians  five  were 
killed,  and  fifteen  wounded. 

On  the  13th  of  December,  1813,  General  Glaiborne,  marched 
a  detachment  of  volunteers,  from  Fort  Claiborne,  on  the  east 
Alabama,  eighty-five  miles  above  Fort  Stoddard,  with  a  view  of 
destroying  some  towns  of  the  Creeks  above  the  mouth  of  the 
Cahawba.  He  proceeded  up  the  river  one  hundred  and  ten  miles, 
when  he  arrived  at  a  newly  erected  town,  called  Eccanachaca, 
or  Holy  Ground,  occupied  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  under 
the  command  of  the  noted  chief  Weatherford,  who  commanded 
at  the  massacre  of  Fort  Minims.  On  the  23d  at  noon,  the  right 
wing,  commanded  by  Colonel  Carson,  commenced  the  attack  OB 
the  enemy,  who  had  been  apprised  of  Colonel  Claiborne' s  ap. 
proach,  and  judiciously  chosen  the  ground.  Before  the  centre 
arrived  so  as  to  join  in  the  action,  the  Indians  fled  in  all  direc 
tions,  leaving  thirty  dead  on  the  field.  A  pursuit  was  irnrnt!« 


BATTLE    OF    ECCAXACHACA.  321 

diately  ordered,  but  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  country,  noth 
ing  was  effected.  The  town  was  nearly  surrounded  by  swamps 
and  deep  ravines,  which  rendered  the  approach  difficult,  and 
facilitated  the  escape  of  the  enemy.  A  large  quantity  of  pro 
visions,  and  property  of  various  kinds  was  found,  which,  together 
with  the  town,  were  destroyed.  The  next  day  was  employed  in 
destroying  another  town,  eight  miles  further  up  the  river,  and 
in  taking  and  destroying  the  enemy's  boats.  Eccanachaca  was 
built  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  as  a  place  of  safety 
for  the  inhabitants  of  several  villages;  and  was  the  residence 
of  their  principal  prophets,  Weatherford,  Francis,  and  Singuis- 
ter.  Three  of  the  Shawanese,  or  Tecumthe's  tribe  from  the 
north,  were  among  the  slain.  General  Claiborne  had  one  killed 
and  six  wounded.  At  this  town  was  found  a  letter  from  the 
governor  of  Pensacola,  directed  to  Weatherford  and  the  other 
chiefs,  congratulating  them  on  their  success  at  Fort  Mimms, 
encouraging  them  to  continue  the  war,  and  promising  them 
presents,  arms,  and  munitions  from  Havana. 

About  this  time  a  mutiny  commenced  among  the  Tennessee 
volunteers,  which  threatened  to  end  in  their  total  abandonment 
of  the  campaign.  It  arose  from  a  want  of  provisions,  an=L 
although  occasional  supplies  were  forwarded  by  the  contractors^ 
the  army  was  in  a  state  bordering  on  starvation.  While  Ge 
neral  Jackson  remained  wholly  unmoved  by  his  own  privations, 
he  was  filled  with  the  deepest  concern  for  his  army.  His  utmost 
exertions  unceasingly  applied,  were  insufficient  to  remove  the 
sufferings  to  which  he  saw  them  exposed;  and  although  they 
were  by  no  means  so  great  as  they  themselves  represented,  yet 
were  undoubtedly  such  as  to  be  severely  felt.  Discontents  and 
a  desire  to  return  home  arose,  and  presently  spread  throughout 
the  camp ;  and  these  were  still  further  embittered  and  augmented 
by  the  arts  of  a  few  designing  officers,  who  believing  that  the 
campaign  would  now  break  up,  hoped  to  make  themselves 


822  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

popular,  on  the  return,  by  encouraging  and  taking  part  in  tha 
complaints  of  the  soldiery. 

At  length  revolt  began  to  show  itself  openly.  The  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  militia,  collecting  in  their  tents,  and  talking 
over  their  grievances,  determined  to  abandon  the  camp.  Jackson 
on  being  apprized  of  their  determination  to  abandon  him,  re 
solved  to  oppose  it.  In  the  morning,  when  they  were  to  carry 
their  intentions  into  execution,  he  drew  up  the  volunteers  ic 
front  of  them,  with  positive  commands  to  'prevent  their  pro 
gress,  and  compel  them  to  return  to  their  former  position  in  the 
camp.  The  militia,  seeing  this,  and  fearing  the  consequences 
of  persisting  in  their  purpose,  at  once  abandoned  it,  and  returned 
to  their  quarters,  without  further  murmuring;  extolling,  in  the 
highest  terms,  the  unalterable  firmness  of  the  general. 

The  next  day,  however,  presented  a  singular  scene.  The 
volunteers,  who,  the  day  before,  had  been  the  instrument  for 
compelling  the  militia  to  return  to  their  duty,  seeing  the  de 
struction  of  those  hopes  on  which  they  had  lately  built,  in  turn 
began  to  mutiny  themselves.  Their  opposition  to  the  departure 
of  the  militia  was  but  a  mere  pretence  to  escape  suspicion ;  for 
they  silently  wished  them  success.  They  now  determined  to 
move  off  in  a  body,  believing,  from  the  known  disaffection  in 
the  camp,  that  the  general  could  find  no  means  to  prevent  it. 
What  was  their  surprise,  however,  when,  on  attempting  to  effec 
tuate  their  resolves,  they  found  the  same  men  whom  they  so 
lately  opposed,  occupying  the  very  position  which  they  had  done 
the  day  previous,  for  a  similar  purpose,  and  manifesting  a  fixed 
determination  to  obey  the  orders  of  their  general !  All  they 
ventured  to  do,  was  to  take  the  exampb  through,  and,  like  f  '-m, 
move  back  in  peace  and  quietness  to  their  quarters. 

About  this  time  Jackson  received  letters  from  the  contractor*, 
and  principal  wagon-master,  stating  that  supplies  were  on  the 
voad  and  would  shortly  reach  hip  camp.  He  hastened  to  lay 


JACKSON'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  TROOPS.  823 

them  before  the  division,  and  invited  the  field  and  platoon 
officers  to  his  quarters  that  evening,  to  consult  on  measures 
proper  to  be  pursued.  He  addressed  them  in  an  animated 
speech,  in  which  he  extolled  their  patriotism  and  achievements, 
and  lamented  the  privations  to  which  they  had  been  exposed. 
He  spoke  of  the  great  importance  of  the  conquests  they  had 
already  made,  and  that  if  abandoned,  dreadful  consequences 
must  ensue. 

"  What,"  continued  he,  "  is  the  present  situation  of  our  camp  ? 
a  number  of  our  fellow  soldiers  are  wounded,  and  unable  to  help 
themselves.  Shall  it  be  said  that  we  are  so  lost  to  humanity, 
as  to  leave  them  in  this  condition  ?  Can  any  one,  under  these 
circumstances,  and  under  these  prospects,  consent  to  an  aban 
donment  of  the  camp ;  of  all  that  we  have  acquired  in  the  midst 
of  so  many  difficulties,  privations,  and  dangers ;  of  what  it  will 
cost  us  so  much  to  regain ;  of  what  we  never  can  regain, — our 
brave  wounded  companions,  who  will  be  murdered  by  our  un 
thinking,  unfeeling  inhumanity?  Surely  there  can  be  none 
such  !  No,  we  will  take  with  us,  when  we  go,  our  wounded 
and  sick.  ,  They  must  not,  shall  not  perish  by  our  cold-blooded 
indifference.  But  why  should  you  despond  ?  I  do  not,  and 
yet  your  wants  are  not  greater  than  mine/  To  be  sure,  we  do  not 
live  sumptuously  :  but  no  one  has  died  of  hunger,  or  is  likely 
to  die ;  and  then  how  animating  are  our  prospects  !  Large  sup 
plies  are  at  Deposit,  and  already  are  officers  dispatched  to  hasten 
them  on.  Wagons  are  on  the  way  !  a  large  number  of  beeves 
are  in  the  neighborhood;  and  detachments  are  out  to  bring 
them  in.  All  these  resources  surely  cannot  fail.  I  have  no 
wish  to  starve  you — none  to  deceive  you.  Stay  contentedly ; 
and  if  supplies  do  not  arrive  in  two  days,  we  will  all  march  back 
together,  and  throw  the  blame  of  our  failure  where  it  should 
properly  lie  j  until  then,  we  certainly  have  the  means  of  sub 
sisting  ; .  and  if  we  are  compelled  to  bear  privations,  let  us 


324  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

remember  that  they  are  borne  for  our  country,  and  are  not 
greater  than  many — perhaps  most  armies  have  been  compelled 
to  endure.  I  have  called  you  together  to  tell  you  my  feelings 
and  my  wishes;  this  evening,  think  on  them  seriously;  and  lei 
me  know  yours  in  the  morning." 

They  then  retired  to  their  tents,  when  the  officers  of  the 
volunteer  brigade  came  to  this  conclusion,  that  "  nothing  short 
of  marching  the  army  immediately  back  to  the  settlements, 
could  prevent  that  disgrace  which  must  attend  a  forcible  deser 
tion  of  the  camp,  by  the  soldiers."  The  officers  of  the  militia 
concluded  differently,  and  determined  to  remain  a  few  days 
longer.  Jackson  ordered  General  Hull  to  march  his  brigade  to 
Fort  Deposit,  and  after  satisfying  their  wants  to  return^,  and  act 
as  escort  to  the  provisions.  The  second  tegiment,  however, 
unwilling  to  be  outdone  by  the  militia  consented  to  remain ; 
and  the  first  proceeded  alone.  Two  days  elapsed,  and  the  militia, 
demanded  to  be  sent  back  to  the  settlements  as  agreed  upon; 
There  was  no  help  for  it,  and  Jackson  had  to  comply  with  their 
demand.  One  hundred  and. nine  men  expressed  their  willing 
ness  to  remain  with  him,  and  protect  Fort  Strother>  the  place 
at  which  they  were  then  encamped.  Rejoiced  that  he  would 
not  have  to  entirely  abandon  his  position,  he  set  out  with  the 
remainder  of  his  army  for  Deposit.  Before  starting  they  were 
made  distinctly  to  understand  that  in  the  event  of  their  meet 
ing  supplies  they  were  to  return  and  prosecute  the  campaign. 
This  soon  took  place,  for  scarcely  had  they  proceeded  more  than 
ten  miles,  when  they  met  one  hundred  and  fifty  beeves;  but 
this  was  to  them  an  unwelcome  sight. 

Their  faces  being  now  turned  toward  home,  no  spectacle  could 
be  more  hateful,  than  one  which  was  to  change  their  destina 
tion.  They  were  halted,  and  having  satisfied  their  hungry 
appetites,  the  troops,  with  the  exception  of  such  as  were  neces 
sary  to  proceed  with  the  sick  and  wounded,  were  ordered  to 


MUTINY    IN    THE    CAMP.  325 

return  to  the  encampment, — he  himself  intending  to  see  the 
contractors,  and  establish  more  effectual  arrangements  for  the 
future.  So  great  was  their  aversion  to  returning,  that  they  pre 
ferred  a  vielation  of  their  duty,  and  their  pledged  honor.  Low 
murmuring  ran-  along  the  lines,  and  presently  broke  out  into 
open  mutiny.  In  spite  of  the  order  they  had  received,  they 
began  to  revolt,  and  one  company  was  already  moving  off,  in  a 
direction  towards  home.  They  had  proceeded  some  distance, 
before  information  of  their  departure  was  known  to  Jackson. 
Irritated  at  their  conduct,  in  attempting  to  violate  the  promises 
they  had  given,  and  knowing  that  the  success  of  future  opera 
tions  depended  on  the  result;  the  general  pursued,  until  he 
came  near  a  part  of  his  staff,  and  a  few  soldiers,  who,  with 
General  Coffee,  had'  halted  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  ahead.  He 
ordered  them  to  form  immediately  across  the  road,  and  to  fire 
on  the  mutineers,  if  they  attempted  to  proceed.  Snatching  up 
their  arms,  these  faithful  adherents  presented  a  front  which 
threw  the  deserters  into  affright,  and  caused  them  to  retreat 
precipitately  to  the  main  body.  Here,  it  was  hoped,  the  matter 
would  end,  and  that  no  further  opposition  would  be  made  to  re 
turning.  This  expectation  was  not  realized ;  a  mutinous  temper 
began  presently  to  display  itself  throughout  the  whole  brigade. 
Jackson  having  left  his  aid-de-camp,  Major  Reid,  engaged  in 
making  up  some  dispatches,  had  gone  out  alone  amongst  his 
troops,  who  were  at  some  little  distance ;  on  his  arrival  he  found 
a  much  more  extensive  mutiny,  than  that  which  had  just  been 
quelled.  Almost  the  whole  brigade  had  put  itself  into  an  atti 
tude  for  moving  forcibly  off.  A  crisis  had  arrived ;  and  feeling 
its  importance,  he  determined  to  take  no  middle  ground,  but  to 
triumph  or  perish.  He  was  still  without  the  use  of  his  left  arm ; 
but,  seizing  a  musket,  and  resting  it  on  the  neck  of  his  horse, 
he  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  column,  and  threatened  to  shoot 
the  first  man  who  should  attempt  to  advance.  In  this  situation 

28 


S26  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

he  was  fouud  by  Major  Reid  and  General  Coffee,  who,  fearing 
from  the  length  of  his  absence,  that  some  disturbance  had  arisen, 
hastened  where  he  was,  and  placing  themselves  by  his  side, 
awaited  the  result  in  anxious  expectation.  For  many  minutes 
the  column  preserved  a  sullen,  yet  hesitating  attitude,  fearing 
to  proceed  in  their  purpose,  and  disliking  to  abandon  it.  In 
the  mean  time,  those  who  remained  faithful  to  their  duty, 
amounting  to  about  two  companies,  were  collected  and  formed 
at  a  short  distance  in  advance  of  the  troops,  and  in  rear  of  the 
general,  with  positive  directions  to  imitate  his  example  in  firing, 
if  they  attempted  to  proceed.  At  length,  finding  no  one  bold 
enough  to  advance,  and  overtaken  by  those  fears  that  in  the  hour 
of  peril  always  beset  persons  engaged  in  what  they  know  to  be 
a  bad  cause,  they  abandoned  their  purpose,  and  turning  quietly 
round,  agreed  to  return  to  their  po'sts. 

He  restored  quiet  at  .Deposit,  where  there  was  signs  of  mutiny 
and  set  out  on  his  return  to  Fort  Strother.  Here  another  diffi 
culty  arose,  the  volunteers  claimed  that  the  period  for  which 
they  had  undertaken  to  act  would  end  on  the  10th  of  December. 
Jackson  replied  that  he  could  not  undertake  to  discharge  thcin 
unless  specially  authorized.  But  he  resolved  in  case  of  contin 
gency  to  provide  other  means  for  the  continuance  of  the  cam 
paign.  He  accordingly  ordered  General  Roberts  to  return,  ancf 
(ill  up  the  deficiencies  in  his  brigade,- and  dispatched  Colonel 
Carroll  and  Major  Searcy  into  Tennessee  to  raise  volunteers  for 
six  months,  or  during  the  campaign ;  writing  at  the  same  time, 
to  many  respectable  characters,  he  exhorted  them  to  contribute 
all  "their  assistance  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  object.  He 
received  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Gideon  Blackburn,  assuring 
him  that  volunteers  from  Tennessee  would  eagerly  hasten  to  his 
relief,  if  they  knew  their  services  were  wanted. 

Jackson  was  anxious  to  employ  his  troops  actively,  and  t-c 
prosecute  the  campaign.  Ho  thought  that  by  this  method  b<3 


327 

might  dispel  their  discontents.  He  wrote  to  General  Cocke, 
desiring  him  to  join  him  immediately  at  Ten  Islands,  with  fif 
teen  hundred  men,  as  he  desired  to  commence  operations  imme 
diately.  Notwithstanding  his  utmost  efforts,  the  spirit  of  dis 
affection  was  still  rife,  and  the  volunteers  through  Colonel  Mar 
tin,  who  addressed  Jackson  a  letter,  stating  that  their  terms  of 
service  would  expire  on  the  10th  of  December.  He  stated  that 
he  deplored  the  state  of  affairs,  and  that  the  company  looked 
to  their  general  for  an  honorable  discharge.  To  this  the  general 
replied,  that  he  had  written  to  the  governor  of  Tennessee  on  the 
subject,  and  the  moment  it  was  signified  to  him  by  any  compe 
tent  authority,  that  the  volunteers  might  be  exonerated  from 
further  service,  that  moment  would  he  pronounce  it  with  the 
utmost  satisfaction.  "  I  have  only  the  power  of  pronouncing  a 
discharge, — not  of  giving  it,  in  any  case ; — a  distinction  which 
I  would  wish  should  be  borne  in  mind.  Already  I  have  sent  to 
raise  volunteers,  on  my  own  responsibility,  to  complete  a  cam 
paign  which  has  been  so  happily  begun,  and  thus  far,  so  fortu 
nately  prosecuted.  The  moment  they  arrive,  and  I  am  assured, 
that,  fired  by  our  exploits,  on  the  first  intimation  that  we  need 
their  services,  they  will  be  substituted  in  the  place  of  those  who 
aro  discontented  here ;  the  latter  will  then  be  permitted  to  re 
turn  to  their  homes,  with  all  the  honor,  which,  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  they  can  carry  along  with  them.  But  I  still  cherish 
the  hope,  that  their  dissatisfaction  and  complaints  have  been 
greatly  exaggerated.  I  can  not,  must  not  -believe,  that  the 
*  Volunteers  of  Tennessee/  a  name  ever  dear  to  fame,  will  dis 
grace  themselves,  and  a  country  which  they  have  honored,  by 
abandoning  her  standard,  as  mutineers  and  deserters ;  but  should 
I  be  disappointed,  and  compelled  to  resign  this  pleasing  hope, 
one  thing  I  will  not  resign — my  duty.  Mutiny  avid  sedition, 
so  long  as  I  possess  the  power  of  quelling  them,  shall  be  put 
Gown;  and  when  left  destitute  if  this,  I  will  still  be  found,  in 


828  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

the  last  extremity,  endeavoring  to  discharge  the  duty  I  own  my 
country  and  myself." 

He  replied  to  the  platoon  officers,  who  had  addressed  him 
upon  the  same  subject,  in  much  the  same  manner.  On  the 
evening  of  the  9th,  he  was  informed  by  General  Hull,  that  his 
whole  brigade  was  in  a  state  of  mutiny.  He  immediately  issued 
the  following  general  order: 

"  The  commanding  general  being  informed  that  an  actual 
mutiny  exists  in  the  camp,  all  officers  and  soldiers  are  com 
manded  to  put  it  down. 

"  The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  first  brigade  will,  without 
delay,  parade  on  the  west  side  of  the  fort,  and  await  further 
orders."  ^'The  artillery  company,  with  two  small  field-pieces, 
being  posted  in  the  front  and  rear ;  and  the  militia,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Wynne,  on  the  eminences,  in  advance,  were 
ordered  to  prevent  any  forcible  departure  of  the  volunteers. 

The  general  rode  along  the  line,  which  had  been  formed 
agreeably  to  his  orders,  and  addressed  them  by  companies,  in  a 
strain  of  impassioned  eloquence.  He  fully  expatiated  on  their 
former  good  conduct,.and  the  esteem  and  applause  it  had  secured 
them ;  and  pointed  to  the  disgrace  which  they  must  heap  upon 
themselves,  their  families,  and  their  country,  by  persisting,  even 
if  they  could  -succeed,  in  their  present  mutiny.  But  he  told 
them  they  should  not  succeed,  but  by  passing  over  his  body ; 
that  even  in  opposing  their  mutinous  spirit,  he  should  perish 
honorably, — by  perishing  at  his  post,  and  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duty.  " Reinforcements,"  he  continued,  "are  preparing 
to  hasten  to  my  assistance;  it  cannot  be  long  before  they  will 
arrive.  I  am,  too,  in  daily  expectation  of  receiving  information, 
whether  you  may  be  discharged  or  not — until  then,  you  mast 
not,  and  shall  not  retire.  I  have  done-  with  entreaty, — it  has 
been  used  long  enough.  I  will  attempt  it  no  more.  You  must 
now  determine  whether  you  will  go,'  or  peaceably  remain ;  if 


JACKSON'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  TIUOPS.  829 

you  still  perist  in  your  determination  to  move  forcibly  off,  the 
point  between  us  shall  soon  be  decided."  At  first  they  hesi 
tated;  he  demanded  an  explicit  and  positive  answer.  They  still 
hesitated,  and  he  commanded  the  artillerists  to  prepare  the 
match ;  he  himself  remaining  in  front  of  the  volunteers,  and 
within  the  line  of  fire,  which  he  intended  soon  to  order.  Alarmed 
at  his  apparent  determination,  and  dreading  the  consequences 
involved  in  such  a  contest;  "  Let  us  return,"  was  presently 
lisped  along  the  line,  and  was  soon  after  determined  upon.  The 
officers  now  came  forward,  and  pledged  themselves  for  their  men, 
who  either  nodded  as'sent,  or  openly  expressed  a  willingness  to 
retire  to  their  quarters,  and  remain  without  further  tumult,  until 
information  were  had,  or  the' expected  aid  should  arrivef  Thus 
passed  awa.y'a  moment  of  the  greatest  peril, — pregnant  with  the 
most  important  consequences. 

But  their  purpose  was  not  wholly  abandoned,  and  Jackson 
determined  to  rid  himself  of  men  whose  presence  answered  no 
other  purpose  than  to  keep  discontent  alive  in  the  camp.  He 
therefore  ordered  General  Hull  to  march  them  to  Nashville,  and 
do  with  them  as  the  governor  of  Tennessee  should  direct.  He 
determined  to  make  one  more  appeal  to  their  honor  and  patriot 
ism,  however,  and  on  the  13th,  directed  his  aid-de-camp  to  read 
to  them  the  following  address  : 

"  On  the  10th  of  December,  1812,  you  assembled  at  the  call 
of  your  country.  Your  profession  of  patriotism,  and  ability  to 
endure  fatigue,  were  at  once  tested  by  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather.  Breaking  your  way  through  sheets  of  ice,  you  de 
scended  the  Mississippi,  and  reached  the  point  at  which  you 
were  ordered  to  be  halted  and  dismissed.  All  this  you  bore 
•without  murmuring.  Finding  that  your  services  were  not  needed, 
the  means  of  marching  you  back  were  procured ;  every  difficulty 
was  surmounted,  and,  as  soon  as  the  point  from  which  you  em 
barked  was.  regained,  the  order  for  your  dismissal  was  carried  into 

28* 


330  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

effect.  The  promptness  with  which  you  assembled,  the  regularity 
of  your  conduct,  your  attention  to  your  duties,  the  determination 
manifested,  on  every  occasion,  to  carry  into  effect  the  wishes 
and  will  of  your  government,  placed  you  on  elevated  ground. 
You  not  only  distinguished  yourselves,  but  gave  to  your  state  a 
distinguished  rank  with  her  sisters;  and  led  your  government 
to  believe  that  the  honor  of  the  nation  would  never  be  tarnished, 
when  entrusted  to  the  holy  keeping  of  the  '  Volunteers  of 
Tennessee/ 

"  In  the  progress  of  a  war,  which  the  implacable  and  eternal 
enemy  of  our  independence  induced  to  be' waged,  we  found  that, 
without  cause  on  our  part,  a  portion  of  the  Creek  nation  was 
added  vfco  the  number  of  our  foes.  To  put  it  down,  the  first 
glance  of  the  administration  fell  on  you  :  and  yftu  were  again 
summoned  to  the  field  of  honor.  In  full  possession  of  your 
former  feelings,  that  summons  was  cheerfully  obeyed.  Before 
your  enemy  thought  you  in  motion,  you  were  at  Tallushatchee 
and  Talladega.  The  thunder  of  your  arms  was  a  signal  to 
them,  that  the  slaughter  of  your  countrymen  was  about  to  be 
avenged.  You  fought,  you  conquered !  barely  enough  of  the 
foe  escaped,  to  recount  to  their  savage  associates,  your  deeds  of 
valor.  You  returned  to  this  place,  loaded  with  honors,  and  the 
applauses  of  your  country. 

"  Can  it  be,  that  these  brave  men  are  about  to  become  the 
tarnishers  of  their  own  reputation  !  the  destroyers  of  a  name, 
which  does  them  so  much  honor?  Yes,  it  is  truth  too  well  dis 
closed,  that  cheerfulness  has  been  exchanged  for  complaints : 
murmurings  and  discontents  alone  prevail.  Men  who  a  little 
while  sinc§  were  offering  up  prayers,  for  permission  to  chastise 
the  merciless  savage, — who  burned  with  impatience  to  teach 
them  how  much  they  had  hitherto  been  indebted  to  our  for 
bearance;  are  now,  when  they  could  so  easily  attain  their  wishes, 
seeking  to  be  discharged-  The  heart  of  your  general  has  been 


JACKSON'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  TROOPS.  381 

pierced.  The  first  object  of  his  military  affections,  and  the  first 
glory  of  his  life,  were  the  volunteers  of  Tennessee  !  The  very 
name  recalls  to  him  a  thousand  endearing  recollections.  But 
these  men, — these  volunteers  have  become  mutineers.  The 
feelings  he  would  have  indulged,  your  general  has  been  com 
pelled  to  suppress — he  has  been  compelled  by  a  regard  to  that 
subordination,  so  necessary  to  the  support  of  every  army,  and 
which  he  is  bound  to  have  observed,  to  check  the  disorder  which 
would  have  destroyed  you.  He  has  interposed  his  authority 
for  your  safety;  to  prevent  you  from  disgracing  yourselves  and 
your  country.  Tranquillity  has  been  restored  in  our  camp, — 
contentment  shall  also  be  restored;  this  can  be  done  only  by 
permitting  those  to  retire,  whose  dissatisfaction  proceeds  from 
causes  that  cannot  be  controlled.  This  permission  will  now  be 
given.  Your  country  will  dispense  with  your  services,  if  you 
have  no  longer  a  regard  for  that  fame,  which  you  have  so  nobly 
earned  for  yourselves  and  her.  Yes,  soldiers,  you  who  were 
once  so  brave,  and  to  whom  honor  was  so  dear,  shall  be  per 
mitted  to  return  to  your  homes,  if  you  still  desire  it.  But  in 
what  language,  when  you.  arrive,  will  you  address  your  families 
and  friends  ?-  "Will  you  tell  them  that  you  abandoned  your 
general,  and  your  late  associates  in  arms,  within  fifty  miles  of  a 
savage  enemy ;  who  equally  delights  in  shedding  the  blood  of 
the  innocent  female  and  her  sleeping  babe,  as  that  of  the  warrior 
contending  in  battle  ?  Lamentable,  disgraceful  tale  !  If  your 
dispositions  are  really  changed ;  if  you  fear  an  enemy  you  so 
lately  conquered ;  this  day  will  prove  it.  I  now  put  it  to  your 
selves  ;  determine  upon-  the  part  you  will  act,  influenced  only 
by  the  suggestions  of  your  own  hearts,  and  your  own  under 
standings.  All  who  prefer  an  inglorious  retirement,  shall  be 
ordered  to  Nashville,  to  be  discharged,  as  the  president  or  the 
governor  may  direct.  Who  choose  to  remain,  and  unite  with  their 
general.,  in  the  furihsr  prosecution  rf  the  campaign,  can  do  so, 


332  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

and  will  thereby  furnish  a  proof,  that  they  have  been  greatly 
traduced;  and  that  although  disaffection  and  cowardice  has 
reached  the  hearts  of  some,  it  has  not  reached  theirs.  To  such 
my  assurance  is  given,  that  former  irregularities  will  not  be 
attributed  to  them.  They  shall  be  immediately  organized  into 
a  separate  j3orps,  under  officers  of  their  own  choice ;  and  in  a  little 
while,  it  is  confidently  believed,  an  opportunity  will  be  afforded 
of  adding  to  the  laurels  you  have  already  won." 

This  appeal  failed  of  the  desired  effect.  Captain  Williamson 
alone  agreed  to  remain.  Finding  that  their  determination  to 
abandon  the  service  could  not  be  changed,  and  that  every  prin 
ciple  of  patriotism  was  forgotten,  the  general  communicated  his 
order  to  General  Hull,  directing  him  to  march  his  brigade  to 
Nashville,  and  await  such  instructions  of  he  might  receive  from 
the  president,  or  the  governor  of  Tennessee. 

General  Cocke  with  fifteen  hundred  men  arrived  on  the  12th ; 
but  it  was  found  that  no  part  as  his  troops  were  brought  into 
the  field  under  the  requisition  of  the  president  of  the  United 
States ;  and  that  the  term  of  service  of  a  greater  part  of  them 
would  expire  in  a  few  days;  and  of  the  whole  in  a  few  weeks. 
In  consequence  of  this  he  was  ordered  into  his  district  to  comply 
with  that  requisition,  and  to  carry  with  him  and  discharge  near 
their  homes,  those  of  his  troops,  the  period  of  whose  service  was 
within  a  short  time  of  being  ended. 

Meantime  the  cavalry  and  mounted  riflemen,  who  under  an 
express  stipulation  to  return  and  complete  the  campaign,  had 
been  permitted  to  retire  into  the  settlements,  to  recruit  their 
horses  and  procure  winter  clothing,  had,  at  the  time  appointed, 
reassembled  in  the  neighborhood  of  Huntsville.  But,  catching 
the  infection  of  discontent  from  the  infantry,  on  their  return 
march,  they  began  now  to  clamour  with  equal  earnestness  for  a 
discharge.  The  cavalry  insisted  that  they  were  as  well  entitled 
to  it  as  the  infantry  ;  and  the  riflemen,  that  they  could  not  be 


VIOLENT    CONDUCT    OF    THE   TROOPS  333 

held  in  service  after  the  24th,  that  being  three  months  from  tne 
time  they  had  been  mustered ;  and  as  that  day  was  so  near  at 
hand,  it  was»wholly  useless  to  advance  any  farther. 

General  Coffee,  who  was  confined  at  Hun-tsville  by  severe 
indisposition,  employed   all  the  means  which  his  debilitated 
strength  would  allow  him,  to  remove  the  dangerous  impressions 
they  had  so  readily  imbibed,  and  to  reclaim  them  to  a  sense  of 
honor  and  duty ;  but  all  his  efforts  proved  unavailing.     He  im 
mediately  ordered  his  brigade  to  head-quarters;  they  had  pro 
ceeded  as  far  as  Ditto's  Ferry,  when  the  greater  part  of  them 
refusing  to  cross  the  river,  returned  in  a  tumultuous  manner, 
committing  on  the  route  many  irregularities,  which  there  was  not 
sufficient  force  to  restrain.    Not  more  than  seven  hundred  of  the 
brigade  could  be  gotten  over ;  who,  having  marched  to  Deposit, 
were  directed  to  be  halted,  until  further  orders  could  be  obtained 
from  General  Jackson.  At  this  place  they  committed  the  wildest 
extravagancies ;  profusely  wasting  the  public  grain,  which,  with 
much  difficulty  and  labor,  had  been  collected  there,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  the  campaign;  and  indulging  in  every  species  of  excess. 
Whilst  thus  rioting,   they  continued   to.  clamour  most  vocife 
rously,  for  their^discharge.     General  Coffee  finding  his  utmost 
efforts  ineffectual,  to  restrain  or  to  quiet  thein;  wrote  to  Jackson, 
acquainting  him  with  their  conduct  and  demands,  and  inclosing 
a  petition  that  had  been  addressed  to  him  by  the  rifle  regiment. 
In  his  letter,  he  says,  "  I  am 'of  opinion,  the  sooner  they  can  be 
gotten  clear  of  the  better ;  they  are  consuming  the  forage  that 
will  be  necessary  for  others,  and  I  am  satisfied  they  will  do  no 
more  good.  I  have  told  them,  their  petition  would  be  submitted 
to  you,  who  would  decide  upon  it  in  the  shortest  possible  time." 
This   was  truly  disagreeable  news  to  the  general.     Already 
sufficiently  harassed  by  the  discontents  and  opposition  of  his 
troops ;  now  that  they  had  retired,  he  looked  anxiously  forward, 
in  hopes  that  the  tranquillity  of  his  camp  would  be  no  more 


334  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

assailed.  On  the  brigade  of  Coffee,  be  bad  placed  great  reliance, 
arid,  from  tbe  pledges  it  had  given  him,  entertained  no  fears  but 
that  it  would  return  and  act  with  him,  as  soon  as  be  should  be 
ready  to  proceed.  He  replied  to  General  Coffee,  and  taking  a 
view  of  the  grounds  and  causes  of  their  complaints,  endeavored 
to  reconcile  their  objections,  and  persuade  them  to  a  discharge 
of  the  duties  they  had  undertaken,  and  covenanted  to  perform. 

The  signers  of  that  address,  observes  the  general,  commence 
by  saying,  "  that  jealousy  is  prevailing  in  our  camp,  with  respect 
to  the  understanding  between  themselves  and  the  government, 
relative  to  the  service  required  of  them ;  and  believing  it  to  be 
its  policy  to  act  fairly,  are  of  opinion  that  a  full  explanation  of 
their  case  will  have  a  good  effect,  in  promoting  the  cause  in 
%hich  they  are  engaged." 

Jackson  addressed  them  in  the  most  pointed  manner ;  he  re 
minded  them  of  the  pledge  they  had  given ;  he  appealed  to  their 
honor,  -believing  that  if  this  were  unsuccessful,  there  was 
"nothing  by  which  he  could  hope  to  hold  them/'  Meantime 
Jackson  received  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Tennessee.  It 
recommended  him  to  dismiss,  not  discharge  them,  because  the 
latter  was  out  of  their  power.  To  induce  them  to  remain,  the 
governor  had  suggested  but  one  argument,  which  as  yet  had  not 
been  tried;  "that  it  was  very  doubtful  if  the  government  would 
pay  them  for  the  services  they  had  already  rendered,  if  aban 
doned  without  her  authority."  The  letter  was  enclosed  for  their 
inspection,  accompanied  with  these  remarks : 

"I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Governor  Blount,  which 
I  hasten  to  transmit  to  you,  that  you  may  avail  yourselves  of 
whatever  benefits  and  privileges  it  holds  out.  You  will  perceive, 
that  he  does  not  consider  he  has  any  power  to  discharge  you — 
neither  have  I : — but  you  have  my  permission  to  retire  from 
the  service,  if  you  are  still  desirous  of  doing  so,  and  are  prepared 
to  risk  the  consequences." 


MUTINY   IN   THE    CAMP.  335 

These  letters,  so  /ar  from  answering  the  desired  end,  had  a 
directly  contrary  effect.  The  governor's  was  no  sooner  read  than 
they  eagerly  laid  hold  of  it  to  support  the  resolution  they  had 
already  formed ;  and  without  further  ceremony  or  delay,  aban 
doned  the  campaign,  with  their  colonel,  Allcorn,  at  their  head, 
who,  so  far  from  having  endeavored  to  reconcile  them,  is  believed 
by  secret  artifices  to  have  fomented  their  discontents. 

So  general  was  the  dissatisfaction  of  this  brigade,  and  with 
such  longing  anxiety  did  they  indulge  the  hope  of  a  speedy 
return  to  their  homes,  that  their  impatience  did  not  permit  them 
to  wait  the  return  of  the  messenger  from  head-quarters.  Before 
an  answer  could  reach  General  Coffee,  they  had  broken  up  their 
encampment  at  Deposit,  re-crossed  the  river,  and  proceeded  four 
miles  beyond  Hunts ville.  On  receiving  it,  Coffee  had  the  bri 
gade  drawn  up  in  solid  column,  and  the  letters,  together  with 
the  pledge  they  had  given,  read  to  them ;  after  which,  the  Rev.  , 
Mr.  Blackburn  endeavored,  in  an  eloquent  speech,  in  which  he 
pointed  out  the  ruinous  consequences  that  were  to  be  appre 
hended,  if  they  persisted  in  their  present  purpose,  to  recall  them 
to  a  sense  of  duty  and  honor ;  but  they  had  formed  their  reso 
lution  too  steadfastly,  and  had  gone  too  extravagant  lengths,  to 
be  influenced  by  the  letter,  the  pledge,  or  the  speech.  As  to 
the  pledge,  a  few  said  they  had  not  authorised  it  to  be  made ; 
.  others,  that  as  the  general  had  not  returned  an  immediate  ac 
ceptance,  they  did  not  consider  themselves  bound  by  it ;  but 
the  greater  part  candidly  acknowledged,  that  they  stood  com 
mitted,  and  were  without  any  justification  for  their  present  con 
duct.  Nevertheless,  except~  a  few  officers,  and  three  or  four 
privates,  the  whole  persisted  in  the  determination  to  abandon 
the  service.  Thus,  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  they  broke  up, 
and  committing  innumerable  extravagancies  regardless  alike  of 
law  and  decency,  continued  their  route  to  their  respective  homes. 
Whilst,  these  unfortunate  events  were  transpiring  in  the  rear, 


236  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

matters  were  far  from  wearing  a  very  encouraging  aspect  at 
head-quarters.  General  Robert's  brigade  of  West  Tennessee 
militia,  consisting  in  consequence  of  numerous  desertions  of 
about  six  hundred  men,  imitating  the  example  set  them,  began 
on  the  day  they  thought  themselves  entitled  to  discharge  to  set 
about  returning  home.  General  Jackson,  however,  did  not  put 
the  same  construction  upon  it  that  they  did.  It  was  true  the 
act  did  not  determine  the  time  of  their  engagements ;  but  it  had 
specified  the  object  for  which  they  had  been  called  out;  viz. : 
the  subjugation  of  the  Indians ;  and  as  that  object  was  not  yet 
attained,  it  was  thought  that  they  were  not  entitled  to  a  dis 
charge.  He  again  solicited  the  governor  of  Tennessee  infcthe 
most  pressing  manner  to  take  the  earliest  measures  for  supply 
ing  by  draft,  or  voluntary  enlistment,  the  deficiencies,  as  well 
as  that  which  was  so  soon  to  be  expected. 

The  governor  replied  that  he  had  ordered  General  Cocke  to 
bring  into  the  field  fifteen  hundred  men  of  the  detached  militia, 
as  the  secretary  of  war  had  required,  together  with  a  thousand 
volunteers  under  the  act  of  the  assembly  of  Tennessee,  and  he 
did  not  feel  authorized  to  grant  a  new  order.  He  remarked 
that  he  looked  upon  the  further  prosecution  of  the  campaign  as 
fruitless,  and  concluded  by  advising  him  to  withdraw  the  troops 
into  the  settlements,  and  suspend  all  active  operations,  until  the 
ge'neral  government  should  provide  more  effectual  means,  for 
conducting  it  to  a  favorable  issue.  Jackson  determined  to  oppose 
this  advice,  and  in  his  letter  remarks  as  follows : 

"  Had  your  wish,  that  I  should  discharge  a  part  of  my  force, 
and  retire,  with  the  residue,  into  the  settlements,  assumed  the 
form  of  a  positive  order,  it  might  have  furnished  me  some 
apology  for  pursuing  such  a  course;  but  by  no  means  a  full 
justification.  As  you  would  have  no  power  to  give  such  an 
order,  I  could  not  be  inculpable  in  obeying,  with  my  eyes 
open  to  the  fatal  consequences  that  would  attend  it.  But  a  bare 


JACKSON'S  LETTER  TO  THE  GOVERNOR.  337 

recommendation,  founded,  as  I  am  satisfied  it  must  be,  on  the 
artful  suggestions  of  those  fireside  patriots,  who  seek,  in  a  failure 
of  the  e^edition,  an  excuse  for  their  supineness ;  and  upon  the 
misrepresentations  of  the  discontented  from  the  army,  who  wish 
it  to  be  believed,  that  the  difficulties  which  overcame  their  patriot 
ism  are  wholly  insurmountable,  would  afford  me  but  a  feeble 
shield,  against  the  reproaches  of  my  country,  or  my  conscience. 
Believe  me,  my  respected  friend,  the  remarks  I  make  proceed 
from  the  purest  personal  regard.  If  you  would  preserve  your 
reputation,  or  that  of  the  state  over  which  you  preside,  you 
must  take  a  straight- forward,  determined  course ;  regardless  of 
the  applause  or  censure  of  the  populace,  and  of  the  forebodings 
of  that  dastardly  and  designing  crew,  who,  at  a  time  like  this, 
may  be  expected  to  clamour  continually  in  your  ears.  The  very 
wretches  who  now  beset  you  with  evil  council,  will  be  the  first, 
should  the  measures  which  they  recommend  eventuate  in  disaster, 
to  call  down  imprecations  on  your  head,  and  load  you  with 
reproaches.  Your  country  is  in  danger;  apply  its  resources  to 
its  defence!  Can* any  course  be  more  plain?  Do  you,  my 
friend,  at  such  a  moment  as  the  present,  sit  with  your  arms 
folded,  and  your  heart  at  ease,  waiting  a  solution  of  your  doubts, 
and  a  definition  of  your  powers?  Do  you  wait  for  special 
instructions  from  the  secretary  of  war,  which  it  is  impossible  for 
you  to  receive  in  time  for  the  danger  that  threatens  ?  How 
did  the  venerable  Shelby  act,  under  similar  circumstances ;  or 
rather,  under  circumstances  by  no  means  as  critical  ?  Did  he 
wait  for  orders,  to  do  what  every  man  of  sense  knew — what 
every  patriot  felt — to  be  right  ?  He  did  not ;  and  yet  how 
highly  and  justly  did  the  government  extol  his  manly  and  ener 
getic  conduct !  and  how  dear  has  his  name  become  to  all  the 
friends  of  their  country  ! 

"  You  say,  that,  having  given  an  order  to  General  Cocke,  to 
bring  his  quota  of  men  into  the  field,  your  power  ceases ;  and 

29 


838  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

that,  although  you  are  made  sensible  that  he  has  wholly  neglected 
that  order,  you  can  take  no  measure  to  remedy  the  omission. 
Widely  different,  indeed,  is  my  opinion.  %  consider  -it  your 
imperious  duty,  when  the  men,  called  for  by  your  order,  founded 
upon  that  of  the  government,  are  known  not  to  be  in  the  field, 
to  see  that  they  be  brought  there ;  and  to  take  immediate  mea 
sures  with  the  officer,  who,  charged  with  the  execution  of  your 
order,  omits  or  neglects  to  do  it.  As  the  executive  of  the  state, 
it  is  your  duty  to  see  that  the  full  quota  of  troops  be  constantly 
kept  in  the  field,  for  the  time  they  have  been  required.  For 
you  are  responsible  to  the  government;  your  officer  to  you. 
Of  what  avail  is  it,  to  give  an  order,  if  it  be  never  executed, 
and  may  be  disobeyed  with  impunity?  Is  it  by  empty  orders, 
that  we  can  hope  to  conquer  our  enemies,  and  save  our  defence 
less  frontiers  from  butchery  and  devastation  ?  Believe  me,  my 
valued  friend,  there  are  times,  when  it  is  highly  criminal  to 
shrink  from  responsibility,  or  scruple  about  the  exercise  of  our 
powers.  There  are  times,  when  we  must  disregard  punctilious 
etiquette,  and  think  only  of  serving  our  country.  What  is  really 
our  present  situation  ?  The  enemy  we  have  been  sent  to  subdue, 
may  be  said,  if  we  stop  at  this,  to  be  only  exasperated.  The 
commander-in-chief,  General  Pinckney,  who  supposes  me,  by 
this  time,  prepared  for  renewed  operations,  has  ordered  me  to 
advance,  and  form  a  junction  with  the  Georgia  army ;  and  upon 
the  expectation  that  I  will  do  so,  are  all  his  arrangements 
formed,  for  the  prosecution  of  the  campaign.  Will  it  do  to  de 
feat  his  plans,  and  jeopardize  the  safety  of  the  Georgia  army  ? 
The  general  government,  too,  believe,  that  we  have  now  not 
less  than  fivejthousand  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country; 
and  on  this  opinion  are  all  their  calculations  bottomed;  and 
must  they  all  be  frustrated,  and  I  become  the  instrument  by 
which  it  is  done  ?  God  forbid ! 

"  You  advise  me,  too,  to  discharge,  or  dismiss  from  service, 


JACKSON'S  LETTER  TO  THE  GOVERNOR.  339 

until  the  will  of  the  president  can  be  known,  such  portion  of 
the  militia,  as  have  rendered  three  months'  service.  This  advice 
astonishes  me,  even  more  than  the  former.  I  have  no  such  dis 
cretionary  power ;  and  it  would  be  impolitic  and  ruinous  to  ex 
ercise  it,  if  I  had.  I  believed  the  militia,  who  were  not  specially 
received  for  a  shorter  period,  were  engaged  for  six  months, 
unless  the  objects  of  the  expedition  should  be  sooner  attained ; 
and  in  this  opinion  I  was  greatly  strengthened,  by  your  letter 
of  the  15th,  in  which  you  say,  when  answering  my  inquiry  upon 
this  subject,  '  the  militia  are  detached  for  six  months'  service;' 
nor  did  I  know,  or  suppose,  you  had  a  different  opinion,  until 
the  arrival  of  your  last  letter.  This  opinion  must,  I  suppose, 
agreeably  to  your  request,  be  made  known  to  General  Roberts1 
brigade,  and  then  the  consequences  are  not  difficult  to  be  foreseen. 
Every  man  belonging  to  it  will  abandon  me  on  the  4th  of  next 
month ;  nor  f^ll  I  have  the  means  of  preventing  it,  but  by  the 
application  of  force,  which,  under  such  circumstances,  I  shall 
not  be  at  liberty  to  use.  I  have  labored  hard,  to  reconcile  these 
men,  to  a  continuance  in  service,  until  they  could  be  honorably 
discharged,  and  had  hoped  I  had,  in  a  great  measure,  succeeded ; 
but  your  opinion,  operating  with  their  own  prejudices,  will  give 
a  sanction  to  their  own  conduct,  and  render  useless  any  further 
attempts.  They  will  go ;  but  I  can  neither  discharge  nor  dis 
miss  them.  Shall  I  be  'told,  that,  as  they  will  go,  it  may  as 
well  be  permitted ;  can  that  be  any  good  reason  why  I  should 
do  an  unauthorized  act  ?  Is  it  a  good  reason  why  I  should 
violate  the  order  of  my  superior  officer,  and  evince  a  willingness 
to  defeat  the  government  ?  And  wherein  does  the  '  sound  policy' 
of  the  measures  that  have  been  recommended  consist  ?  or  in 
what  way  are  they  '  likely  to  promote  the  public  good-  ?'  Is  it 
sound  policy  to  abandon  a  conquest  thus  far  made,  and  deliver 
up  to  havoc,  or  add  to  the  number  of  our  enemies,  those  friendly 
Creeks  and  Cherokees,  who,  relying  on  our  protection,  have 


340  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

espoused  our  cause,  and  aided  us  with  their  arms  ?  Is  it  good 
policy  to  turn  loose  upon  our  defenceless  frontiers,  five  thousand 
exasperated  savages,  to  reek  their  hands  once  more  in  the  blood 
of  our  citizens  ?  What !  retrogade  under  such  circumstances  ! 
I  will  perish  first.  No,  I  will  do  my  duty :  I  will  hold  the 
posts  I  have  established,  until  ordered  to  abandon  them  by  the* 
commanding  general,  or  die  in  the  struggle  : — long  since  have  I 
determined,  not  to  seek  the  preservation  of  life,  at  the  sacrifice 
of  reputation. 

"But  our  frontiers,  it  seems,  are  to  be  defended,  and  by 
whom  ?  By  the  very  force  that  is  now  recommended  to  be  dis 
missed  ;  for  I  am  first  told  to  retire  into  the  settlements,  and 
protect  the  frontiers ;  next,  to  discharge  my  troops ;  and  then, 
that  no  measures  can  be  taken  for  raising  others.  No,  my  friend, 
if  troops  be  given  me,  it  is  not  by  loitering  on  the  frontiers  that 
I  will  seek  to  give  protection ; — they  are  to  be  d^ffcnded,  if  de 
fended  at  all,  in  a  very  different  manner; — by  carrying  the  war 
into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  All  other  hopes  of  de 
fence  are  more  visionary  than  dreams.  What  then  is  to  be  done  ? 
I'll  tell  you  what.  You  have  only  to  act  with  the  energy  and 
decision  the  crisis  demands,  and  all  will  be  well.  Send  me  a 
force  engaged  for  six  months,  and  I  will  answer  for  the  result, — 
but  withhold  it,  and  all  is  lost, — the  reputation  of  the  state, 
and  your's,  and  mine  ^long  with  it." 

The  governor  immediately  ordered  twenty-five  hundred  militia, 
for  a  tour  of  three  months,  to  rendezvous  at  Fayetteville,  on  the 
28th  of  January.  The  command  was  given  to  Colonel  Johnson, 
with  orders  to  proceed  without  delay,  by  detachments  or  other 
wise,  to  Fort  g  troth  er. 

A  difficulty  now  occurred  with  General  Roberts'  brigade.  He 
had  been  ordered  back  to  supply  deficiencies,  and  returned  on 
27th  with  one  hundred  and  ninety  men,  mustered  for  three 
months.  He  halted  within  a  short  distance  of  the  camp,  and 


VOLUNTEERS    CLAIM   THEIR   DISCHARGE.  841 

proceeded  to  ascertain  whether  the  general  would  receive  them 
for  the  term  they  had  stipulated.  Jackson  replied  that  he 
would  prefer  to  engage  them  for  six  months,  or  during  the  cam 
paign  ;  but  would  gladly  receive  them  for  the  period  they  had 
mustered ;  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  he  would  discharge 
them.  Notwithstanding  this  assurance,  however,  they  deter 
mined  for  some  unknown  cause  to  abandon  their  engagements, 
and  return  home.  This  was  attributed  to  the  conduct  of  Ge 
neral  Roberts.  He  reported  to  his  men,  that  he  had  been  un 
successful,  and  remarked  that  he  had  exonerated  them  from  all 
obligations  that  they  were  under  to  him.  They  instantly  set 
about  returning.  Jackson,  on  learning  this,  dispatched  General 
Roberts  after  them,  but  he  failed  to  induce  them  to  return,  when 
he  was  again  ordered  to  bring  them  back  at  all  hazards.  Those 
who  should  willingly  return  to  duty,  except  those  officers,  who 
had  been  reported  as  the  instigators  should  be  pardoned.  Many 
of  the  men,  upon  understanding  the  nature  of  affairs,  returned 
of  their  own  accord,  and  laid  the  charge  upon  their  general.  He 
was  afterwards  arrested,  and  upon  this  and  other  charges  exhi 
bited  against  him,  sentenced,  by  a  court-martial,  to  be  cashiered. 
The  day  had  arrived,  when  that  portion  of  Roberts'  brigade, 
which  had  continued  in  service,  claimed  to  be  discharged ;  and 
that  whether  this  were  given  to  them  or  not,  they  would  aban 
don  the  campaign  and  return  home.  Jackson  believed  them 
not  entitled  to  it,  and  hence,  that  he  had  no  right  to  give  it ; 
but  as  Governor  Blount  had  said  differently,  and  his  opinion,  as 
he  had  required,  had  been  promulgated,  he  felt  it  was  improper 
that  he  should  attempt  the  exercise  of  force  to  detain  them. 
Nevertheless,  believing  it  to  be  his  duty  to  keep  them,  he  issued 
a  general  order,  commanding  all  persons,  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  under  his  command,  not  to'  leave  the  encamp 
ment,  without  his  written  permission,  under  the  penalties  an 
nexed,  by  the  rules  and  articles  of  war,  to  the  crime  of  desertion 

29* 


842  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

Thfe  was  accompanied  by  an  address,  in  which  they  were  ex 
horted,  by  all  those  motives  which  he  supposed  would  be  most 
likely  to  have  any  influence,  to  remain  at  their  posts,  until  they 
could  be  legally  discharged.  Neither  the  order  nor  the  address 
availed  any  thing.  On  the  morning- of  the  4th  of  January,  the 
officer  of  the  day,  Major  Bradley,  reported,  that,  on  visiting  his 
guard,  half  after  ten  o'clock,  he  found  neither  the  officer,  Lieu 
tenant  Kearley,  nor  any  of  the  sentinels  at  their  posts.  Upon 
this  information,  General  Jackson  ordered  the  arrest  of  Kearley, 
who  refused  to  surrender  his  sword,  alleging  it  should  protect 
him  to  Tennessee;  that  he  was  a  freeman,  and  not  subject  to 
the  orders  of  General  Jackson,  or  any  body  else.  This  being 
made  known  to  the  general,  he  issued,  immediately,  this  order 
to  the  adjutant  general;  "You  will  forthwith  cause  the  guards 
to  parade,  with  Captain  Gordon's  company  of  spies,  and  arrest 
Lieutenant  Kearley ;  and,  in  case  you  shall  be  opposed,  in  the 
execution  of  this  order,  you  are  commanded  to  oppose  force  to 
force,  and  arrest  him  at  all  hazards.  Spare  the  effusion  of  blood, 
if  possible ;  but  mutiny  must,  and  shall  be  put  down."  Colonel 
Sitler,  with  the  guards  and  Gordon's  company,  immediately, 
proceeded  in  search,  and  found  him  a't  the  head  of  his  company, 
on  the  lines,  which  were  all  formed,  and  about  to  march  off. 
He  was  ordered  to  halt,  but  refused.  The  adjutant-general, 
finding  it  necessary,  directed  the  guards  to  stop  him;  and 
again  demanded  his  sword,  which  he  again  refused  to  deliver. 
The  guards  were  commanded  to  fire  on  him,  if  he  did  not  imme 
diately  deliver  it,  and  had  already  cocked  their  guns.  At  this 
order,  the  lieutenant  cocked  his,  and  his  men  followed  his  ex 
ample.  General  Jackson,  informed  of  what  was  passing,  had 
hastened  to  the  scene,  and  arriving  at  this  moment,  personally 
demanded  of  Kearley  his  sword,  which  he  still  obstinately  re 
fused  to  deliver.  Incensed  at  the  outrage,  and  viewing  the  ex 
ample  as  too  dangerous  to  pass,  he  snatched  a  pistol  from  hia 


SUBMISSION    OF   LIEUTENANT    KEARLEY.  348 

holstei,  and  was  already  levelling  it  at  the  breast  of  Kearley, 
when  Colonel  Sitler,  interposing  between  them,  .urged  him  to 
surrender  his  sword.  At  this  moment,  Dr.  Taylor,  the  friend 
of  the  lieutenant,  drew  it  from  the  scabbard,  and  handed  it  to 
the  adjutant-general,  who  refused  to  receive  it.  It  was  then 
returned  to  Kearley,  who  now  delivered  it,  and  was  placed  under 
guard.  During  this  crisis,  both  parties  remained  with  their 
arms  ready,  and  prepared  for  firing ;  and  a  scene  of  bloodshed 
was  narrowly  escaped. 

Kearley  being  confined,  and  placed  under  guard,  soon  became 
exceedingly  penitent,  and  earnestly  supplicated  the  general  for 
a  pardon.  He  stated,  that  the  .absence  of  the  guards  and  sen 
tinels  from  their  posts,  was  owing  to  the  recommendation  and 
advice  of  the  brigade-major,  Myers;  that  his  not  delivering  his 
sword,  when  it  was  first  demanded,  was  owing  to  the  influence 
and  arguments  of  others,  who  persuaded  him  that  it  was  not 
his  duty ;  that  he  had  afterwards  come  to  the  determination  to 
surrender  himself,  but  was  dissuaded  by  Captains  Metcalf  and 
Dooley,  who  assured  him  it  would  be  a  sacrifice  of  character, 
and  that  they  would  protect  him  in  the  hour  of  danger ;  why  he 
resisted,  in  the  presen.ce  of  the  general,  was,  that  being  then  at 
the  head  of  his  company,  and  having  undertaken  to  carry  them 
home,  he  was  restrained,  at  the  moment,  by  a  false  idea  of 
honor.  This  application  was  aided  by  the  certificate  of  several 
of  the  most  respectable  officers  of  the  camp,  attesting  his  uni 
formly  good  behaviour  heretofore,  and  .expressing  a  belief  that 
his  late  mfsconduct  was  wholly  attributed  to  the  interference  of 
others.  Influenced  by  these  reasons,  but  particularly  by  the 
seductions  which  he  believed  had  been  practise^  upon  him,  by 
older  and  more  experienced  officers  in  his  regiment,  the  general 
thought  proper  to  order  his  liberation  from  arrest,  and  his  sword 
to  be  restored  *o  him.  Never  was  a  man  more  sensitive  of  the 


344  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

favor  he  had  received,  or  more  devoted  to  his  benefactor,  than 
he  afterwards  became. 

As  the  term  for  which  the  East  Tennessee  troops  had  been 
engaged  would  expire  on  the  14th,  and  as  Colonel  Lillard's 
regiment  had  professed  a  desire  to  be  led  against  the  enemy 
before  they  quitted  the  service,  Jackson  issued  the  following 
address,  hoping  that  they  would  willingly  remain  in  the  field,  for 
a  few  days  longer. 

"  Major-Greneral  Cocke  having  reported  that  your  term  of  ser 
vice  will  expire  on  the  14th,  1  assume  no  claim  on  you  beyond 
that  period.  But,  although  I  cannot  demand  as  a  right,  the 
continuance  of  your  services,  I  do  not  despair  of  being  able  to 
obtain  them  through  your  patriotism.  For  what  purpose  was 
it  that  you  quitted  your  homes,  and  penetrated  the  heart  of  the 
enemy's  country  ?  Was  it  to  avenge  the  blood  of  your  fellow- 
citizens,  inhumanly  slain  by  that  enemy ; — to  give  security  in 
future  to  our  extended  and  unprotected  frontier,  and  to  signalize 
the  valor  by  which  you  were  animated  ?  Will  any  of  these 
objects  be  attained  if  you  abandon  the  campaign  at  the  time  you 
contemplate  ?  Not  one  !  Yet  an  opportunity  shall  be  afforded 
you,  if  you  desire  it.  If  you  have  been  really  actuated  by  the 
feelings,  and  governed  by  the  motives,  which,  your  commanding 
general  supposes,  influenced  you  to  take  up  arms,  and  enter  the 
field  in  defence  of  your  rights,  none  of  you  will  resist  the  appeal 
he  now  makes,  or  hesitates  to  embrace  the  eagerness,  the  oppor 
tunity  he  is  to  afford  you. 

The  enemy,  more  than  half  conquered,  but  deriving  encourage 
ment  and  hope  from  the  tardiness  of  our  operations,  and  the  dis 
tractions,  which  have  unhappily  prevailed  in  our  camp,  are  again 
assembling  below  us.  Another  lesson  of  admonition  must  be 
furnished  them.  They  must  agai«  be  made  to  feel  the  weight  of 
that  power,  which  they  have,  without  cause,  provoked  to  war; 
and  to  know,  that  although  we  have  been  slow  to  take  up  arms, 


JACKSON'S  ADDRESS  TO  THE  TROOPS.  345 

we  will  never  again  lay  them  from  our  hands,  until  we  have 
secured  the  objects  that  impel  us  to  the  resort.  In  less  than  eight 
days  I  shall  leave  the  encampment,  to  meet  and  fight  them.  Will 
any  of  you  accompany  me  ?  Are  there  any  amongst  you,  who, 
at  a  moment  like  this,  will  not  think  it  an  outrage  upon  honor, 
for  his  feelings  to  be  tested  by  a  computation  of  time  ?  What 
if  the  period  for  which  you  tendered  your  services  to  your  coun 
try  has  expired, — is  that  a  consideration  with  the  valiant,  the 
patriotic,  and  the  brave,  who  have  appeared  to  redress  the  injured 
rights  of  that  country,  and  to  acquire  for  themselves  a  name  of 
glory?  Is  it  a  consideration  with  them,  when  those  objects  are 
still  unattained,  and  an  opportunity  of  aoquiring  them  is  so  near 
at  hand  ?  Did  such  men  enter  the  field  like  hirelings, — to  serve 
for  pay  alone  ?  Does  all  regard  for  their  country,  their  families, 
and  themselves,  expire  with  the  time,  for  which  their  services 
were  engaged  ?  Will  it  be  a  sufficient  gratification  to  their 
feelings,  that  they  served  out  three  months,  without  seeing  the 
enemy,  and  then  abandoned  the  campaign,  when  the  enemy  was 
in  the  neighborhood,  and  could  be  seen  and  conquered  in  ten 
days  ?  Any  retrospect  they  can  make,  of  the  sacrifices  they 
have  encountered,  and  the  privations  they  have  endured,  can 
afford  but  little  satisfaction  under  such  circumstances; — the 
very  mention  of  the  Creek  war,  must  cover  them  with  the  blushes 
of  shame,  and  self-abasement.  Having  engaged  for  only  thr^ee 
months,  and  that  period  having  expired,  you  are  not  bound  to 
serve  any  longer : — but  are  you  bound  by  nothing  else  ?  Surely, 
as  honorable  and  high-minded  men,  you  must,  at  such  a  moment 
as  the  present,  feel  other  obligations  than  the  law  imposes.  A 
fear  of  the  punishment  of  the  law,  did  not  bring  you  into  camp; 
that  its  demands  are  satisfied,  will  not  take  you  from  it.  You 
had  higher  objects  in  view, — some  greater  good  to  attain.  This, 
pour  general  believes, — nor  can  he  believe  otherwise,  without 
doing  you  great  injustice. 


846  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

"Your  services  are  not  avsked  for  longer  than  twenty  days; 
and  who  will  hesitate  making  such  a  sacrifice,  when  the  good  of 
his  country,  and  his  own  fame  are  at  stake  ?  Who,  under  the 
present  aspect  of  affairs,  will  even  reckon  it  a  sacrifice  ?  When 
we  set  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  this  post  must  be  retained  and 
defended ;  if  any  of  you  will  remain,  and  render  this  service,  it 
will  be  no  less  important,  than  if  you  had  marched  to  the  battle; 
nor  will  your  general  less  thankfully  acknowledge  it.  Tuesday 
next,  the  line  of  march  will  be  taken  up ;  and  in  a  few  days 
thereafter,  the  objects  of  the  excursion  will  be  effected.  As 
patriotic  men,  then,  I  ask  you  for  your  services ;  and  thus  long, 
I  have  no  doubt  you  will  cheerfully  render  them.  I  am  well 
aware,  that  you  are  all  anxions  to  return,  to  your  families  and 
homes,  and  that  you  are  entitled  to  do  so ;  yet  stay  a  little  longer, 
— go  with  me,  and  meet  the  enemy,  and  you  can  then  return, 
not  only  with  the  consciousness  of  having  performed  your  duty, 
but  with  the  glorious  exultation,  of  having  done  even  more  than 
duty  required/' 

But  this  address  failed  to  move  them,  and  on  the  10th,  four 
days  before  their  term  expired,  they  returned  home.  Jackson, 
however,  by  this  time  received  reinforcements,  and  on  the  17th 
of  January,  1814,  finding  himself  in  a  condition  to  commence 
active  offensive  operations,  marched  from  Fort  Strother  with 
nine  hundred  volunteers,  who  were  soon  afterwards  joined  by 
three  hundred  friendly  Indians,  against  an  assemblage  of  Creeks 
at  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosa.  On  the  evening  of  the 
21st,  he  fell  upon  a  large  trail,  which  indicated  the  neighbor 
hood  of  a  strong  force.  At  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  he  was 
informed  by  his  spies  that  there  was  a  large  encampment  of  In 
dians,  about  three  miles  distant,  who,  from  their  actions,  they 
judged  to  be  apprised  of  his  approach,  and  would  either  com 
mence  a  night  attack  upon  him,  or  make  their  escape.  On  re 
ceiving  this  intelligsnce,  Jackson  put  himself  in  readiness  for  a 


BATTLE   OF    TALLAPOOSA.  347 

night  attack,  or  pursue  them  as  soon  as  daylight  would  give  him 
an  opportunity. 

At  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  a  vigorous  attack  was  made 
upon  his  left  flank,  which  sustained  it  with  bravery ;  the  action 
continued  to  rage  at  that  point,  and  on  the  left  of  the  rear,  for 
half  an  hour.  As  soon  as  it  became  light  enough  to  pursue,  the 
left  wing  was  reinforced  by  Captain  FerrilFs  company  of  infantry, 
and  led  on  to  the  charge  by  General  Coffee.  The  enemy  were 
completely  routed  at  every  point;  and  the  friendly  Indians 
joined  in  the  pursuit,  they  were  chased  about  two  miles  with 
great  slaughter.  The  chase  being  over,  General  Coffee  was 
detached  to  burn  their  encampment,  but  finding  it  fortified,  he 
returned  to  the  main  body  for  artillery.  Half  an  hour  after  his 
return,  a  large  force  appeared  and  commenced  an  attack  upon 
the  right  flank.  General  Coffee  was  permitted,  at  his  own  request, 
to  take  two  hundred  men  and  turn  the  enemy's  left,  but  by 
some  mistake  only  fifty-four  followed  him ;  with  these  he  com 
menced  an  attack  on  their  left ;  two  hundred  of  the  friendly  In 
dians  were  ordered  to  fall  upon  the  enemy's  right,  and  co-ope 
rate  with  the  general.  The  Creeks  •  intended  this  attack  upon 
Jackson's  right  as  a  feint,  and  expecting  to  find  his  left  weak 
ened,  directed  their  main  force  against  that  quarter ;  but  Ge 
neral  Jackson,  perceiving  the  object  of  the  enemy,  had  directed 
that  flank  to  remain  firm  in  its  position,  and  at  the  first  moment 
of  attack  they  were  supported  by  the  reserve  under  Captain 
Ferrill.  The  whole  line  met  the  approach  of  the  enemy  with 
vigour,  and  after  a  few  fires,  made  a  bold  and  decisive  charge. 
The  Creeks  fled  with  precipitation,  and  were  pursued  a  conside 
rable  distance  with  a  destructive  fire.  In  the  meantime  General 
Coffee  was  contending  on  the  right  with  a  superior  force ;  the 
friendly  Indians  who  had  been  ordered  to  his  support,  sffcing 
the  enemy  routed  on  the  left,  quit  their  post  and  joined  in  the 
chase.  That  being  over.  Jim  Fife,  with  the  friendly  IndianSj 


348  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

was  again  ordered  to  support  General  Coffee ;  as  soon  as  he 
reached  him,  they  made  a  decisive  charge,  routed  the  enemy, 
and  pursued  him  three  miles.  Forty -five  of  the  enemy's  slain 
were  found.  General  Coffee  was  wounded  in  the  body,  and  his 
aid,  Colonel  Donaldson,  and  three  others  slain.  The  next  day, 
General  Jackson  commenced  his  return  march  to  Fort  Strother. 
His  men  and  horses  were  exhausted,  and  he  was  not  furnished 
with  either  provisions  or  forage  for  a  longer  stay.  The  enemy, 
supposing  they  had  defeated  the  general,  hung  on  his  rear;  and 
in  the  morning  of  the  24th,  as  he  was  on  the  point  of  crossing 
Enotachopeo  creek,  the  front  guard  having  crossed  with  part  of 
the  flank  columns  and  the  wounded,-  and  the  artillery  just  enter 
ing  the  water,  an  attack  commenced  on  the  rear.  The  main 
part  of  the  rear  guard  precipitately  gave  way,  leaving  'only 
twenty-five  men  under  Colonel  Carrol,  who  held  their  ground 
as  long  as  possible.  There  then  remained  on  the  left  of  the 
creek  to  meet  the  enemy,  the  remnant  of  the  rear  guard,  the 
artillery  company,  and  Captain  Russell's  company  of  spies. 
Lieutenant  Armstrong,  of  the  artillery,  immediately  ordered 
them  to  form  and  advance  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  while  he  and 
a  few  of  his  men  dragged  up  a  six-pounder,  amidst  a  most  gall 
ing  fire  from  more  than  ten  tiin.es  their  numbers.  Arrived  at 
the  top  they  formed,  and  poured  in  upon  their  assailants  a  fire 
of  grape,  and  at  length  made  a  charge  and  repelled  them.  Lieu 
tenant  Armstrong,  Captains  Hamilton, .Bradford,  andM'Govock, 
fell  in  this  rencontre.  By  this  time  a  considerable  number  had 
re-crossed  the  creek  and  joined  the  chase;  Captain  Gordon,  of 
the  spies,  rushed  from  the  front  and  partially  succeeded  in 
turning  the  enemy's  left  flank.  The  Creeks  now  fled  in  the 
greatest  consternation,  throwing  off  their  packs,  and  every  thing 
that  retarded  their  flight,  and  were  pursued  for  more  than  two 
miles.  Twenty-six  of  their  warriors  were  left  dead  on  the  field. 
General  Jackson's  loss  in  the  several  engagements  of  the  22d 


INDIANS   FORTIFYING   THEIR  POSITION.  340 

and  24th;  was  twenty-four  killed,  and  seventy  woun&ed.  Judge 
Cocke,  one  of  General  Jackson's  volunteers,  entered  the  service 
at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  was  foremost  in  this  engagement,  con 
tinued  the  pursuit  with  youthful  ardor,  and  saved  the  life  of 
one  of  his  fellow-soldiers  by  slaying  his  antagonist.  In  all  the 
rencontres,  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  o£  the  Creek  warriors 
were  found  slain.  A  very  seasonable  diversion  had  been  made 
in  favor  of  the  operations  of  General  Floyd  on  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  enemy.  After  the  battle  of  the  24th,  General 
Jackson  was  enabled  to  return  to  Fort  Strother  without  further 
molestation. 

The  Creeks,  encouraged  by  what  they  considered  a  victory 
over 'General  Jackson's  forces  in  the  battles  of  the  22d  and 
ind  24th  of  January,  continued  to  concentrate  their  forces,  and 
fortify  themselves  at  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosa.  This 
river  forms  the  north-eastern  branch  of  the  Alabama.  Several 
miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Coosa,  is  a  curve  in  the  river 
in  the  form  of  a  horse-shoe,  called  by  the  whites  the  Great  Bend, 
and  by  the  Indians  Emucsau.  The  peninsula  formed  by  the 
bend,  contains  about  one  hundred  acres,  and  the  isthmus  leading 
to  it,  is  about  forty  rods  across;  at  the  bottom  of  the  peninsula 
is  the  village  of  Tohopisca,  containing  about  two  hundred  houses. 
On  this  peninsula,  the  Indians  from  the  adjoining  districts  had 
concentrated  their  forces,  to  the  amount  of  one  thousand  war 
riors,  with  ample  stores  of  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  had 
fortified  themselves  with  great  skill ;  having  thrown  up  a  breast 
work,  consisting  of  eight  tiers  of  logs,  with  double  port-holes 
across  the  isthmus,  so  that  an  assailing  enemy  might  be  opposed 
by  a  double  and  cross  fire  by  the  garrison,  who  could  lie  in 
perfect  safety  behind  their  works. 

On  the  16th  of  March,  General  Jackson,  having  received 
considerable  reinforcements  of  volunteers  from  Tennessee,  and 
friendly  Indians,  left  Fort  Strother  with  his  whole  disposable 

80 


350  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

force,  amounting  to  about  three  thousand  of  every  description, 
on  an  expedition  against  this  assemblage  of  Indians.  He  pro 
ceeded  down  the  Coosa  sixty  miles  to  the  mouth  of  Cedar  creek, 
where  he  established  a  post  called  Fort  Williams,  and  proceeded 
on  the  24th  across  the  ridge  of  land  dividing  the  waters  of  the 
Coosa  from  the  Tallapoosa ;  and  arrived  at  the  Great  Bend  on 
the  morning  of  the  27th,  having  the  three  preceding  days  opened 
a  passage  through  the  wilderness  of  fifty-two  miles.  On  the  26tb 
he  passed  the  battle-ground  of  the  22d  of  January,  and  left  it 
three  miles  in  his  rear.  General  Coffee  was  detached  with  seven 
hundred  cavalry  and  mounted  gunmen,  and  six  hundred  friendly 
Indians,  to  cross  the  river  below  the  bend,  secure  the  opposite 
banks,  and  prevent  escape.  Having  crossed  at  the  Little  Island 
ford,  three  miles  below  the  bend,  his  Indians  were  ordered 
silently  to  approach  and  line  the  bank  of  the  river;  while  the. 
mounted  men  occupied  the  adjoining  heights,  to  guard  against 
reinforcements,  which  might  be  expected  from  the  Oakfusky 
towns,  eight  miles  below.  Lieutenant  Bean  at  the  same  time 
was  ordered  to  occupy  Little  Island,  at  the  fording-place,  to 
secure  any  that  might  attempt  to  escape  in  that  direction.  In 
the  meantime,  General  Jackson,  with  the  artillery  and  infantry, 
moved  on  in  slow  and  regular  order  to  the  isthmus,  and  planted 
his  guns  on  an  eminence  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  front 
of  the  breastwork.  On  perceiving  that  General  Coffee  had  com 
pleted  his  arrangements  below,  he  opened  a  fire  upon  the  forti 
fication,  but  found  he  could  make  no  other  impression  with  his 
artillery  than  boring  shot-holes  through  the  logs.  General 
Coffee'*  Indians  on  the  bank,  hearing,  the  roaring  of  the 
cannon  in  front,  and  observing  considerable  confusion  on  the 
peninsula,  supposing  the  battle  to  be  nearly  won,  crossed  over 
and  set  fire  to  the  village,  and  attacked  the  Creeks  in  the  rear. 
At  this  moment  General  Jackson  ordered  an  assault  upon  the 
works  in  front.  The  regular  troops,  led  by  Colonel  Williams, 


BATTLE  OP  1HE  GREAT  BEND.  351 

accompanied  by  a  part  of  the  militia  of  General  Dougherty's 
brigade,  led  on  by  Colonel  Russell,  presently  got  possession  of 
a  part  of  the  works  amid  a  tremendous  fire  from  behind  them. 
The  advance  guard  was  led  by  Colonel  Sisler,  and  the  left  ex 
tremity  of  the  line  by  Captain  Gordon  of  the  spies,  and  Captain 
M' Marry  of  General  Johnson's  brigade  of  West  Tennessee  militia. 
The  battle  for  a  short  time  was  obstinate,  and  fought  musket  to 
musket  through  the  port-holes ;  when  the  assailants  succeeded 
in  getting  possession  of  the  opposite  side  of  the  works,  and  the 
contest  ended.  The  Creeks  were  entirely  routed,  and  the  whole 
margin  of  the  river  strewed  with  the  slain.  The  troops  under 
General  Jackson,  and  General  Coffee's  Indians,  who  had  crossed 
over  into  the  peninsula,  continued  the  work  of  destruction  as 
long  as  there  was  a  Creek  to  be  found.  General  Coffee,  on  seeing 
his  Indians  crossing  over,  had  ordered  their  places  to  be  supplied 
on  the  bank  by  his  riflemen ;  and  every  Indian  that  attempted 
to  escape  by  swimming  the  river,  or  crossing  the  Little  Island 
below,  was  met  and  slain  by  General  Coffee's  troops.  The  battle, 
as  long  as  any  appearance  of  resistance  remained,  lasted  five 
hours ;  the  slaughter  continued  until  dark,  and  was  renewed  the 
next  morning,  when  sixteen  more  of  the  unfortunate  savages 
were  hunted  out  of  their  hiding-places  and  slain.  Five  hundred 
and  fifty-seven  warriors  wgre  found  dead  on  the  peninsula; 
among  whom  was  their  famous  prophet,  Manahell,  and  two 
others,  the  principal  instigators  of  the  war ;  two  hundred  and 
fifty  more  were  estimated  to  have  been  killed  in  crossing  the 
river,  and  at  other  places,  which  were  not  found.  General 
Jackson's  loss  was  twenty-six  white  men,  and  twenty-three 
Indians,  killed ;  and  one  hundred  and  seven  white  men,  and 
forty-seven  Indians,  wounded 

This  decisive  victory  put  an  end  to  the  Creek  war.  In  the 
short  period  of  five  months  from  the  1st  of  November  to  the  1st 
of  April,  two  \housand  of  their  warriors,  among  whom  were 


352  INDIAN    NARRATIVES 

their  principal  prophets  and  kings,  had  been  slain,  most  of  their 
towns  and  villages  burned,  and  the  strong  places  in  their  terri 
tory  occupied  by  the  United  States  troops.  After  this  battle, 
the  miserable  remnant  of  the  hostile  tribes  submitted.  Weather- 
ford,  the  principal  surviving  chief  and  prophet,  who  led  the 
[ndians  at  Fort  Mimms,  accompanied  his  surrender  with  this 
»ddress  to  General  Jackson. 

"I  fought  at  Fort  Mimms — I  fought  the  Georgia  aimy — 1 
lid  you  all  the  injury  I  could.  Had  I  been  supported  as  I  was 
promised,  I  would  have  done  you  more.  But  my  warriors  are 
ill  killed.  I  can  fight  no  longer.  I  look  back  with  sorrow 
'.hat  I  have  brought  destruction  upon  my  nation,  I  am  now  in 
four  power.  Do  with  me  as  you  please.  I  am  a  soldier." 

A  war  with  savages  is  necessarily  attended  with  many  circum 
stances  distressing  to  the  feelings  of  humanity.  The  Indian, 
having  no  means  of  supporting  or  confining  his  prisoner,  knows 
no  other  mode  of  ridding  himself  of  the  burden,  but  by  plung 
ing  the  tomahawk  into  his  head;  and  the  Americans  can  no 
otherwise  effectually  prevent  the  savages  from  repeating  their 
massacres,  than  by  laying  waste  their  villages,  destroying  their 
provisions,  and  compelling  their  surviving  warriors  to  flee  with 
their  women  and  children  into  the  wilderness  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  whites.  • 

The  brilliant  success  with  which  this  war  was  conducted  and 
terminated,  casra  mantle^over  its  tragic  scenes.  The  slaughter 
of  unresisting  warriors,  and  the  burning  of  defenceless  villages, 
marked  much  of  its  progress.  To  the  enemy  indeed  no  apology 
is  necessary ;  the  massacre  at  Fort  Mimms,  and  the  subsequent 
ravages  of  the  surrounding  country,  would  justify  a  war  of  ex 
termination  ;  and  the  unhappy  victims  can  alone  condemn  the 
British  and  Spanish  authorities  by  whose  intrigues  they  wen 
induced  to  engage  in  this  fatal  contest.  The  plea  of  necessitj 
goes  far  toward  justifying  the  mode  in  which  this  war  was  con 


TREATY  WITH  THE  CREEKS.  853 

ducted  in  the  view  of  all.  The  savage  warrior,  who  is  suffered 
to  escape,  lives  only  to  renew  his  ravages.  The  bold  and  de 
cisive  measures  of  General  Jackson,  in  the  conduct  of  this  war, 
have  probably  prevented  its  ever  being  renewed  by  the  same 
tribes,  and  struck  a  general  dread  among  the  surrounding  na 
tions.  Though  these  considerations  may  justify  the  general 
mode  in  which  the  war  was  conducted,  yet  it  is  impossible  to 
find  a  sufficient  apology  for  hunting  out  and  butchering  sixteen 
warriors,  on  the  day  after  the  battle. 

Soon  after  this  victory,  the  Georgia  forces,  under  General 
Floyd,  formed  a  junction  with  those  of  Tennessee,  and  on  the 
20th  of  April,  General  Pinckney  arrived  at  Fort  Jackson,  where 
the  Tallapoosa  and  Coosa  rivers  uniting,  form  the  Alabama,  and 
assumed  the  command  of  all  the  forces  in  the  Mississippi  ter 
ritory.  New  detachments  of  militia  were  ordered  in  to  garrison 
the  fortresses  established  in  the  Creek  nation,  and  General 
Jackson  and  the  Tennessee  volunteers  returned  to  Fayetteville 
and  were  discharged. 

General  Jackson  and  Colonel  Hawkins  were  soon  afterwards 
appointed  commissioners  to  settle  a  peace  with  the  Creeks ;  and 
on  the  10th  of  August,  concluded  a  treaty,  dictated  altogether 
by  the  United  States  commissioners.  The  Creeks  yielded  up  a 
valuable  portion  of  their  territory  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
war ;  they  conceded  the  privilege  of  opening  roads  through  their 
country,  and  navigating  their  rivers,  and  stipulated  to  hold  no 
further  intercourse  with  the  British  or  Spanish  posts,  and  to 
deliver  up  all  the  property  or  persons  of  the  whites,  or  friendly 
Indians,  in  their  possession.  On  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
the  companies  agreed  to  guarantee  their  remaining  territory,  to 
restore  all  their  prisoners,  and  in  consideration  of  their  destitute 
situation,  to  furnish  them  gratuitously  with  the  necessaries  of 
life  until  they  could  provide  for  themselves. 

30* 


THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 

THE  Creek  war  happily  terminating  in  the  spring  ot  1814, 
and  a  treaty  of  peace  having  been  mutually  concluded  between 
the  surviving  chiefs  of  that  nation,  and  the  commissioners  ap 
pointed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  but  little  opposition  was 
apprehended  from  those  Indians,  who  dissatisfied  with  the  Ame 
rican  government,  had  fled  towards  Pensacola.  But  it  was 
found  that  they  had  united  themselves  with  the  different  savage 
tribes,  living  within  and  on  the  borders  of  the  Floridas,  called 
Seminoles.  In  the  fall  of.  1812,  a  settlement,  located  on  the 
St.  John's,  was  attacked,  and  eight  persons  were  wounded ;  a 
party  of  twenty-one  men,  acting  as  an  escort,  were  attacked,  and 
two  of  them  killed,  and  six  wounded.  Outrages  of  a  similar 
character  were  continually  occurring,  and  several  of  the  Southern 
States,  were  kept  in  a  continued  state  of  alarm. 

Colonel  Nicholls,  who  had  been  expelled  by  General  Jackson, 
went  immediately  to  Florida,  and  organized  a  band,  composed 
principally  of  negroes  and  Indians.  In  company  with  Francis 
Hillishago,  a  celebrated  Seminole  chief  and  prophet,  he  visited 
England,  and  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace  with  that  nation. 
Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister  succeeded  him  in  the  government. 

Affairs  continued  in  this  unfortunate  condition  until  1817. 

In  that  year,  the  depredations  of  a  party  of  smugglers  in  the 

Gulf  of  Mexfoo,  was  the  first  matter  of  importance  that  awakened 

the  attention  of  the  government.     The  smugglers,  under  the 

(354) 


INDIAN   BARBARITIES.  355 

command  of  one  Aury,  seized  upon  Amelia  Island,  which  was 
made  their  rendezvous.  Their  conduct  becoming  outrageous, 
the  executive  resolved  to  employ  force  to  suppress  them.  The 
ship-of-war  John  Adams,  with  a  battalion  of  artillery,  was 
ordered  to  expel  the  intruders  from  £he  island.  On  the  23d  of 
December,  the  forces  came  into  quiet  possession  of  it ;  Aury  and 
his  party  left  in  February. 

Sometime  before  this  Colonel  Clinch,  with  an  army  composed 
of  five  hundred  Indians,  and  some  United  States  troops,  was 
sent  to  attack  a  fort,  which  had  been  erected  by  the  savages  on 
the  Appalachicola  river.  This  fort  was  garrisoned  by  four  hun 
dred  savages  and  negroes,  who  had  twelve  pieces  of  artillery. 
Clinch's  force  sailed  up  the  river  in  schooners  and  gun-boats, 
each  of  which  contained  but  one  twelve-pounder,  and  twenty- 
five  men  ;  and  although  advised  of  the  force  of  the  enemy,  the 
colonel  determined  to  attack  them.  Scarcely  had  he  commenced 
firing,  when  the  principal  magazine  was  struck  by  a  hot  shot, 
and  the  fort  and  two  hundred  and  seventy-three  of  the  garrison 
blown  up.  This  event  put  an  end  to  the  war  in  that  district. 

Many  horrid  barbarities  were  practised  by  the  Seminole  In 
dians,  some  of  which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  mention.  In 
the  fall  of  1817,  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Garrett,  residing  near  the 
boundary  of  Wayne  county,  in  East  Florida,  was  attacked,  dur 
ing  his  absence,  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  murdered  Mrs.  Gar 
rett  and  two  of  her  children.  They  then  set  fire  to  the  house, 
after  they  had  plundered  it  of  every  article  of  value.  Soon 
after,  a  man  named  McKrimmon,  while  on  a  fishing  excursion, 
and  having  lost  his  way  was  espied  and  captured,  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  headed  by  Hillishago.  McKrimmon  was  bound  to  a 
stake,  and  the  ruthless  savages  having  stripped  him  and  shaved 
his  head,  commenced  dancing  around  him,  yelling  most  horribly. 
Milly,  the  youngest  daughter  of  Hillishago,  when  the  burning 
torches  were  about  to  be  applied,  and  the  tomahawk  raised  to 


356  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

do  its  murderous  work,  placed  herself  between  it  and  death, 
bidding  the  astonished  executioner,  if  he  thirsted  for  blood,  to 
shed  hers.  A  pause  was  produced  by  this  unexpected  occurrence, 
of  which  she  took  advantage  by  casting  herself  at  her  father's 
feet,  and  implored  for  his  mercy.""  He  yielded  to  her  wishes, 
and  McKrimmon  was  saved.  He  was  ransomed  some  time 
afterwards,  and  married  his  deliverer. 

In  the  frequent  outrages  committed  upon  the  frontiers,  it  was 
somewhat  difficult  to  determine  who  were  the  first  aggressors. 
General  Gaines,  commander  in  Florida,  demanded  a  surrender 
of  those  Indians,  who  had  committed  depredations  on  the  frontier 
of  Georgia.  They  refused,  however,  to  comply  with  this  de 
mand,  alleging  that  the  first  and  greatest  aggressions  had  been 
made  by  the  white  men.  In  consequence  of  this  refusal,  Ge 
neral  Gaines  received  instructions  from  the  secretary  of  war,  to 
negotiate  with  the  Creek  Indians,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
transported  to  the  country  ceded  by  the  United  States  govern 
ment.  General  Gaines  then  summoned  their  chief  Hornetlimed 
to  appear  at  the  fort.  He  answered  by  a  haughty  defiance.  On 
the  next  day,  Major  David  E.  Twiggs,  with  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  was  sent  against  the  fort.  On  the  road  he  was 
attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians,  whom,  after  killing  a  numbei, 
he  dispersed.  He  found  the  town  deserted. 

After  this  affair,  Major  Muhlenburg  was  dispatched  with  three 
vessels  to  Mobile,  to  obtain  a  supply  of  provisions.  He  had  on 
board  a  number  of  volunteers  and  their  families,  beside  the  crew. 
He  was  obliged  to  halt  on  the  Appalachicola,  from  sickness, 
where  he  was  joined  by  forty  men,  under  Lieutenant  Scott.  He 
detained  half  of  his  crew.for  his  own  use,  and  placed  the  balance, 
seven  women  and  four  children  and  the  sick,  on  board  the  lieu 
tenant's  boat,  and  sent  him  back  to  Fort  Scott.  When  near 
Flint  river,  the  party  was  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and  all  killed 
with  the  exception  of  six  men  and  one  woman,  who  were  car- 


CAPTURE    OP   ST.  MARKS.  357 

ried  into  captivity,  to  undergo  all  the  tortures  inflicted  upon  the 
prisoners  taken  in  battle. 

The  war  now  became  serious.  The  Indians  were  assembled 
in  considerable  numbers,  and  made  an  open  attack  upon  Fort 
Scott.  General  Gaines,  with  about  six  hundred  regular  soldiers, 
was  confined  to  the  garrison.  In  this  state  of  things,  General 
Jackson  was  ordered  by  the  secretary  of  war  to  take  the  field. 
He  was  placed  in  command  of  eight  hundred  men,  and  directed 
that  if  he  should  consider  that  number  insufficient,  to  call  on 
the  governors  of  the  different  states,  for  such  numbers  of  the 
militia  as  he  might  think  requisite.  On  receiving  this  commu 
nication,  he  immediately  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  West 
Tennesseeans,  who  had  served  under  him  in  the  last  war,  to 
join  him  in  the  coming  struggle.  Numbers  obeyed  his  call,  and 
were  soon  on  their  way  to  join  him  at  Fort  Scott.  Jackson  ar 
rived  ttere  on  the  9th  of  March,  1818;  having  mustered  about 
one  thoasand  men,  principally  Georgia  militia,  on  his  route. 
He  foui  d  the  garrison  badly  off  for  provisions,  and  determined  to 
obtain  Mipplies  from  the  enemy;  afldfor  this  purpose  he  pushed 
toward*  the  Appalachicola  on  the  10th.  General  Gaines  joined 
him  OE  his  march,  and  he  built  Fort  Gadsden  on  the  site  of  the 
Indiaa  fort  blown  up  by  Colonel  Clinch.  He  continued  his 
march,  and  was  joined  by  the  Tennessee  volunteers  on  the  1st 
of  April.  On  the  same  day  he  drove  back  a  party  of  Indians, 
and  took  possession  of  their  town. 

The  grand  army  marched  upon  St.  Marks,  a  Spanish  gar 
rison.  Jackson  learned  that  it  was  surrounded  by  a  party  of 
five  hundred  Indians  and  negroes,  who  had  commanded  its  sur 
render.  The  place  was  one  of  great  importance,  being  strongly 
built,  and  had  once  served  as  the  main  depot  of  the  Indians, 
and  was  the  scene  of  all  their  councils.  As  the  garrison  was 
feeble,  Jackson  determined  to  be  before  the  enemy ;  and  accord 
ingly  hastened  on,  and  took  possession  of  ii,  without  encounter- 


858  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

ing  any  opposition,  sending  the  Spanish  garrison  to  Pensacola. 
Here  he  captured  Alexander  Arbuthnot,  and  the  two  Indian 
chiefs  Hornetlimed  and  Hillishago ;  the  latter  he  hung. 

Having  garrisoned  St.  Marks  with  American  troops,  the  army 
pursued  its  march  eastward  to  Suwanee  river,  on  which  they 
found  a  large  Indian  town,  which  they  destroyed,  dispersing  the 
Indians  and  negroes,  after  killing  eleven  of  their  number,  and 
securing  some  provisions.  On  their  return  to  St.  Marks,  bring 
ing  with  them  Robert  C.  Arnbrister,  who  had  been  taken  pri 
soner  two  days  after  the  burning  of  the  Suwanee  towns.  While 
JVi  St.  Marks,  a  court-martial  was  called,  who  found  Arbuthnot 
and  Ambrister  guilty  of  inciting  the  Indians  to  aggression.  Ar 
buthnot  was  sentenced  to  be  hung,  and  Ambrister  to  be  shot. 
The  sentence  was  carried  into  effect  on  the  29th  of  April,  and 
Jackson  returned  to  Fort  Gadsden  on  the  same  day. 

Jackson  received  intelligence  shortly  after  that  the  Seminoles 
were  collecting  near  Pensacola,  and  that  they  were  countenanced 
by  the  Spaniards  at  that  place.  Although  Spain  was  then  at 
peace  with  the  United  States,  Jackson  resolved  to  capture  the 
garrison  at  Pensacola.  On  the  22d  of  May,  he  arrived  near 
Pensacola,  at  the  head  of  twelve  hundred  men.  He  was  ordered 
hy  the  Spanish  governor  to  quit  the  country.  He  paid  no  atten 
tion  to  this,  and  entered  the  city  on  the  24th.  He  immediately 
commenced  preparations  for  assaulting  Fort  Barrancas,  to  which 
place  the  governor  with  his  small  force  had  retired.  After 
bombarding  the  place  for  three  days,  it  surrendered,  and  the 
Spanish  authorities  were  sent  to  Havana.  The  whole  country 
was  soon  in  the  military  possession  of  the  United^  States,  and 
General  Jackson  retired  to  the  Hermitage,  in  Tennessee,  leaving 
General  Gaines  in  command,  who  acting  under  orders,  captured 
St,  Augustine.  A  treaty  was  concluded  with  Spain,  in  1819, 
by  which  Florida  was  ceded  to  the  United  States 


THE  BLACK  HAWK  WAR. 

IN  the  year  1832,  difficulties  with  the  savages  again  broke 
out.  These  grew  out  of  a  treaty  made  with  the  Indians  at 
Prairie-du-Chien,  in  1823.  An  article  in  this  treaty  provided 
that  any  of  the  five  nations  concerned  in  it  visiting  the  United 
States,  should  be  protected  from  all  insults  by  the  garrison. 
Notwithstanding  this,  in  the  summer  of  1827,  a  party  of  twenty- 
four  Chippeways,  on  a  visit  to  Fort  Snelling,  were  fallen  upon 
by  a  band  of  Sioux,  who  killed  and  wounded  eight  of  them. 
The  commandant  of  the  fort  captured  four  of  the  Sioux,  and 
delivered  them  into  the  hands  of  the  Chippeways,  who  imme 
diately  shot  them.  Red  Bird,  the  Sioux  chief,  repaired  to 
Prairie-du-Chien,  with  three  companions,  desperate  as  himself, 
about  the  1st  of  July,  and  there  killed  two  persons,  wounded  a 
third,  and  without  taking  plunder,  retired  to  Bad-axe  river. 
Here,  soon  after,  he  waylaid  two  keel-boats,  that  had  been  con 
veying  some  missionaries  to  Fort  Snelling,  in  one  of  which,  two 
persons  were  killed,  the  others  escaped  with  little  injury.  Not 
long  after,  General  Atkinson  marched  into  the  Winnebago 
country,  and  captured  some  hostile  Winnebagoes  and  Red  Bird, 
who  died  soon  afterwards  in  prison.  The  Indians  who  were 
imprisoned  for  the  murder  at  Prairie-du-Chien,  were  discharged, 
and  Black  Hawk  and  two  others,  who  had  been  imprisoned  for 
the  attack  on  the  boat,  were  also  liberated. 

It  had  been  determined  by  the  American  government  to  sell 

(359) 


360  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

the  land  occupied  by  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  they  were  advised 
to  remove.  A  majority  of  the  nation,  with  their  chief,  Keokuk, 
determined  to  accept  this  advice ;  but  Black  Hawk,  and  a  party 
who  favored  his  cause,  resolved  at  all  hazards  to  remain.  Out 
rages  upon  the  Indians  now  became  quite  frequent.  They  were 
at  last  obliged  to  take  up  arms  in  self-defence,  and  a  war  would 
certainly  have  ensued,  had  not  General  Gaines,  commander  of 
the  western  division  of  the  army,  hastened  to  the  scene  of  ac 
tion.  A  council  of  chiefs  was  called,  in  which  it  was  agreed 
that  the  Indians  should  instantly  remove.  They  did  so,  crossing 
the  river,  and  settling  upon  its  western  bank. 

Black  Hawk,  however,  determined  to  return  to  Illinois  with 
his  band,  giving  out  that  he  had  been  invited  by  the  Pottawa- 
tomies,  residing  on  Hock  river,  "  to  spend  the  summer  with 
them  and  plant  corn  on  their  lands."  They  recrossed  the  river, 
and  marched  towards  the  above  named  Indians,  but  without 
attempting  to  harm  any  one  upon  the  road.  The  traveller 
passed  by  them,  without  receiving  any  injury,  and  the  inmates 
of  the  lowly  hut  experienced  no  outrage.  There  is  little  doubt 
but  this  amicable  disposition  would  have  continued  had  not  the 
whites  been  the  first  to  shed  blood.  Five  jpr  six  Indians,  in 
advance  of  the  main  party,  were  captured,  and  excepting  one 
who  escaped,  put.  to  death  by  a  battalion  of  mounted  militia. 
That  one  brought  the  news  to  Black  Hawk,  who  immediately 
determined  on  revenge.  He  accordingly  planned  an  ambuscade, 
into  which  the  militia  were  enticed,  fired  upon,  and  fourteen  of 
their  number  killed.  The  remainder  fled  in  disorder. 

As  war  had  now  begun,  the  Indians  seemed  resolved  to  all 
the  mischief  in  their  power.  Accordingly  they  divided  into 
parties,  proceeded  in  different  directions,  and  fell  upon  the  set 
tlements  which  were  at  that  time  thinly  scattered  over  the  greater 
part  of  Illinois.  By  this  means  they  committed  such  outrages 
that  the  whole  state  was  in  the  greatest  excitement.  Governor 


PURSUIT   OF   BLACK   HAWK.  361 

Reynolds  ordered  out  two  thousand  additional  militia,  who,  on 
the  10th  of  June,  assembled  at  Hennepin,  on  the  Illinois  river, 
and  were  soon  engaged  in- pursuit  of  the  Indians. 

A  party  of  savages  attacked  a  small  settlement  on  the  20th 
of  May,  1832,  and  killed  fifteen  persons,  and  took  considerable 
plunder.  Five  persons  were  also  killed  near  Galena,  shortly 
afterwards.  General  Dodge  who  happened  to  be  in  the  neigh 
borhood,  with  some  mounted  men,  immediately  started  in  pur 
suit.  He  came  upon  a  party  of  twelve  Indians,  whom  he  sup 
posed  to  be  among  those  who  had  committed  these  murders 
He  drove  them  into  a  swamp,  into  which  his  mounted  men 
pushed,  and  cut  them  off  to  a  man;  the  whites  then  scalped 
the  slain,  that  they  might  not  be  outdone  in  these  or  any  other 
barbarities,  by  their  savage  foes. 

In  the  meantime,  the  main  body  of  Indians,  under  Black 
Hawk,  were  pursued  by  General  Atkinson.  They  were  encamped 
near  the  Four  Lakes.  Instead  of  making  his  escape  by  crossing 
the  Mississippi,  as  was  expected,  Black  Hawk  descended  the 
Wisconsin, -by  which  means  General  Dodge  came  upon  his  track, 
and  commenced  a  vigorous  pursuit.  He  was  overtaken  by  the 
general,  about  forty  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago,  on  the  21st 
of  July.  The  Indians  were  in  the  act  of  crossing  the  Wisconsin. 
A  short  engagement  followed,  in  which  the  Indians  were  beaten. 
It  being  dark,  Dodge'could  not  pursue  them  with  any  advantage. 
It  is  supposed  that  Black  Hawk  lost  about  forty  men. 

The  Indians  were  now  in  a  truly  deplorable  condition ;  several 
of  them  were  greatly  emaciated  for  want  of  food,  and  some  even 
starved  to  death.  In  the  pursuit  previous  to  the  battle,  the 
soldiers  found  several  lying  dead  on  the  road.  Yet  so  far  from 
being  subdued  they  resolved  to  continue  hostilities  as  long  as 
they  were  able. 

Meanwhile  an  army  under  General  Scott,  destined  for  the 
subjugation  of  Black  Hawk,  and  the  removal  of  all  the  north' 

31 


862  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

western  Indians  to  lands  beyond  the  Mississippi,  had  been 
attacked  by  an  enemy  far  more  fatal  than  the  Indians.  With 
about  one  thousand  regular  troops,  Scott  sailed  from  Buffalo  in 
a  fleet  of  steamboats,  across  Lake  Erie  for  Chicago.  This  was 
early  in  July.  On  the  8th  of  that  month,  the  Asiatic  cholera 
appeared  on  board  the  vessel  in  which  were  General  Scott,  his 
staff,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers.  In  six  days  fifty- 
two  men  died,  and  soon  after  eighty  were  put  on  shore  sick  at 
Chicago. 

In  the  summer,  Scott  left  Chicago  with  but  four  hundred 
effective  men,  and  hurrying  on  to  the  Mississippi,  joined  General 
Atkinson  at  Prairie-du-Chien,  immediately  after  the  battle,  near 
the  Badare  river,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  Black  Hawk. 

Previous  to  this  affair,  a  captured  squaw  had  informed  the 
whites  that  Black  Hawk  intended  to  proceed  to  the  west  side 
of  the  Mississippi,  above  Prairie-du-Chien — the  horsemen  strik 
ing  across  the  country,  whilst  the  others  proceeded  by  the  Wis 
consin.  A  number  of  the  latter  were  made  prisoners  on  the 
road. 

The  steamboat  Warrior  was  soon  after  sent  up  the  Mississippi, 
with  a  small  force  on  board,  in  hopes  they  might  somewhere 
discover  the  savages.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  boat  at  Prairie- 
du-Chien,  the  last  of  July,  she  was  dispatched  to  Wapashaw 
village,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  higher  up  the  river,  to 
inform  the  inhabitants  of  the  approach  of  the  Sacs,  and  to  order 
all  the  friendly  Indians  down  to  Prairie-du-Chien.  On  the  return 
of  the  steamboat,  they  met  one  of  the  Sioux  bands,  who  told 
them  their  enemies  were  encamped  on  Bad-axe  river  to  the 
number  of  four  hundred.  The  Warrior  here  stopped  to  take  in 
some  wood  and  prepare  for  action.  They  discovered  the  enemy 
about  four  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  1st -of  August,  who, 
as  they  approached,  raised  a  white  flag,  which  being  looked  upon 
as  a  decoy,  no  attention  was  paid  to  it.  They  declined  sending 


DEFEAT   OF   BLACK   HAWK.  363 

a  boat  on  board  when  ordered.  After  giving  them  a  few  minutes 
to  remove  their  women  and  children,  (a  piece  of  courtesy  some 
what  rare  in  our  border  wars,)  the  boat  fired  a  six-pounder, 
loaded  with  cannister,  and  followed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketry. 
The  battle  continued  for  about  an  hour,  when  she  weighed 
anchor  and  proceeded  to  Prairie-du-Chien.  Twenty -three  of  the 
Indians  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  The  Americans  lost 
none. 

Before  the  steamboat  could  return  to  the  battle-field,  next 
morning,  General  Atkinson  and  his  army  had  engaged  the 
Indians.  The  Warrior  joined  the  contest;  the  army  this  day 
lost  eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seventeen  wounded,  whom  the 
Warrior  took  to  Prairie-du-Chien  at  night,  and  also  captives  to 
the  number  of  thirty-six,  women  and  children.  The  spot  where 
this  battle  took  place  was  about  forty  miles  above  Prairie-du- 
Chien,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mississippi,  opposite  the  mouth 
of  the  Iowa.  It  was  very  fortunate  for  the  whites,  that  they, 
were  able  to  co-operate  on  land  and  water  at  the  same  time. 

After  a  toilsome  and  weary  march,  General  Gaines  overtook 
Black  Hawk.  The  Indians  were  discovered  in  a  deep  ravine  at 
the  foot  of  a  precipice,  over  which  the  army  had  to  pass.  Not 
withstanding  the  misery  of  their  condition,  nothing  but  the 
bayonet's  point  routed  them.  Old  logs,  high  grass,  and  large 
*  trees  covered  them  until  the  charge  was  made,  and  as  they  were 
driven  from  one  covert,  they  readily  found  another,  and  thus 
protracted  the  contest.  At  length,  General  Atkinson  disposed 
his  forces  so  as  to  come  upon  them  from  above,  below,  and  in 
the  centre.  No  chance  now  remained  for  the  Indians  but  to 
swim  the  Mississippi,  or  elude  the  vigilance  of  their  enemy  by 
land,  who  had  nearly  encompassed  them.  Many,  therefore, 
ventured  to  cross  the  river ;  but  as  the  slaughter  was  greatest 
there,  few  escaped.  However,  a  considerable  number  succeeded 
in  escaping  by  land.  One  hundred  and  fifty  were  supposed  to 


364  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

have  been  killed  in  this  battle.  Black  Hawk  was  among  those 
who  escaped.  His  men  deserted  him  continually,  and  came 
over  to  the  whites.  He  was  hunted  like  the  wild  deer  of  the 
forest,  from  place  to  place,  until  after  many  wanderings  and 
much  suffering,  he  was  at  last  captured,'  and  delivered  up  to 
General  Street  at  Prairie-du-Chien.  Here  the  war  terminated. 
In  his  speeah  to  General  Street,  he  regretted  his  being  obliged 
to  close  the  war  so  soon,  without  having  given  the  whites  much 
more  trouble.  He  asserted  that  he  had  done  nothing  of  which 
he  was  ashamed,  but  that  an  Indian  who  was  as  bad  as  the 
white  men  would  not  be  allowed  to  live  in  his  community.  He 
concluded  as  follows  :  "  Farewell,  my  nation  !  Black  Hawk 
tried  to  save  you,  and  revenge  your  wrongs.  He  drank  the 
blood  of  some  of  the  whites.  He  has  been  taken  prisoner,  ,and 
his  plans  are  stopped.  He  can  do  no  more.  He  is  near  his  end. 
His  sun  is  setting,  and  he  will  rise  no  more.  Farewell  to  Black 
Hawk." 

Negotiations  were  commenced  in  September,  by  General  Scott, 
with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  by  which  five  millions  of  acres  of  land 
were  ceded  to  the  United  States  on  terms  satisfactory  to  both 
parties. 

On  the  return  of  peace,  Black  Hawk  and  his  son  were  taken 
to  Washington  to  visit  the  President.  At  different  places  on  his 
route,  he  received  many  valuable  presents,  and  was  looked  upon 
with  great  curiosity  and  interest.  They  returned  by  way  of 
Detroit,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Armstrong,  in  August,  1838. 
Black  Hawk  died  at  his  village,  on  the  DCS  Moines  river,  on  the 
3d  of  October,  1838. 


THE  FLORIDA  WAR. 

As  a  Spanish  province,  Florida  seemed  to  be  a  refuge  for 
those  savages,  who  still  cherished  a  bitter  feeling  against  the 
United  States.  In  a  treaty  concluded  between  the  Seminole 
Indians  and  the  American  government,  they  agreed  to  relin 
quish  all  claim  to  the  land  for  a  stipulated  sum,  and  to  retire 
beyond  the  Mississippi.  It  was  further  agreed  that  a  number 
of  them  should  visit  the  country  in  question,  and  give  their 
opinion  of  it.  Their  report  was  very  favorable,  and  every  thing 
seemed  to  prosper  precisely  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  American  government.  At  this  t  important  moment,  John 
Hert,  who  was  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe,  died.  The 
opportunity  was  too  good  to  be  lost,  and  it  was  seized  by  Osceola, 
or  Powell,  a  celebrated  chief,  who  quickly  rose  to  the  same 
importance  as  Hert  himself;  but  it  was  wielded  with  far  diffe 
rent  purposes.  Hert  had  always  been  in  favor  of  the  emigra 
tion  of  the  Indians,  but  Osceola  was  opposed  to  it,  and  he  used 
every  means  in  his  power  to  inflame  the  minds  of  his  people 
against  the  whites,  and  against  the  execution  of  this  measure. 
So  violent  did  his  conduct  become,  that  he  was  arrested  by  the 
Indian  agent,  and  put  in  irons ;  but  subsequently  professing  to 
renounce  his  opposition  he  was  released. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  a  party  of  Seminole  Indians  crossed  their 
bounds,  near  the  Hogstown  settlement,  for  the  purpose  of  hu%t- 
ing.  They  separated,  and  agreed  to  meet  on  a  certain  day.  On 

31*  (365) 


366  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

that  day  five  of  them  were  met  together,  when  a  party  of  white 
men  came  by  and  commenced  flogging  them  with  their  whips. 
Two  other  Indians  came  up,  and  fired  upon  the  whites,  who 
returned  their  fire.  Three  whites  were  wounded,  and  one  Indian 
killed  and  one  wounded.  On  the  6th  of  August,  Dalbon,  the 
mail-carrier,  from  Camp  King  to  Tampa  Bay,  was  murdered, 
and  although  General  Thompson,  the  Indian  agent,  demanded 
the  offenders,  and  the  chiefs  promised  to  deliver  them  up,  they 
were  never  brought  to  justice.  In  September,  a  party  of  Micka- 
sukies,  led  by  Osceola,  waylaid  and  shot  Charley  Amatha,  a 
powerful  friendly  chief. 

Other  outrages  of  a  similar  character,  increased  so  fast,  that 
the  interior  settlements  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  many  fami 
lies  fled  to  other  states,  and  General  Clinch,  who  commanded  in 
that  region,  was  obliged  to  call  on  the  government  for  larger 
forces  to  resist  the  Indians.  His  force  amounted  to  but  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men ;  and  not  receiving  any  assistance  from 
President  Jackson,  he  obtained  six  hundred  and  fifty  militia 
from  the  governor  of  Florida.  With  this  number,  he  commenced 
active  operations,  and  marched  against  the  station  on  the  Ouith- 

lacoochee  river. 

* 

The  companies  of  Captains  Gardiner  and  Frazer  marched 
from  Tampa  Bay  to  Fort  King,  on  the  23d  of  December,  1835, 
under  the  command  of  Major  Dade.  A  six-pounder  had  to  be 
left  behind,  in  consequence  of  the  team  that  had  been  engaged 
to  transport  failing.  Major  Dade  wrote  to  Major  Belton  urging 
him  to  forward  it  at  once.  Three  horses  and  the  necessary  har 
ness  were  purchased,  .and  it  joineg  the  column  that  night. 
Nothing  was  heard  from  the  detachment  until  the  29th  of  De 
cember,  when  one  of  the  soldiers,  named  Thomas,  returned,  and 
another  named  Ransom  Clarke,  on  the  31st.  The  latter  gave 
the  following  account  of  the  fate  of  his  comrades : 

"  It  was  eight  o'clock.     Suddenly  I  heard  a  rifle-shot  in  the 


CLARKE'S  NARRATIVE  367 

direction  of  the  advanced  guard,  and  this  was  immediately  fol 
lowed  by  a  musket  shot  from  that  quarter.  Captain  Frazer  had 
ridden  by  me  a  moment  before,  in  that  direction.  I  never  saw 
him  afterwards.  I  had  not  time  to  think  of  the  meaning  of 
these  shots  before  a  volley,  as  if  from  a  thousand  rifles,  war 
poured  in  upon  us  from  the  front,  and  all  along  our  left  flank. 
I  looked  around  me,  and  it  seemed  as  if  I  was  the  only  one  left 
standing  in  the  right  wing.  Neither  could  I,  until  several  other 
volleys  had  been  fired  at  us,  see  an  enemy — and  when  I  did  I 
could  only  see  their  heads  and  arms  peering  out  from  the  long 
grass,  far  and  near,  and  from  behind  the  pine  trees.  The  ground 
seemed  to  me  an  open  pine  barren,  entirely  destitute  of  any 
hammock.  On  our  right  and  a  little  to  our  rear  was  a  large 
pond  of  water  some  distance  'off.  All  around  us  were  heavy 
pine  trees,  very  open,  particularly  towards  the  left,  and  abound 
ing  with  long  high  grass."  The  first  fire  of  the  Indians  was  the 
most  destructive,  seemingly  killing  or  disabling  one  half  our 
men. 

"We  promptly  threw  ourselves  behind  trees,  and  opened  a 
sharp  fire  of  musketry.  I,  for  one,  never  fired  without  seeing 
my  man,  that  is,  his  head  and  shoulders.  The  Indians  chiefly 
fired  lying  or  squatting  in  the  grass.  Lieutenant  Bassinger  fired 
five  or  six  pounds  of  cannister  from  the  cannon.  This  appeared 
to  frighten  the  Indians,  and  they  retreated  over  a  little  hill  to 
our  left,  one-half  or  three-quarters  of  a  mile  off,  after  having 
fired  not  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen  rounds.  We  immediately 
then  began  to  fell  ^trees,  and  erect  a  little  triangular  breastwork. 
Some  of  us  went  forward  to  gather  the  cartridge  boxes  from  the 
dead,  and  to  assist  the  wounded.  I  had  seen  Major  Dade  fall 
to  the  ground  by  the  first  volley,  and  his  horse  dashed  into  the 
midst  of  the  enemy.  Whilst  gathering  the  cartridges,  I  saw  Lieu 
tenant  'Mudge  sitting  with  back  his  reclining  against  a  tree,  his 
bead  fallen,  and  evidently  dying.  I  spoke  to  him,  but  he  di4 


8,68  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

not  answer.     The  interpreter,  Louis,  it  is  said,  fell  by  the  first 
fire.* 

"  We  had  barely  raised  our  breastwork  knee  high,  when  we 
again  saw  the  Indians  advancing  in  great  numbers  over  the  hill 
to  our  left.  They  came  on  boldly  till  within  a  long  musket- 
shot,  when  they  spread  themselves  from  tree  to  tree  to  surround 
us.  We  immediately  extended  as  light  infantry,  covering  our 
selves  by  the  trees,  and  opening  a  brisk  fire  from  cannon  and 
musketry.  The  former  I  don't  think  could  have  done  much 
mischief,  the  Indians  were  so  scattered. 

"  Captain  Gardiner,  Lieutenant  Bassinger,  and  Dr.  Gatlen,- 
were  the  only  officers  left'  unhurt  by  the  volley  which  killed 
Major  Dade.  Lieutenant  Henderson  had  his  left  arm  broken, 
but  he  continued  to  load  his  musket  and  to  fire  it,  resting  it  on 
the  stump,  until  he  was  finally  shot  down ;  towards  the  close 
)f  the  second  attack,  and  during  the  day,  he  kept  up  his  spirits 
and  cheered  the  men.  Lieutenant  Keyes  had  both  his  arms 
oroken^in  the  first  attack ;  they  were  bound  up  and  slung  in  a 
handkerchief,  and  he  sat  for  the  remainder  of  the  day,  until  he 
was  killed,  reclining  against  the  breastwork,  his  head  often 
reposing  upon  it,  regardless  of  every  thing  that  was  passing 
around  him. 

"  Our  men  were  by  degrees  all  cut  down.  We  had  maintained 
a  steady  fight  from  eight  o'clock  until  two  P.M.,  or  thereabouts, 
and  allowing  three  quarters  of  an  hour  interval  between  the  first 
and  second  attack,  had  been  pretty  busily  engaged  for  more  than 
five  hours.  Lieutenant  Bassinger  was  the  only  officer  left  alive, 
and  he  severely  wounded.  He  told  me  as  the  Indians  approached 
to  lie  down  and  feign  myself  dead.  I  looked  through  the  logs, 
and  saw  the  savages  approaching  in  great  numbers.  A  heavy- 

*  It  has  since  been  learned  that  this  person  only  feigned  death,  and 
that  he  w  is  spared,  and  read  all  the  dispatches  and  letters  that 
found  upon  the  dead  to  the  victors. — Cohen. 


CLARKE'S  NARRATIVE.  369 

made  Indian  of  middle  stature  painted  down  to  the  waist,  and 
whom  I  suppose  to  have  been  Micanope;  seemed  to  be  the  chief. 
He  made  them  a  speech,  frequently  pointing  to  the  breastwork. 
At  length,  they  charged  into  the  work;  there  was  none  to  offer 
resistance,  and  they  did  not  seem  to  suspect  the  wounded  being 
alive  —  offering  no  indignity,  but  stepping  about  carefully, 
quietly  stripping  off  our  accoutrements,  and  carrying  away  our 
arms.  They  then  retired  in  a  body  in  the  direction  whence 
they  came. 

"  Immediately  upon  their  retreat,  forty  or  fifty  negroes  on 
horseback,  galloped  up  and  alighted,  tied  their  beasts,  and  com 
menced  with  horrid'  shouts  and  j^ells  the  butchering  of  the 
wounded,  together  with  an  indiscriminate  plunder,  stripping  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  of  clothing,  watches,  and  money,  and  splitting 
open  the  heads  of  all  who  showed  the  least  signs  of  life  with 
their  axes  and  knives ;  and  accompanying  their  bloody  work 
with  obscene  and  taunting  derision,  and  with  frequent  cries  of 
'  what  have  you  got  to  sell  ?'  £ 

"  Lieutenant  Bassinger  heard  all  the  negroes  butchering  the 
wounded* at  length  sprang  up,  and  asked  them  to  spare  his  life. 
They  met  him  with  the  blows  of  their  axes,  and  their  fiendish 
laughter.  Having  been  wounded  in  five  different  places  myself, 
I  was  pretty  well  covered  with  blood,  and  two  scratches  that  I 
had  received  on  my  head,  gave  me  the  appearance  of  having 
been  shot  through  the  brain,  for  the  negroes,  after  catching  me 
up  by  the  heels,  threw  me  down,  saying,  l  damn  him,  he's  dead 
enough  !'  They  then  stripped  me  of  my  clothes,  shoes,  and  hat, 
and  left  me.  After  stripping  all  the  dead  in  this  manner,  they 
trundled  off  the  cannon  in  the  direction  the  Indians  had  gone, 
and  went  away.  I  saw  them  first  shoot  down  the  oxen  in  their 
gear,  and  burn  the  wagon. 

"  One  of  the  soldiers  who  escaped,  says  they  threw  the  cannon 
in  the  pond,  and  burned  its  carriage  also.  Shortly  after  the 


370  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

negroes  went  away,  one  Wilson,  of  Captain  Gardiner's  company, 
crept  from  under  some  of  the  dead  bodies,  and  hardly  seemed 
to  be  hurt  at  all.  He  asked  me  to  go  back  with  him  to  the  fort, 
and  I  was  going  to  follow  him,  when,  as  he  jumped  over  the 
breastwork,  an  Indian  sprang  from  behind  a  tree  and  shot  him 
down.  I  then  lay  quiet  until  nine  o'clock  that  night  when  D. 
Long,  the  only  living  soul  beside  myself,  and  I  started  upon  our 
journey.  We  knew  it  was  nearest  to  go  to  Fort  King,  but  we 
did  not  know  the  way,  and  we  had  seen  the  enemies  retreat  in 
that  direction.  As  I  came  out,  I  saw  Dr.  Gatlen  stripped  amon^ 
the  dead.  The  last  I  saw  of  him  whilst  living,  was  kneeling 
behind  the  breastwork,  with  two  double-barrelled  guns  by  him, 
and  he  said,  (  Well,  I  have  got  four  barrels  for  them  !'  Captain 
Gardiner,  after  being  severely  wounded,  cried  out,  '  I  can  give 
you  no  more  orders,  my  lads,  do  your  best !'  I  last  saw  a  negro 
spurn  his  body,  saying,  with  an  oath,  l  that's  one  of  their 
officers/ 

"  My  comrades  and  myself  got  along  quite  well,  until  the  next 
day,  when  we  met  an  Indian  on  horseback,  and  with  a  rifle, 
coming  up  the  road.  Our  only  chance  was  to  separate — we  did 
so.  I  took  the  right,  and  he  the  left  of  the  road.  The  Indian 
pursued  him.  Shortly  afterwards  I  heard  a  rifle  shot,  and  & 
little  after  another.  I  concealed  myself  among  some  scrub  and 
saw-palmetto,  and  after  awhile  saw  the  Indian  pass,  looking  for 
me.  Suddenly,  however,  he  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  went 
off  in  a  gallop  towards  the  road. 

"  I  made  something  of  a  circuit  before  I  struck  the  beaten 
track  again.  That  night  I  was  a  good  deal  annoyed  by  the 
wolves,  who  had  scented  my  blood,  and  came  very  close  to  me; 
the  next  day,  the  30th,  I  reached  the  fort." . 

Thus  perished  one  hundred  and  six  mSn,  under  circumstances 
of  hopelessness  and  misery,  rarely  equalled  in  modern  warfare. 
Intelligence  of  this  tragic  event  spread  a  degree  of  horroi 


OSCEOLA    SUES   FOR    PEACE.  871 

throughout  the  country,  lasting  and  powerful ;  and  even  at  the 
present  day,  the  name  of  the  gallant,  ill-fated  Dade,  is  a  spell- 
word  to  conjure  up  the  feelings  of  sorrow.  Three  of  the  whole 
command  escaped. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  General  Clinch,  had  a  severe  en 
gagement  with  the  Indians,  near  the  Ouithlacoochee  river.  He 
started  from  Fort  King  on  the  28th,  with  a  large  force,  and  on 
the  31st,  after  many  difficulties,  attacked  Osceola  in  a  camp, 
and  after  a  sharp  battle  of  an  hour's  duration,  succeeded  in 
driving  the  enemy  from  their  position. 

But  independent  of  these  conflicts,  the  ravages  of  the  Indiana 
over  the  whole  country  are  stated  to  have  been  fearful.  Women 
and  children  were  murdered,  and  the  hearth  made  desolate  in 
every  portion  of  the  country.  In  the  more  settled  parts,  near 
San  Augustin,  the  sugar-cane  plantations,  with  the  expensive 
works  attached  to  them  were  destroyed.  The  slaves  were  in 
many  cases  either  carried  off  or  they  voluntarily  joined  the 
Indians. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  General  Gaines,  was  actively  employed 
in  endeavoring  to  raise  a  body  of  troops  sufficient  to  suppress  all 
opposition.  He  moved  from  Fort  King,  down  the  Ouithlacoo 
chee,  on  the  22d  of  February,  and  on  the  27th  he  had  a  slight 
skirmish  with  the  enemy,  at  Clinch's  crossing-place,  where  he 
lost  eight  killed  and  one  wounded.  On  the  28th,  when  again 
fording  the  river,  the  Indians  made  another  attack,  in  which 
Lieutenant  Izard  was  killed,  and  two  other  officers  wounded. 
This  system  of  warfare  was  carried  on  until  the  5th  of  March, 
when  a  number  of  Indians  with  Osceola  at  their  head,  appeared 
before  General  Games' s  camp,  and  expressed  a  willingness  to 
terminate  hostilities.  General  Gaines  replied  that  he  was  not 
authorized  to  make  a  treaty  with  them;  that  on  condition  of 
their  retiring  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  attending  a 
Council  when  called  on  by  the  American  government,  they  should 


872  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

not  be  molested.  To  this  they  assented ;  but,  unfortunately  ^ 
General  Clinch,  who  had  been  summoned  by  express  from  Fort 
Drane,  encountered  their  main  body ;  and  supposing  themselves 
surrounded  by  stratagem,  they  fled.  Thus  negotiations  were 
"ended  for  a  time. 

General  Gaines  was  superseded  by  General  Scott,  and  trans 
ferred  his  command  to  General  Clinch,  who  retired  to  Fort 
Drane.  Scott  was  succeeded  by  General  Jessup.  The  summer 
and  fall  of  1837  passed  away,  without  any  thing  worthy  of  note 
occurring,  and  the  prospect  of  a  reconciliation  with  the  Indians 
was  as  remote  as  ever.  In  December,  however,  Colonel  Z.  Taylor, 
with  a  regiment  of  troops,  came  upon  a  trail  of  Indians,  and 
commenced  a  vigorous  pursuit.  On  the  25th,  at  the  head  of 
three  hundred  men,  he  came  upon  a  body  of  seven  hundred 
Indians,  on  Okee-cho-bee  lake,  under  the  celebrated  chiefs,  Alli 
gator,  Sam  Jones,  and  Coacoochee.  The  Indians  occupied  a 
thick  swamp,  in  front  of  which  was  a  stream,  rendered  almost 
impassable,  from  the  quicksands.  The  Americans  waded  through 
it,  and  the  Indians  were  forced  from  their  position,  and  driven 
some  distance  beyond  the  lake.  We  give  Colonel  Taylor's 
description  of  the  battle-field,  and  his  subsequent  operations. 

"  Here  I  trust  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  that  I  experienced 
one  of  the  most  trying.scenes  of  my  life,  and  he  who  could  have 
looked  on  it  with  indifference,  his  nerves  must  have  been  diffe 
rently  organized  from  my  own.  Besides  the  killed,  (twenty-six 
in  number,)  there  lay  one  hundred  and  twelve  wounded  officers 
and  soldiers,  who  had  accompanied  me  one  hundred  and  forty- 
five  miles,  most  of  the  way  through  an  unexplored  wilderness, 
without  guides,  who  had  so  gallantly  beaten  the  enemy  under 
my  orders,  in  his  strongest  position,  and  who  had  to  be  conveyed 
back  through  swamps  and  hammocks,  from  whence  we  set  out 
without  any  apparent  means  of  doing  so.  This  service,  however, 
was  encountered  and  overcome,  and  they  have  been  conveyed 


BATTLE    OF    OKEE-CHO-BEE.  373 

far,  (Fort  Gardiner,)  and  proceeded  on  to  Tampa  Bay,  on 
rude  litters,  constructed  with  the  axe  and  knife  alone,  with 
poles  and  dry  hides — the  latter  being  found  in  great  abundance 
at  the  encampment  of  the  hostiles.  The  litters  were  carried  on 
the  backs  of  our  weak  and  tottering  horses,  aided  by  the  residue 
of  the  command,  with  more  ease  and  comfort  to  the  sufferer  than 
I  could  have  supposed  possible,  and  with  as  much  as  they  could 
have  been  in  ambulances  of  the  most  improved  and  modern 
construction.  * 

"  We  left  our  encampment  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  for 
the  Kissamee,  where  I  had  left  my  heavy  baggage,  which  place 
we  reached  about  noon  on  the  28th.  After  leaving  two  compa 
nies  and  a  few  Indians  to  garrison  the  stockade,  which  I  found 
nearly  completed  on  my  return,  by  that  active  and  vigilant 
officer,  Colonel  Monroe,  4th  artillery.  I  left  the  next  morning 
for  this  place,  where  I  arrived  on  the  31st,  and  sent  forward 
the  wounded  next  day  to  Tampa  Bay,  with  the  4th  and  6th 
infantry,  the  former  to  halt  at  Fort  Frazer,  remaining  here  my 
self  with  the  1st,  in  order  to  make  preparations  to  take  the  field 
again  as  soon  as  my  horses  can  be  recruited,  most  of  which  have 
been  sent  to  Tampa,  and  my  supplies  in  a  sufficient  state  of 
forwardness  to  justify  the  measure." 

Colonel  Taylor  was  enabled  by  this  battle  to  advance  farther 
into  the  Indian  country  than  any  commander  had  previously 
done.  Shortly  after  this  affair,  Taylor  was  made  a  brigadier- 
general,  and  in  1838  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
forces  in  Florida.  Although  he  had  several  minor  skirmishes 
with  the  Indians,  he  could  never  bring  them  to  a  general  battle. 
Bloodhounds  were  employed  to  drive  the  enemy  from  their 
hiding-places,  but  they  were  found  to  be  of  no  avail. 

Many  heart-rending  barbarities  were  committed  by  the  In 
dians  about  this  time.  The  details  of  some  are  horrible.  Whole 
families,  helpless  old  men  and  women,  innocent  children,  and 

32  • 


874  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

«• 

tender  infants,  were  alike  the  subject  of  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife.  One  instance  will  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  the 
attrocities  practised  at, this  period. 

"  It  becomes  again  our  mournful  duty  to  record  the  successful 
effusion  of  blood  in  this  all-fated  territory,  and  the  triumphant 
accomplishment  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  of  an  adventure  bor 
dering  on  romance.  Indian  Key,  a  small  spot  of  not  over  seven 
acres  in  extent,  about  thirty  miles  from  our  main  land,  on  ouv 
southern  Atlantic  coast,  was  invested  with  seventeen  boats,  con 
taining  Indians,  seven  of  its  inhabitants  murdered,  the  island 
plundered,  and  its  buildings  burned. 

"  About  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  instant,  a  Mr. 
Glass,  in  the  employ  of  Mr.  Houseman,  happening  to  be  up, 
saw  boats  approaching,  and  informed  a  person  in  the  same  em 
ploy,  when  they  passed  into  Mr.  Houseman's  garden,  and  were 
satisfied  that  the  boats  contained  Indians.  The  Indians  now 
commenced  firing  upon  the  house  of  Mr.  Houseman,  and  Dr. 
Perrine  j  the  former  of  whom  with  his  family,  and  Mr.  Charles 
Howe  and  his  family  succeeded  in  escaping  to  boats  and  crossed 
over  to  Tea-table  Key.  The  family  of  Dr.  Perrine  passed 
through  a  trap-door  into  their  bathing-room,  from  whence  they 
got  into  a  turtle-crawl,  and  by  great  efforts  removed  the  logs, 
and  escaped  to  the  front  of  Houseman's  store.  They  then  went 
to  a  boat  at  the  wharf,  which  six  Indians  had  partly  filled,  and 
were  in  the  store  after  a  further  supply.  They"then  pushed  off, 
and  pulled  with  an  oar,  a  paddle,  and  poles,  towards  the  schooner 
Medium.  When  they  had  rowed  a  mile,  they  were  met  by  a 
boat  and  taken  to  the  schooner. 

"  Mr.  Motte  and  wife,  and  Mrs.  Johnson,  a  lady  of  seventy 
years  of  age,  fled  into  an  outhouse,  from  whence  Mrs.  Motte 
was  dragged  by  an  Indian,  and  while  in  the  act  of  calling  on  her 
husband,  <  John,  save  me  !'  she  was  killed.  Mr.  Motte  shared 
the  same  fate,  and  was  scalped ;  but  the  old  lady,  as  she  was 


INDIAN    BARBARITIES.  375 

dragged  forth,  suddenly  jerking  from  the  Indians  broke  his 
hold  and  escaped  under  a  house.  Her  grandchild,  a  daughter 
of  Mrs.  Motte,  aged  four  years,  was  then  killed  with  a  club, 
and  the  infant  strangled  and  thrown  into  the  water.  This  wai 
seen  by  Mrs.  Johnson  from  her  hiding-place ;  but  the  Indians 
fired  the  building,  she  was  again  forced  to  flee,  and  after  secret- 
ing  herself  under  Malony's  wharf,  was  finally  rescued.  James 
Sturdy,  a  boy  about  eleven  years  of  age,  hid  himself  in  the  cis 
tern,  under  Mr.  Hoftseman's  house,  and  was  scalded  to  death 
by  the  burning  building  heating  the  water.  The  remains  of  an 
adult  skeleton  were  found  among  the  ruins  of  Dr.  Perrine's 
house,  supposed  to  be  the  doctor,  as  well  as  that  of  a  child, 
thought  to  have  been  a  slave  of  Mr.  Jlouseman. 

"  The  Indians  were  what  is  known  as  Spanish  Indians,  and 
were  headed  by  Chekekia,  the  same  chief  who  led  the  party  that 
massacred  the  men  at  Calooshatchee.  They  obtained  a  great 
amount  of  plunder  from  the  houses  and  stores;  and  whilst 
engaged  in  obtaining  these  article,  Mrs.  Perrine,  with  her  two 
daughters  and  a  little  son,  reached  a  boat  partially  loaded,  and 
put  off  to  the  schooner  Medium,  lying  at  some  distance.  Thoy 
were  promptly  rescued  by  a.boat  coming  to  their  assistance,  and 
were  taken  to  the  schooner. 

On  Mr.  Houseman  reaching  Tea-table  Kay,  Midshipman  Mur 
ray,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  started  with  his  only  available 
force  of  fifteen  men  and  two  swivels.  Ten  of  the  men  were  in 
the  hospital,  so  sick  as  to  be  certainly  unfit  for  duty ;  but  on 
urging  their  claims  were  permitted  to  accompany  the  others, 
hoping  to  cut  off  the  boats,  and  thus  prevent  the  escape  of  the 
Indians.  On  the  second  fire  of  his  guns,  they  recoiled  overboard, 
aud  the  Indians  then  commenced  a  fire  upon  his  boat,  from  a 
six-pounder  belonging  to  Mr.  Houseman,  charged  with  musket- 
balls,  and  drove  back  this  active  officer. 

"  Communication  was  immediately  dispatched  to  Lieutenant 


876  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

McLaughlin,  who  was  at  Key  Biscayne,  with  the  United  States 
schooners,  Flirt  and  Ostego,  and  they  proceeded  down.  The 
Indians,  however,  escaped,  after  maintaining  possession  of  the 
island  twelve  hours,  carrying  off  large  quantities  of  powder  and 
other  articles,  and  laying  the  little  settlement  in  ashes.  All 
escaped  save  the  unfortunates  named  above. 

'•'  Among  all  the  bold  and  lawless  feats  which  have  charac 
terized  the  enemy  during  the  war,  there  is  nothing  that  will 
bear  comparison  with  this.  We  have  seen  the  murdered  remains 
of  the  citizen  and  soldier  almost  within  sight  of  the  garrison, 
when  the  white  flag  of  overture  was  waving  to  these  inhuman 
rascals  in  the  act  of  kindness.  We  have  seen  the  armed  rider 
stricken  by  the  bullet  from  the  covert  of  the  hammock,  and  the 
carnage  of  the  traveller  made  to  receive  the  last  life-blood  of  its 
occupant.  We  have  seen  the  faithlessness  of  the  tribe,  even 
when  the  humanity  of  the  white  man  was  devising  every  means 
for  its  comfort,4>lanning  their  accursed  schemes  of  murder,  and 
Caloosahatchee,  the  ground  of  confidence  and  good  will,  red  with 
the  blood  of  our  troops  and  citizens.  But  an  island  we  had 
thought  safe.  As  little  would  we  have  looked  for  an  avalanche 
amid  the  sands  of  Arabia,  or  the  glowing  warmth  of  the  equator 
amid  Greenland's  icy  mountains,  as  an  attack  from  Indians  on 
an  island.  A  force"  too,  of  seventeen  canoes,  averaging  five 
men  each,  make  a  voyage  of  at  least  thirty  miles  from  the  main 
land,  ransack,  pillage,  and  destroy,  and  return  in  safety  I" 

General  Taylor  retired  from  Florida,  in  1840,  and  in  April, 
General  Armistead  was  appointed  to  succeed  him.  Hig  opera 
tions  were  of  the  same  tedious  and  unsatisfactory  character,  and 
he  was  in  turn  succeeded  by  Colonel  Worth,  in  May,  1841.  The 
campaign,  under  this  officer,  was  commenced  under  circum 
stances  the  most  unfortunate,  he  having  not  less  than  twelve 
hundred  men  sick. 

Wild  Cat,  the  famous  chief,  surrendered  his  whole  tribe,  in- 


END    OF   THE    FLORIDA    WAR.  37V 

eluding  Ceacoochee  and  his  family,  at  Tampa  Bay  in  August. 
Many  other  chiefs  and  tribes  followed  his  example.  On  the 
19th  of  April,  1842,  the  enemy  were  found  in  great  force,  near 
Okoahumphee  swamp.  Colonel  Worth  commenced  an  imme 
diate  attack,  and  totally  defeated  the  Indians,  who  were  pur 
sued  some  twenty  or  thirty  miles.  The  big  hammock  of  Palak- 
laklaha  was  the  scene  of  this  battle.  On  the  4th  of  May,  Hal- 
lush-Tustenugge,  with  eighty  of  his  band  surrendered,  and  on 
the  12th  of  August,  Colonel  Worth  announced,  in  general  order, 
that  the  Florida  war  was  ended.  This,  however,  proved  to  be 
premature,  for  hostilities  again  commenced,  and  Worth  received 
the  submission  of  a  large  body  of  Creeks  at  Tampa. 

Thus  ended  the  war  in  Florida,  the  most  unsatisfactory,  and 
least  glorious  one  in  which  our  country  has  ever  been  engaged. 
All  the  Florida  Indians^are  now  transported  to  the  Indian  ter 
ritory,  and  the  possibility  of  another  "  Florida  War/'  obviated. 


INCIDENTS  IN  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  THE 
MEXICAN  INDIANS. 

THE  Indians  on  the  border,  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  have  been  for  years  in  a  state  of  almost  perpetual  hos 
tility,  not  only  with  the  Mexicans,  but  with  our  own  people. 
Their  object  generally  is  the  plundering  of  villages  and  the 
stealing  of  horses  and  cattle;  but  in  accomplishing  this  object 
they  frequently  commit  murders  and  carry  off  prisoners.  In 
this  system  of  warfare,  the  Apaches,  Eutaws,  and  especially  the 
Camanches,  are  very  active.  A  detailed  history  of  their  atru- 
sities  would  fill  volumes. 

A  gentleman,  writing  from  Santa  Fee,  under  date  December 
25,  1853,  gives  a  narrative,  which  we  copy,  as  exhibiting  in  one 
thrilling  view  the  whole  horrors  of  these  border  wars.  We 
think  this  detail  of  the  sufferings  of  an  individual  may  be 
regarded  as  comprising  a  perfect  specimen  of  the  war ;  and  is, 
therefore,  preferable  to  a  dry  chronicle  of  many  of  their  savage 
inroads  into  the  country  of  the  white  people.  The  writer  in  his 
letter  says,  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  "  Narrative  of  Mrs.  Wilson," 
irhose  wonderful  escape  from  the  Camanche  Indians,  and  ter 
rible  sufferings  while  with  them,  cannot  but  excite  the  sympa 
thies  of  the  whole  reading  community  of  our  common  country. 
Mrs.  Wilson  is  now  with  the  family  of  Mr.  Spencer,  and  is 
suffering  much  from  the  pains  of  premature  labor,  induced  by 
(378^ 


NARRATIVE    OF    MRS.  WILSON.  379 

the  savage  barbarities  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  her.  How 
long  will  our  government  submit  to  such  a  state  of  things  ? 
After  reading  this  narrative  can.  any  one  be  found  to  say,  "  Oh, 
the  poor  Indian !" 

I  saw,  and  two  months  since  conversed  with  this  young  girl, 
who  had  made  her  escape  from  the  same  Indians,  and  was  sent 
by  Governor  Merriwether  to  her  parents  in  Chihuahua.  Her 
family  is  respectable;  I  know  her  father  well.  She  was  made 
a  captive  near  Chihuahua,  last  summer,  and  now  returns  to  her 
family.  She  told  me  that  there  were  more  captives  among  the 
Camanche  Indians  than  Indians  themselves.  This  may  readily 
be  believed  when  we  know  the  fact,  that  in  their  forays  into 
Mexico  and  Western  Texas,  they  murder  the  men  and  take  the 
women  and  children  captives.  Imagination  can  hardly  conceive 
what  these  poor  women  endure ;  and  the  children  are  reared  up 
to  become  more  savage  and  barbarous  than  their  captors.  This 
administration  could  well  immortalize  itself  by  "wiping  out" 
this  tribe ;  but  I  am  sick  of  the  theme,  and  will  write  no  more. 

A  NARRATIVE 

OF   THE    SUFFERINGS    OF   MRS.   JANE   ADELINE   WILSON,  DURING   HER   CAP 
TIVITY  AMONG  THE  CAMANCHE  INDIANS. 

I  was  born  in  Alton,  Illinois,  on  the  12th  day  of  June,  1837, 
and  am,  therefore,  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  my  age.  My 
father's  name  was  William  Smith ;  my  mother's  maiden  name 
was  Jane  Cox.  I  had  five  brothers  and  four  sisters.  I  think 
it  was  in  1846  that  we  moved  to  Missouri,  and  settled  at  a  boat- 
landing  or  ferry,  called  Jamestown,  on  the  North  Grand  river. 
My  father  kept  the  ferry. 

About  eight  years  ago  we  moved  from  this  place  to  Texas, 
and  settled  near  Paris,  in  Lamar  county.  Here  my  father  and 
mother  died  within  one  day  of  each  other,  leaving  six  orphan 


380  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

children  behind  them.  Three  of  my  brothers  had  died  before 
the  death  of  my  parents.  My  eldest  brother,  who  was  in  a 
ranging  company,  flow  came  to  settle  my  father's  affairs  and 
make  provision  for  our  support.  He  secured  homes  for  us  with 
different  neighbors,  but  took  the  youngest  sister,  our  pet,  with 
him  to  place  her  with  one  of  our  aunts. 

One  day's  journey  from  the  place  where  he  left,  he  was 
attacked  by  the  winter  fever,  and  died  in  one  week.  I  have 
three  sisters  older  than  myself.  Their  names  are  Elizabeth, 
Cynthia,  and  Caroline.  My  brother  James  and  sister  Ellen  are 
younger  than  myself.  Ellen  was  four  years  old  when  my  pa 
rents  died.  Caroline  is  a  dwarf,  and  the  neighbors  thought  that 
the  medicine  the  doctors  gave  her  stopped  her  growth.  She 
was  a  dear  child,  and  we  all  loved  her  because  of  her  mis 
fortune.  [Here  Jane  was  unable  to  restrain  her  feelings,  and 
burst  into  tears.]  I  lived  with  several  neighbors  until  the  1st 
of  last  February,  when  I  was  married  to  Mr.  James  Wilson,  a 
young  farmer,  just  beginning  life,  with  a  little  property,  con 
sisting  of  horses  and  cattle.  He  was  but  nineteen  years  of  age 
when  we  were  married.  We  knew  but  little  of  life,  for  I  was 
not  sixteen.  I  fear  we  were  crazy  in  getting  married  while  we 
were  so  young.  [Poor  girl !  when  her  thoughts  weut  back  to 
this  period  of  her  life,  she  wept  as  if  her  heart  would  break] 

We  had  heard  that  people  became  rich  very  fast  in  California, 
so  we  concluded  to  move  and  commence  life  in  that  distant 
country.  We  gathsred  together  the  little  property  we  possessed 
and  joined  a  party  of  emigrants,  consisting  of  fifty-two  men, 
twelve  women,  and  several  children.  The  father  and  brothers 
of  my  husband  were  among  the  number.  There  were  in  all 
twenty-two  wagons,  and  the  whole  company  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Mr.  Henry  Hickman.  We  started  from  Huat 
county,  on  the  6th  of  April  last,  and  took  the  route  for  El  Paso 
We  arrived  at  the  Guadalupe  Mountains  about  the  1st  of  June 


NARRATIVE    OF   MRS.  WILSON.  381 

Here  the  Mescalero  Apaches  stole  from  us  nineteen  head  of 
cattle ;  six  men  started  in  pursuit,  but  were  driven  back  by  the 
Indians.  We  then  went  to  El  Paso.  My  husband  not  being 
able  to  travel  well  with  Mr.  Hickman's  train,  he  determined  to 
remain  at  El  Paso  till  the  arrival  of  another  party  of  California 
emigrants.  Five  of  Mr.  Hickman's  men  staid  with  us.  While 
here,  the  Mexicans  stole  nearly  all  the  property  we  had,  and 
left  us  unable  to  proceed  on  our  journey.  We  could  do  nothing 
now  except  make  our  way  back  to  Texas. 

About  the  last  of  July,  we  started  on  our  return,  with  the 
fragments  of  our  property,  which  the  thieves  had  spared.  On 
the  1st  day  of  August,  my  husband  and  his  father  left  us,  and 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  I  saw  them  no  more  after 
this.  I  was  told  that  they  had  been  murdered.  You  may, 
perhaps,  be  able  to  imagine  my  feelings  when  I  fouud  myself 
thus  bereaved  and  destitute,  in  a  land  of  strangers.  My  mis 
fortunes  seemed  greater  than  I  could  bear,  but  I  knew  not  that 
heavier  trials  were  in  store  for  me. 

Unable  to  continue  my  journey,  I  returned  to  El  Paso,  where 
I  remained  till  the  8th  of  September,  when  I  started  once  more 
for  Texas,  with  my  three  brothers-in-law,  in  company  with  a 
small  ptirty,  consisting  of  five  Americans  and  one  Mexican.  Mr. 
Hart,  who  owned  and  commanded  this  train,  having  some  busi 
ness  in  Texas,  which  required  his  immediate  attention,  travelled 
very  rapidly,  and  I  hoped  in  a  few  days  more  to  be  in  the  midst 
of  my  friends. 

As  we  had  seen  only  one  Indian  on  the  route,  we  flattered 
ourselves  that  we  should  not  be  molested  by  any  of  the  tribes 
which  infest  this  route.  When  near  the  borders  of  Texas,  some 
of  our  party  stole  three  animals  from  Mr.  Hart,  and  ran  off. 
Mr.  Hart,  anxious  to  overtake  the  thieves,  started  in  pursuit, 
taking  with  him  my  eldest  brother-in-law,  a  lad  some  fourteen 
years  of  age,  leaving  myself,  a  Mexican,  and  the  two  boys  to 


382  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

follow  as  rapidly  as  we  could.  We  were  at  this  time  within 
three  days'  journey  of  a  military  post  at  Phantom  Hill,  and 
were  considered  out  of  danger.  A  discharged  soldier  being 
unable  to  keep  up  with  us  was  some  distance  behind,  but  I  saw 
nothing  of  him  after  this.  The  day  after  Mr.  Hart  Jeft  us,  as 
we  were  travelling,  about  noon,  we  saw  two  Camanche  Indians 
charging  upon  us  in  front,  and  at  the  same  time  two  others  were 
seen  driving  up  behind.  We  were  all  very  much  frightened, 
and  the  Mexican  jumped  out  of  the  wagon  and  went  towards  the 
Indians,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  gain  their  friendship. 

The  mules  of  our  wagon,  four  in  number,  becoming  fright 
ened  by  the  war-whoop  of  the  savages,  turned  out  of  the  road, 
and  commenced  running  as  fast  as  they  could.  One  of  them 
fell  down  before  we  had  gone  far,  and  the  others  were  then 
obliged  to  stop.  The  Indians  now  came  upon  us,  and  ordered 
the  Mexican  to  take  the  mules  out  of  the  harness.  While  this 
was  going  on,  I  got  out  of  the  wagon,  and  looked  on  in  breath 
less  suspense.  After  the  mules  were  unharnessed,  the  Mexican 
was  stripped  of  his  clothing,  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  and 
ordered  to  sit  down  upon  the  ground.  One  of  them  went  be 
hind  him  and  shot  him  with  a  gun,  while  another  stabbed  him 
several  times  with  a  large  butcher-knife.  His  scalp  was  cut  off 
before  he  was  dead,  and  put  into  his  own  hat;  the  hat  was  then 
worn  by  one  of  his  murderers.  I  was  stupified  with  horror  as 
I  gazed  on  this  spectacle,  and  supposed  that  my  turn  would 
come  next.  But  the  Indians  having  secured  the  plunder  of  the 
wagon,  mounted  us  on  the  mules  and  ordered  us  to  go  with 
them. 

As  I  left,  I  looked  back  and  saw  the  poor  Mexican  weltering 
in  his  blood,  and  still  breathing. 

We  took  the  north-east  direction,  and  travelled  slowly  till 
sunset,  when  we  encamped.  Here  the  plunder,  consisting  of 
blankets,  bedding,  clothing,  bridles,  and  some  money  which  I 


NARRATIVE   OF    1IRS.  WILSON.  383 

had  in  my  pocket,  was  divided  among  the  Indians.  Some  arti 
cles  considered  useless  were  thrown  into  the  fire.  My  clothing 
was  taken  away,  except  barely  enough  to  cover  my  person.  In 
the  distribution  of  the  captives,  the  eldest  boy,  about  twelve 
years  of  age,  was  claimed  by  the  chief;  I  became  the  property 
of  one  of  the  others.  I  should  have  mentioned  that  one  of  our 
captors  was  a  Mexican,  who  had  been  stolen  from  Chihuahua 
when  an  infant.  He  was  now  as  savage  as  the  Indians,  and 
claimed  the  youngest  boy  as  his  prize.  The  scalp  of  the  Mexi- 
can  was  stretched  on  a  stick  and  dried  by  the  fire. 

After  giving  us  some  meat  for  our  supper,  the  Indians  began 
to  secure  us  for  the  night.  The  boys,  with  their  arms  tied 
tightly  behind  them,  were  taken  under  guard  by  two  of  the 
savages.  My  feet  were  tied  together,  and  I  w'as  obliged  to  lie 
between  the  other  two.  I  did  not  sleep  any  during  the  night, 
for  I  was  afraid  of  being  killed. 

The  next  day  we  resumed  our  journey,  and  travelled  in  the 
same  direction.  The  boys  were  mounted  on  good  animals,  and 
had  bows  and  arrows.  Their  faces  were  painted  Indian" fashion, 
and  they  looked  like  young  savages.  They  appeared  to  enjoy 
this  new  mode  of  life,  and  were  never  treated  with  excessive 
cruelty.  I  was  mounted  on  a  good  horse,  but  being  obliged  to 
sit  astride  the  animal,  the  journey  was  Exceedingly  painful. 

I  had  a  fine  head  of  hair,  which  I  valued  very  much,  but  the 
chief  ordered  it  to, be  cut  off;  I  was  not  a  little  mortified  in  see 
ing  it  decorating  the  heads  of  the  heartless  savages.  My  head 
was  thus  left  entirely  unprotected  from  the  intensely  hot  rays 
of  the  sun. 

Nothing  of  interest  occurred  except  repeated  acts  of  inhu 
manity  towards  me,  until  the  twelfth  day  of  my  capture.  At 
this  t'me  we  were  joined  by  two  Indian  men  and  a  squaw.  These 
^ere  all  the  Indians  I  saw  till  after  my  escape.  Up  to  this 
time  my  suffering  had  been  so  severe  as  to  take  from  me  all  desir* 


384  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

to  live,  but  now  they  were  greatly  increased.  The  squaw,  from 
whom  I  might  have  expected  some  compassion,  was  evidently 
the  cause  of  the  new  cruelties  which  I  now  began  to  experience. 
My  horse  was  taken  from  me,  and  I  was  mounted  on  an  un 
broken  mule  without  a  bridle.  I  had  a  saddle,  but  it  was  worn 
out  and  good  for  nothing  except  to  torture  me.  This  animal 
would  frequently  top  me  over  its  head  of  its  own  accord ;  but 
not  being  wild  enough  to  gratify  the  malice  of  the  Indians,  the 
chief  would  sometimes  shake  the  Mexican's  scalp  before  its  eyes. 
The  beast  would  then  rear  and  plunge  in  the  utmost  fright,  and 
I  would  be  thrown  upon  the  ground  with  great  violence.  I  have 
}>een  tossed  from  the  mule's  back  as  many  as  half -a  dozen  times 
a  day,  and  once  I  was  so  stunned  that  I  lay  a  considerable  time 
before  my  senses  returned.  My  repeated  falls  greatly  amused 
the  Indians,  whose  horrid  peals  of  laughter  might  have  been 
heard  at  a  great  distance. 

I  never  saw  them  exhibit  the  first  signs  of  pity  towards  me. 
It  made  no  difference  how  badly  I  was  hurt,  if  I  did  not  rise 
immediately  and  mount  the  animal  which  had  just  thrown  me, 
they  would  apply  their  riding-whips,  or  gun-sticks,  or  the  end 
of  a  lariat,  to  nfy  unprotected  body  with  the  greatest  violence. 
The  squaw  would  also  help  me  to  rise  by  wounding  me  with 
the  point  of  a  spear  which  she  carried.  You  may  understand 
one  object  the  Indians  had  in  view  in  putting  me  upon  this 
wild  animal  and  causing  me  to  be  thrown  so  often,  when  I  tell 
you  I  expected  to  become  a  mother  in  a  few  weeks.  They  under 
stood  my  situation,  but  instead  of  softening^  their  hearts  it  only 
made  them  more  inhuman,  and  subjected  me  to  far  greater 
sufferings.  „..*  -, 

I  was  obliged  to  work  like  a  slave  while  in  camp ;  while  ther» 
was  any  service  to  perform  I  was  not  allowed  a  moment's  rest. 
I  was  compelled  to  carry  large  loads  of  wood  on  my  back,  which 
being  destitute  of  sufficient  clothing,  was  mangled  till  the  blood 


NARRATIVE   OF   MRS.  WILSON.  385 

ran  down  to  my  feet.  I  had  tc  chase  the  animals  through 
briars  and  bushes,  till  what  little  clothing  I  had  was  torn  into 
ribbons.  I  brought  the  animals  to  camp  in  the  morning,  and 
had  to  watch  them  till  they  were  ready  to  start,  and  if  one  more 
wild  than  the  rest  ran  off,  I  must  chase  and  bring  him  back, 
and  be  knocked  down  by  the  savage  chief  for  my  want  of  skill. 
When  we  were  ready  to  start,  I  had  to  catch  and  saddle  my  own 
mule  without  assistance.  If  the  party  did  not  start  immediately, 
I  was  compelled  to  pull  at  the  lariat  which  the  Indians  would 
fasten  to  a  bush.  They  seemed  to  study  every  method  of  putting 
me  to  death  by  piecemeal. 

Exhausted  by  incessant  toil  and  suffering,  and  extreme  anguish 
from  my  wounds,  I  could  not  work  as  fast  as  the  Indians  desired, 
and  often  when  scarcely  able  to  stand,  and  hardly  knowing  what 
I  was  doing,  I  have  been  required  to  do  the  work  of  the  strongest 
man.  And  because  of  my  inability  to  accomplish  my  task 
satisfactorily,  I  have  been  whipped  till  my  flesh  was  raw.  Large 
stones  were  thrown  at  me.  I  was  knocked  down  and  stamped 
upon  by  the  ferocious  chief,  who  seemed  anxious  to  crush  me 
like  a  worm  beneath  his  feet.  My  head  sometimes  fell  uncler  the 
horses'  feet,  and  then  the  Indians  would  try  to  make  the  beasts 
kick  me.  After  all  was  ready  for  the  day's  journey,  I  was 
obliged  to  travel  as  fast  as  the  others,  riding  sometimes  over 
rocks  and  through  bushes,  aching  and  sore  from  head  to  foot, 
and  exposed  alike  to  cold  and  heat,  sunshine  and  storm. 

I  have  gone  two  days  at  a  time  without  tasting  food.  The 
Indians  depended  on  hunting  for  their  subsistence,  and  some 
times  had  nothing  to  eat  themselves — unless  there  was  an 
abundance  of  food,  I  received  little  or  nothing — when  any  game 
was  killed,  the  Indians  would  tear  out  the  heart,  liver,  and 
entrails,  and  eat  them  raw.  I  suffered  exceedingly  from  thirst ; 
I  was  not  allowed  to  drink,  except  while  in  camp.  We  fre 
quently  crossed  beautiful  streams  through  the  day,  and  I  would 

33 


386  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

beg  the  privilege  of  dismounting  to  quench  my  thirst.  But  the 
Indians  would  always  deny  my  request  with  contempt.  It  was 
in  vain  I  pointed  to  my  parched  tongue  and  head  blistered  by 
the  rays  of  the  sun.  Nothing  could  soften  them  into  pity,  and 
I  ardently  desired  death  that  my  torments  might  come  to  an  end. 

Every  indignity  was  offered  to  my  person  which  the  imagi 
nation  can  conceive.  And  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  how  I  have 
lived  through  the  barbarous  treatment  which  was  inflicted  upon 
me.  Frequently  my  feelings  were  so  outraged  that  I  was 
tempted  to  kill  my  inhuman  masters.  My  indignation  burned 
particularly  against  the  chief,  and  I  thought  if  I  could  only  cut 
him  to  pieces  I  could  die  content. 

We  travelled  every  day — we  usually  started  about  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  and  halted  about  four  in  the  afternoon.  The 
Indians  were  accustomed  to  go  to  the  tops  of  the  highest  hills, 
and  stand  there  gazing  in  every  direction.  We  always  spent 
the  night  on  a  hill,  and  were  thus  exposed  to  the  cold  autumn 
winds;  we  slept  on  the  ground,  generally  without  covering. 
When  it  rained  the  Indians  made  a  tent  of  the  blankets  and 
wagorf  sheets  they  had  stolen  from  us,  but  I  was  not  allowed  to 
take  shelter  in  it — I  preferred  sleeping  outside  in  the  storm. 

After  my  mule  had  become  so  gentle  that  I  could  ride  it  with 
out  being  thrown,  it  was  taken  from  me  and  I  was  obliged  to 
travel  on  foot.  The  road  over  which  we  passed  was  often  very 
rough  and  stony,  and  full  of  thorns.  My  feet  were  wounded 
and  bruised  till  they  were  covered  with  blood  and  greatly 
swollen.  But  still  I  was  obliged  to  keep  up  with  the  rest  of 
the  party,  and  if  I  fell  behind  I  was  beaten  till  I  was  nearly 
senseless.  The  Indians  often  urged  me  en  by  attempting  to 
ride  their  horses  over  me ;  many  a  mile  of  that  road  is  marked 
with  my  blood,  and  many  a  hill  there  has  echoed  to  my  useless 
cries. 

I  travelled  thus  on  foot  some  five  or  six  days.     After  the 


NARRATIVE    OF    MRS.  WILSON.  387 

party  were  ready  to  start  in  the  morning,  the  direction  of  the 
route  was  pointed  out  to  ine,  and  I  was'  required  to  go  before 
the  others,  in  order  not  to  hinder  them.  They  usually  overtook 
me  before  I  travelled  far.  I  had  always  intended  to  make  my 
escape  as  soon  as  I  found  an  opportunity.  I  never  expected 
to  reach  any  friendly  settlement,  but  I  did  not  wish  to  give  the 
Indians  the  pleasure  of  seeing  me  die.  On  the  morning  offthe 
twenty-fifth  day  after  my  capture,  I  was  sent  on  in  advance  as 
usual.  I  had  eaten  no  breakfast,  and  was  very  weak,  but  the 
hope  of  escape  now  supported  me.  I  hastened  on  as  fast  as  I 
could,  and  finding  a  suitable  hiding-place,  I  turned  aside  and 
concealed  myself  in  the  bushes.  After  this  I  saw  nothing  more 
of  my  captors.  I  found  afterwards  by  the  tracks  of  the  animals, 
that  they  had  searched  for  me ;  they  probably  thought  I  would 
die,  and  therefore  took  less  trouble  to  find  me.  I  have  no  doubt 
the  next  time  they  pass  that  way  they  will  look  for  my  bones. 

My  situation  was  now  distressing  beyond  all  description  ;  I 
was  alone  in  an  Indian  country,  some  hundreds  of  miles  from 
the  nearest  friendly  settlements.  I  was  without  food,  without 
shelter,  and  almost  without  clothing.  My  body  was  full  of 
wounds  and  bruises,  and  my  feet  were  so  swollen  that  I  could 
hardly  stand.  Wild  beasts  were  around  me,  and  savages  more 
wild  than  beasts,  roamed  on  every  hand.  Winter  was  coming 
on,  and  death  in  its  most  terrible  forms  stared  me  in  the  face — 
I  sat  down  and  thought  of  any  lonely  and  exposed  situation. 
But  I  could  not  weep ;  my  heart  was  too  full  of  woe.  I  re 
membered?  the  events  of  the  few  preceding  weeks.  The  husband 
of  my  choice  had  been  murdered,  and  I  was  not  allowed  the 
melancholy  privilege  of  closing  his  eyes,  and  seeing*  his  remains 
decently  interred.  My  little  property  had  been  stolen,  and 
when  within  a  few  days'  march  of  sympathizing  friends,  I  was 
captured  by  savages,  and  after  three  weeks  of  indescribable  suf 
ferings,  found  myself  wandering  solitary  and  destitute  in  the 


388  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

midst  of  the  wild  prairies — my  cup  was  filled  to  overflowing, 
but  I  resolved  to  live  in  hope,  if  I  died  in  despair. 

After  remaining  three  days  in  the  place  where  I  first  concealed 
myself  from  the  Indians,  I  went  to  a  grove  about  half  a  mile 
distant  and  built  a  little  house  of  bushes  and  grass.  Here  I  lived 
nine  days.  My  only  food  was  the  blackberries  which  grew  on 
the  bushes  around.  I  quenched  my  thirst  at  a  spring  near  by. 
My  wounds  pained  me  exceedingly,  and  I  was  wasted  to  a  mere 
skeleton  for  want  of  proper  nourishment.  It  rained  upon  me 
seven  nights  in  succession,  and  my  little  house  was  unable  to 
protect  me  from  the  cold  storms.  More  than  once  I  spent  a 
sleepless  night,  perfectly  drenched  in  rain ;  while  the  wolves, 
sometimes  coming  within,  five  steps  of  me,  would  make  the 
woods  ring  with  their  frightful  howlings.  They  would  also  fol 
low  close  behind  me  when  I  went  to  the  spring  during  the  day ; 
I  expected  some  time  to  be  devoured  by  them ;  but  they  are 
great  cowards,  and  I  could  easily  frighten  them  away. 

When  I  slept  I  would  dream  of  seeing  tables  spread  with  an 
abundance  of  every  kind  of  food,  but  when  I  stretched  forth  my 
hand  tt)  satisfy  my  hunger,  the  effort  would  awaken  me,  and  I 
would  find  myself  weeping  bitterly. 

When  absent  from  my  house,  on  the  twelfth  day  after  my 
escape,  some  New  Mexican  traders  passed  by  on  their  way  to 
the  Camanche  settlements.  While  standing  on  a  small  hill, 
looking  after  them  in  order  to  be  aure  they  were  not  Indians,  I 
was  discovered  by  some  three  or  four  of  the  party,  who  hap 
pened  to  be  some  distance  behind.  They  immediately  came 
towards  me,  and  soon  understood  my  situation.  They  kindly 
offered  to  take  me  with  them,  and  I  gladly  bade  farewell  to  my 
house  in  the  woods.  The  Mexican  put  me  upon  a  burro,  and 
gave  me  a  blanket  and  some  men's  clothing,  in  which  I  dressed 
myself  very  comfortably. 

Two  or  three  days  after  this  we  came  in  sight  of  a  band  of 


NARRATIVE    OF    MRS.    WILSON.     <  389 

Camanches,  and  as  it  was  not  safe  for  me  to  be  seen  by  them, 
I  was  left  behind  in  a  ravine,  with  the  promise  that  the  Mexi 
cans  would  return  for  me  at  night.  As  they  did  not  fulfil  their 
promise,  I  started  towards  their  camp ;  about  midnight,  while 
wandering  among  the  bushes,  a  Camanche  Indian  passed  within 
twenty  steps.  I  thought  I  was  a  captive  once  more,  but  fortu 
nately  the  savage  did  not  see  me.  I  threw  myself  on  the  ground 
and  waited  for  day.  In  the  morning  I  started  again  for  the 
camp  of  the  Mexicans,  but  before  I  reached  it,  I  was  discovered 
by  one  of  the  trading  party  who  was  herding  the  animals.  This 
man  is  a  Puebla  Indian,  of  San  Idlefonso,  and  is  named  Juan 
Jose.  To  him  more  than  to  any  other  man  in  the  party,  I  owe 
my  present  freedom. 

He  told  me  the  camp  was  full  of  Camanches,  and  if  they  saw 
me  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  party  to  save  me.  He  made 
me  lie  down  on  the  ground  while  he  coveretTme  with  dried  grass. 
I  lay  here  all  day,  and  at  night  crept  forth  to  quench  my  burn 
ing  thirst.  Juan  came  and  brought  me  some  bread,  and  told 
me  not  by  any  means  to  leave  my  hiding-place  the  next  day. 
That  day  lagged  slowly  along,  and  I  could  hear  the  dreaded 
Cainanches  passing  and  repassing  and  shouting  to  each  other. 
At  night  Juan  returned,  bringing  another  blanket  and  several 
loaves  of  bread,  and  told  me  that  I  must  remain  here  for  several 
days  longer,  as  the  party  were  obliged  to  go  further  on,  and 
could  not  take  me  unless  I  was  willing  to  become  a  captive  once 
more.  I  saw  the  party  disappear  the  next  day,  and  it  seemed 
as  if  my  hopes  of  rescue  disappeared  with  them.  But  I  resolved 
to  wait  till  the  appointed  time  was  up. 

In  a  ravine  near  by  I  found  a  large  log  which  had  been  left 
burning ;  this  fire  I  kept  alive  day  and  -night,  till  the  Mexicans 
returned,  and  without  it  I  should  probably  have  been  frozen 
to  death,  as  the  weather  had  become  very  cold.  I  covered  a 
hoHow  cotton-wood  stump  with  bark  and  leaves  to  keep  out  tho 


#90  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

cold  wind.  This  stump  was  my  house  during  my  stay  here. 
When  I  could  endure  the  cold  no  longer,  I  would  leave  my 
house  and  run  to  the  fire,  but  was  afraid  to  stay  there  long  lest 
the  Indians  should  see  me.  The  wolves  soon  found  out  my 
place  of  retreat,  and  frequently,  while  I  was  in  the  stump,  they 
would  come  and  scratch  around  and  on  its  top.  The  blackberries 
were  very  scarce  here,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  bread  Juan 
lose  gave  me,  I  do  not  see  how  I  could  have  been  kept  from 
starving  to  death. 

The  eight  days  passed  slowly  by,  and  I  knew  not  whether  10 
•jive  way  to  hope  or  despair.  But  on  the  eighth  I  heard  several 
persons  calling  to  each  other.  I  feared  they  were  Indians,  but 
they  belonged  to  the  trading  party,  and  were  on  their  return  to 
New  Mexico.  They  had  lost  the  place  where  I  was  concealed, 
and  were  shouting  to  each  other  to  attract  my  attention.  I 
was  so  overjoyed  thift  I  rushed  towards  them  unmindful  of 
briars  and  sore  feet. 

Juan  gave  me  a  fine  horse  to  ride,  and  the  whole  party  treated 
me  with  the  utmost  civility  and  kindness.  On  the  thirty -fourth 
day  of  our  return  towards  New  Mexico,  we  reached  the  town 
Pecos.  Here  I  met  Major  Carleton  and  Mrs.  Adams  of  the 
United  States  army,  who  took  the  deepest  interest  in  my  com 
fort.  Here  I  laid  aside  men's  apparel,  and  was  furnished  with 
a  supply  from  Mrs.  Adams's  wardrobe.  After  remaining  at 
of  Pecos  a  few  days,  I  was  conducted  to  Santa  Fe,  by  the  son  of 
Governor  Merri wether. 

To  G-overnor  Merriwether,  and  also  to  the  American  ladies 
of  this  place,  I  cannot  be  too  thankful  for  their  friendly  sym 
pathies  and  uniform  kindness. 

The  past  seems  like  a  horrid  dream.  I  have  related  nothing 
but  the  facts,  and  no  language  that  I  can  use  can  fully  express 
the  sufferings  of  mind  and  body  which  I  have  endured.  My 
two  brothers-in-law  are  still  captives,  and  unless  reclaimed  they 


NARRATIVE   OF    MRS.  WILSON  391 

will  become  as  savage  as  the  Indians.  The  Mexicans  saw 
them  with  the  Camanches,  but  were  unable  to  procure  their 
freedom.  One  is  twelve  years  old,  the  other  ten,  and  unless  the 
strong  arm  of  government  is  lifted  up  for  their  redemption  there 
is  no  hope  for  them. 


RECENT  INCIDENTS  IN  THE  TEXAS  AND 
MEXICAN  BORDER  WARS. 

SINCE  the  Florida,  or  Second  Seminole  War,  the  Indians 
generally  have  been  under  subjection,  and  no  outbreak  of  a 
very  serious  character  has  taken  place,  until  the  last  few  years, 
during  which,  the  savages,  perhaps,  apprehensive  of  further 
incursions  upon  their  territories,  have  carried  on  what*  might 
be  called  a  skirmishing  warfare,  and  to  such  an  extent  has  this 
reached,  that  another  Indian  war,  with  all  its  horrors  and  bar 
barities,  threatens  our  extreme  western  possessions.  The  na 
tive  Indians  upon  our  western  boundaries,  when  the  tide  of 
emigration  set  that  way,  frequently  attacked  the  wagon-trains 
of  the  settlers  and  miners,  who  crossed  the  plains,  and  many  ? 
scene  of  bloodshed,  attended  with  all  the  peculiarities  incidents 
to  savage  warfare  took  place.  Lately  the  murders,  and  the 
incursions  of  these  denizens  of  the  forest  became  so  frequent, 
that  it  was  deemed  necessary,  in  order  to  check  their  advances, 
to  send  a  body  of  troops  against  them.  This  was  accordingly 
done,  and  a  respectable  force  has  recently  been  ordered  into  the 
disturbed  district. 

In  the  autumn  of  1852,  accounts  were  received  that  several 

powerful  bands  of  Camanches  and  Mescaleros  had  removed  to 

the  country  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  Bolson  de  Mapimi,  and 

that  they  occasionally  sent  out  war  parties.     If  some   of  the 

(392) 


*  SKIRMISHES    WITH    THE    INDIANS.  d9o 

statements  are  to  be  believed,  these  Indians  could  then  muster 
upwards  of  two  thousand  warriors.  They  have  destroyed  several 
flourishing  settlements,  and  in  some  instances  ventured  directly 
into  the  streets  of  large  towns,  and  carried  away  property  of 
immense  value. 

On  the  3d  of  October,  1853,  a  party  of  soldiers  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Able  George,  who  had  been  dispatched 
by  General  Lane,  from  Jacksonville,  for  the  purpose  of  protect 
ing  the  emigrants,  had  a  skirmish  with  some  Indians,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  dispersing  them.  Several  actions  of  minor  importance 
occurred  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians,  although  it  was 
not  until  1854,  that  th^  Indians  began  to  be  troublesome,  and 
to  render  the  presence  of  any  large  body  of  troops  necessary  for 
the  preservation  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  settlers  among 
the  western  wilds. 

In  April,  a  fight  took  place  between  the  Indians  and  the 
United  States  dragoons,  under  General  Garland,  whose  official 
account  we  give. 

After  the  fight  between  Lieutenant  Bell  and  Lobo's  party, 
the  Indians  crossed  the  mountains  and  showed  themselves  on 
the  road  between  Taos  and  Santa  Fe.  On  the  evening  of  the 
20th  ult.  Major  Blake,  commanding  at  Cantonment  Burgwinc, 
ordered  Lieutenant  John  W.  Davidson,  with  sixty  men  of  com 
panies  "  F"  and  "  I,"  first  regiment  of  United  States  dragoons, 
to  make  a  scout  in  search  of  the  enemy.  He  left  the  canton 
ment  the  same  evening,  accompanied  by  Assistant- Surgeon  D. 
L.  Magruder.  The  next  morning,  Lieutenant  Davidson,  with 
his. command,  came  upon  a  party  of  Apaches,  supposed  to  num 
ber  two  hundred  warriors,  at  the  foot  of  the  north  slope  of  the 
mountains,  and  not  far  from  the  small  Mexican  village  of  Ciene- 
guilla.  When  the  troops  appeared  in  sight,  the  Indians  imme 
diately  raised  their  war-whoop,  and  manifested  a  disposition  to 
make  an  attack. 


394  iNDlAN    NARRATIVES. 

The  camp  of  the  Apaches  was  situated  upon  a  mountain  ridge, 
and  in  a  position  naturally  strong  and  difficult  of  access.  Lieu 
tenant  Davidson  saw  that  an  action  could  njt  be  avoided,  and 
therefore  made  the  necessary  preparations  for  battle.  He  dis 
mounted  his  men,  and  with  a  small  guard  to  protect  and  hold 
them,  placed  his  horses  a  little  ways  in  the  rear.  With  the 
balance  of  his  command,  not  more  than  fifty  strong,  he  made  an 
attack  upon  the  camp  of  the  Indians.  The  soldiers  charged 
bravely  up  the  ridge  and  carried  the  position  of  the  Apaches 
who  were  forced  to  retreat.  They  rallied,  however,  almost  im 
mediately,  and  attacked  the  troops  at  close  quarters  with  great 
desperation;  they  were  several  times  repulsed,  and  upon  each 
occasion — seven  in  number — rallied  again  to  the  charge,  in  every 
instance  exhibiting  the  utmost  determination  and  bravery.  The 
troops  maintained  this  unequal  contest  for  nearly  three  hours, 
when  they  were  forced  to  give  way  and  retreat,  which  they 
succeeded  in  doing,  and  reached  Taos  the  same  afternoon  with 
their  wounded. 

The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  troops  was  very  severe.  The 
official  report  shows  twenty-two  killed  upon  the  field,  twenty- 
three  wounded,  several  of  them  badly ;  and  upwards  of  forty- 
five  horses  killed  and  lost  in  the  action.  Of  the  Indians  it  is 
not  known  how  many  were  killed ;  but  Lieutenant  Davidson 
judges  they  must  have  lost  at  least  fifty  or  sixty.  On  the  ar 
rival  of  the  troops  at  Taos,  Major  Blake  immediately  started  for 
the  scene  of  action,  to  bring  in  the  dead  bodies,  and  took  with 
him  twenty  soldiers,  all  he  could  mount,  a  few  Mexicans  and 
Americans,  and  a  small  party  of  Puebla  Indians.  They  suc 
ceeded  in  recovering  the  bodies  of  those  killed,  which  they  took 
to  Taos,  and  had  them  interred. 

This  is  one  of  the  severest  battles  that  ever  took  place  be 
tween  the  American  troops  and  the  Apaches,  and  our  loss  much 
greener  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  engaged.  The  Apaches 


PURSUIT  OF  THE  APACHES.  395 

fought  w.ith  a  bravery  almost  unprecedented,  and  we  are  well 
convinced  that  nothing  but  the  stubborn  valor  of  Lieutenant 
Davidson  and  his  men  saved  the  command  from  entire  destruc 
tion.  The  troops  had  greatly  the  disadvantage.  The  Indians 
selected  their  own  position,  on  a  rugged  mountain  ridge,  and 
the  dragoons  had  to  charge  up  a  steep  slope  to  reach  them.  The 
latter  were  encumbered  with  their  horses,  which  it  required 
nearly  a  fourth  part  of  the  command  to  take  care  of,  and  the 
valley  in  which  the  troops  were  at  the  time  of  the  attack  was  so 
filled  with  large  boulders  as  to  render  the  movement  of  the 
horses  almost  impossible.  Lieutenant  Davidson  and  Dr.  Ma- 
gruder  were  both  slightly  wounded. 

Since  the  fight  at  Cieneguilla,  the  Indians  have  retreated  to 
the  west  side  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  are  now  hotly  pursued 
by  Colonel  Cooke,  with  nearly  two  hundred  dragoons  and  a  spy 
company  of  citizens  and  Puebla  Indians,  under  the  command  of 
Mr.  James  Quinn,  of  Taos.  The  troops  are  on  their  trail,  which 
leads  among  the  mountains  to  the  north  j  and  as  the  Indians 
are  encumbered  with  their  women  and  children,  and  are  reported 
in  low  spirits,  we  think  there  is  some  chance  of  their  being 
overtaken. 

General  Garland  has  taken  prompt  and  vigorous  means  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  and  successful  termination.  A  large 
number  of  troops,  under  the  command  of  gallant  and  experienced 
officers,  have  been  ordered  to  the  north,  and  are  now  in  rapid 
pursuit  of  the  enemy.  We  cannot  conclude  this  article  without 
signifying  our  approbation  of  the  gallant  conduct  of  Lieutenant 
Davidson  and  Dr.  Magruder,  and  to  whose  bravery  and  good 
conduct  is  justly  attributed  the  safe  retreat  of  the  survivors  of 
the  command.  If  brevets  were  ever  earned,  they  were  upon 
this  occasion. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  Colonel  Cooke,  with  about  two  hundred 
men,  came  upon  a  party  of  Apaches,  at  a  place  called  Agua  Ca 


396  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

liente  Creek.  The  Indians  took  post  in  a  strong  and  almost 
inaccessible  mountain  position;  but  the  troops  bravely  charged 
them,  drove  them  from  it,  and  pursued  them  a  mile  and  a  half, 
fording  a  difficult  stream,  passing  over  a  broken  country,  and 
keeping  up  a  running  fight.  A  good  deal  of  plunder  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Americans.  The  Indians  left  six  of  their 
number  upon  the  field,  while  the  loss  of  the  whites  was  one  man 
killed  and  one  wounded.  Colonel  Cooke  pursued  the  Indians 
for  some  distance,  and  so  hard  were  they  pressed,  that  they  were 
often  obliged  to  separate  into  small  parties  in  orde.r  to  save 
themselves. 

Many  were  the  stories  of  the  murders  and  other  depredations 
of  the  Indians,  circulated  about  this  time,  and  although  doubt 
less  somewhat  exaggerated,  they  were  of  a  character  to  rendei 
the  inhabitants  of  the  thinly  populated  district  of  New  Mexico/ 
careful  and  watchful,  not  knowing  whether  they  would  not  be 
the  next  subjects  for  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife.  The 
mail-coaches  were  stopped,  the  bags  rifled  of  their  contents,  the 
horses  stolen,  and  the  drivers  in  many  instances  murdered.  An 
amusing  incident  is  related  in  a  letter  from  Santa  Fe,  to  this 
effect :  the  May  mail,  going  east,  was  attacked  by  the  Indians, 
and  all  their  animals  stolen.  They  afterwards  promised  to  re 
turn  thejn  upon  condition  that  the  mail  men  would  cook  them 
a  good  dinner,  which  was  complied  with  and  the  animals  were 
returned.  Fancy  the  Red  Men  sitting  around,  and  the  Ame 
ricans  cooking  dinner  for  them.  The  Indians,  no  doubt,  enjoyed 
it  finely. 

We  extract  from  a  paper  of  that  period,  an  account  of  the 
last  fight  and  death  of  Lieutenant  Maxwell,  a  very  promising 
and  gallant  young  officer. 

For  the  last  few  months  a  severe  and  deadly  war  has  been 
waged  between  the  troops  in  this  territory  and  a  warlike  though 
diminished  tribe  of  Indians,  called  the  Tarcarella  Apaches.  ID 


PURSUIT    OF   THE    APACflES.  397 

one  battle  we  lost  two  killed  and  four  wounded ;  in  another 
twenty-two  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded.  But,  however 
severe  those  battles  were,  (St.  Belles  and  Danson's)  no  officer 
had  fallen.  And  now  to  speak  of  the  last  fight,  which  occurred 
on  the  30th  June,  1854,  and  in  which  our  little  army  has  lost  a 
young  and  promising  officer — namely,  J.  E.  Maxwell,  son  of 
Mrs.  Maxwell,  of  Athens,  Georgia. 

Lieutenant  Maxwell  graduated  from  the  Military  Academy 
in  1850,  and  has  served  honorably  and  faithfully  as  a  brevet 
and  second  lieutenant  in  the  third  regiment  of  infantry,  ever 
since  in  this  country.  In  the  fight  which  Lieutenant  Bell  had 
with  the  Apaches,  Lieutenant  Maxwell,  although  it  was  the  first 
time  he  had  been  under  fire,  conducted  himself  most  gallantly, 
as  a  man  and  a  Georgian.  In  another  skirmish  with  the  same 
Indians,  being  adjutant  of  the  commanding  officer,  he  ran  the 
gauntlet  wiftl  the  coolness  of  a  vpteran ;  yet  he  was  to  the  last 
degree  unassuming. 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th  of  June,  Brevet  Captain  Sykes 
and  Lieutenant  Maxwell,  with  about,  sixty  dragoons,  (there 
being  no  dragoon  officers  on  duty  at  the  post,)  started  in  pur 
suit  of  the  party  of  Apaches,  whose  trail  had  been  seen  the  day 
before,  a  short  distance  from  the  post.  After  a  hard  and  vigorous 
trail;  the  command  came  in  sight  of  the  savages,  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  30th.  Captain  Sykes  sent  Lieutenant  Maxwell, 
with  twenty  dragoons,  up  a  precipitate  "mesa/'  or  small  moun 
tain,  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  a  band  of  about  twenty  Indians, 
who  were  attempting  to  gain  difficult  and  almost  impregnable 
passes  of  the  mountains.  Lieutenant  Maxwell  being  well 
mounted,  charged  at  the  head  of  his  men,  to  cut  off  the  enemy 
ere  they  could  pass  a  certain  point  above  him.  Unfortunately, 
possibly  from  being  better  mounted,  himself,  one  sergeant,  and 
two  men  arrived  at  the  summit  of  the  mesa,  some  few  momcwts 
ere  the  rest  of  his  troops  had  closed  up.  As  soon  as  Lieutenant 

34 


398  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

Maxwell,  who  was  ahead,  with  the  three  men,  arrived  at  the 
above  place,  the  Indians  showed  themselves  above,  and  com 
menced  a  deadly  discharge  of  arrows. 

Lieutenant  Maxwell,  with  revolver  in  hand,  emptied  it  with 
deadly  effect ;  but  ere  he  had  done  so,  he  had  received  an  arrow 
completely  through  his  body.  He  drew  his  sabre,  and  in  doing 
so  his  bridle  arm  received  another  arrow,  which  passed  through 
and  glanced  against  his  left  breast.  He  still  used  his  sabre, 
and  when  he  received  his  last  shot,  he  was  in  the  act  of  sabring 
an  Indian ;  but  in  that  act,  while  his  head  was  bowed  to  his 
horse's  mane,  he  fell — and  fell  like  a  knight  of  old,  in  his  har 
ness — his  sword  grasped  in  his  hand,  and  a  smile  upon  his  face. 
The  Indians  fled.  Then  came  the  troops  thundering  up  the 
hill — but  too  late,  alas  !  for  poor  young  Maxwell  had  fallen  ! 
And  as  Captain  Sykes  saw  him,  with  upturned  face,  lying  stark 
dead,  whom  but  a  moment  since  he  viewed  in  t$Pe  prime  and 
bloom  of  manhood,  he  bowed  his  head  and  wept,  as  none  but  a 
warrior  can. 

Lieutenant  Maxwell  was  buried  at  his  post,  with  military 
honors ;  and  around  his  lonely  grave  were  heard  sobs  and  were 
seen  tears  adown  weather-beaten  visages,  where  tears  were  stran 
gers.  He  died  without  an  enemy.  He  died  as  a  soldigr  should, 
and  lies  wrapped  in  his  martial  shroud,  as  a  soldier's  due. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year,  1854,  nothing  of  any  great 
importance  transpired ;  and  hopes  were  entertained  that  the 
war  had  closed,  and  that  there  would  be  a  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  savages  to  listen  to  terms.  These  hopes,  however, 
were  not  realized.  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  position 
of  affairs  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1855,  from  the  following 
account  taken  from  the  leading  paper  published  in  New  Mexico. 

With  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  a  strong  current  of  sue* 
cess  set  in  in  our  favor,  and  in  all  our  encounters  with  the  In« 
dians  the  troops  have  been  successful.  In  the  first  instance, 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  APACHES.  399 

the  gallant  affair  of  Lieutenant  Sturgis,  in  pursuit  of  the  party 
who  committed  depredations  at  Galisteo,  had  a  very  beneficial 
effect  upon  these  Indians,  and  taught  them  a  severe  lesson. 
They  lost  several  men,  and  had  taken  from  them  all  the  animals 
which  they  had  stolen  at  Galisteo.  In  the  -same  month, 
General  Garland  sent  an  expedition  under  Captain  Ewell,  into 
the  Mescalero  country,  which  penetrated  into  the  very  heart  of 
the  tribe,  and  surprised  them  in  their  stronghold.  The  Indiana 
turned  out  in  force,  and  fought  the  troops,  but  they  were  prac 
tically  whipped,*"with  the  loss  of  some  twenty  warriors,  two  of 
whom  were  chiefs.  The  result  of  the  expedition  was  highly 
successful,  and  every  thing  was  accomplished  that  could  have 
been  expected.  The  third  check  and  severe  lesson  they  received 
was  upon  the  grazing  camp  of  Captain  Ewell.  Fifteen  Indians, 
in  the  middle  of  the  night,  fell  upon  three  dragoons,  asleep  in 
their  tents,  and  the  latter,  after  a  severe  fight,  succeeding  in 
defeating  and  driving  them  off,  with  the  loss  of  four  or  five 
wounded,  three  of  whom,  we  learn  have  since  died. 

Immediately  after  this  affair,  the  Indians  came  in  and  begged 
lor  peace.  In  these  and  all  other  encounters  with  the  savage?, 
the  officers  and  men  of  our  army  have  behaved  themselves  in 
the  handsomest  manner.  The  commanding  general  has  con 
ducted  his  military  operations  with  great  energy,  and  deserves 
credit  for  the  efforts  he  has  made  to  afford  protection  to  all  our 
frontiers.  If  the  Superintendant  of  Indian  Affairs  had  the  re 
quisite  instructions,  he  would  immediately  proceed  to  hold  a 
treaty  with  the  Mescaleros,  and  thus  have  them  secured  from 
further  trouble ;  but  at  present  his  hands  are  tied,  and  he  can 
do  nothing. 

The  condition  of  the  other-  Indians  has  not  changed.  The 
Navajoes  are  at  peace,  and  are  quietly  awaiting  the  proposed 
treaty  with  them.  The  Utahs  and  Jicarillas  are  still  hostile, 
and  seem  not  disposed  to  make  terms  until  they  are  well  chas- 


400  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

tised.  An  expedition  of  nearly  six  hundred  men  is  now  in  their 
country,  and  we  may  shortly  expect  to  hear  of  active  hostilities 
between  them  and  our  troops.  We  have  not  heard  of  the  Gila 
Apaches  committing  any  depredations,  since  they  were  guilty 
of  the  ungenerous  act  of  stealing  the  horse  of  their  own  agent. 
At  present  such  is  our  relation  with  the  Indians  of  the  territory. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1855,  Colonel  Fauntlerqy,  with  two 
companies,  met  a  number  of  Apaches  and  Utahs,  well  anued 
and  mounted  in  the  Chow-atch  pass ;  and  in  vhe  running  engage 
ment  which  followed,  killed  five  Utahs.  The^r  came  up  with 
the  Apaches  on  the  next  day,  who  retreated,  leaving  seven  of 
their  number  dead.  The  Americans  did  not  lose  a  single  man, 
either  in  killed  or  wounded. 

Captain  Ewell,  and  Lieutenants  Moore  and  H.  B.  Davidson, 
left  Los  Lunas  in  command  of  eighty  dragoons,  the  latter  end 
of  December,  for  a  scout  into  the  south-eastern  section  of  the 
territory,  where  these  Indians  have  their  range.  The  troops 
were  accompanied  by  Dr.  Kennon,  a  citizen,  as  surgeon,  and 
were  joined  at  Antonchico  by  Mr.  Gleason,  as  guide.  They 
struck  the  Pecos,  down  which  stream  they  marched  nearly  three 
hundred  miles,  and  on  the  17th  of  January,  they  encamped  on 
the  Penasco,  a  fine  stream  running  east  from  the  Sacramento 
mount.  Here  they  were  joined  by  eighty  dragoons  and  infantry 
under  command  of  Captain  Stan  ton,  and  Lieutenants  Daniel 
and  Walker,  from  Fort  Fillmore.  Thus  far  no  Indians  had 
been  seen,  but  in  the  night  they  set  fire  to  the  grass  around  the 
camp,  and  opened  a  brisk  fire  of  balls  and  arrows,  apparently 
aiming  at  the  only  two  tents  there  were  in  the  command. 

The  next  morning,  the  Indians  appeared  in  considerable 
numbers  on  the  surrounding  hills,  and  commenced  an  attack. 
The  column  moved  on,  fighting  as  they  went,  and  hastened  tu 
reach  the  Indian  camp  in  time  to  find  their  families  "  at  home." 
The  ground  was  rolling  and  much  cut  up  by  the  deep  ravines. 


DEATH  OF  CAPTAIN  STANTON.  401 

which  enabled  the  Indians  to  approach  within  a  few  yards  of 
the  column  and  fire  upon  them,  and  the  trail  was  narrow  and 
difficult  to  follow.  The  front  and  flank  were  kept  clear  by 
skirmishers;  and  officers  and  men  used  every  exertion  to  get  at 
the  enemy,  it  being  required  to  check  the  men,  and  keep  them 
from  unnecessary  exposure.  Mr.  G-leason  was  always  conspic 
uous  and  among  the  foremost  in  the  fight.  These  skirmishers 
were  at  different  times  under  Lieutenants  Daniel  and  Moore ; 
the  latter  charging  at  the  head  of  some  mounted  men,  but  the 
horses  were  too  much  worn  out  to  accomplish  a  great  deal.  Some 
times  the  Indians  came  within  arrow-range  of  the  column ',  and 
it  one  time  a  large  fellow  stopped  alone  on  the  trail,  until  'the 
troops  approached  within  range,  when  he  deliberately-  fired,  but 
was  instantly  picked  off  by  a  skirmisher,  a  sergeant.  About  the 
time  this  man  fell,  the  Indians,  on  a  hill  near  by,  raised  a  ter 
rible  wailing,  and  it  is  supposed  he  was  a  chief.  A  Mexican, 
from  Mr.  Beck's  ranche,  named  Jose  Martinez,  claims  to  have 
killed  Santa  Anna,  the  Big  Chief,  and  recent  reports  from  the 
Mescaleros  confirms  his  death.  The  fight  was  continued  until 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  Indians  retreated,  hav 
ing  suffered  considerable  loss. 

This  afternoon,  the  column  found  the  Indian  camp,  of  three 
hundred  lodges,  on  the  banks  of  the  Penasco,  where  they  had 
collected  in  large  numbers  to  have  a  grand  feast  on  stolen  cattle. 
A  few  oxen  and  some  ponies  were  found ;  the  rest  had  been 
eaten.  During  the  fight,  Captain  Stanton,  of  the  1st  dragoons, 
and  two  men  were  killed.  •  He  charged  a  body  of  Indians,  and, 
led  away  by  the  ardor  of  pursuit,  became  separated  from  his 
men,  and,  on  his  return,'  was  attacked  by  large  numbers  from 
behind  trees  and  rocks,  and  unfortunately  killed.  He  fought 
with  desperation,  as  two  ponies  were  left  dead,  and  one  ran  into 
camp  without  a  rider.  The  Indians  were  pursued  one  day  be 
yond  the  sources  of  the  Sacramento  mountains,  when  they  scat- 

34* 


402  INDIAN   NARRATIVES. 

tered  and  fled  in  different  directions,  and  the  guides  could  no 
longer  trail  them.  The  troops  started  back  the  20th  of  January, 
and  Captain  Ewell  reached  Los  Lunas  in  eighteen  days,  the 
horses  being  so  completely  broken  down  that  the  men  had  to 
march  on  foot.  The  loss  of-  .the  Indians  was  from  fifteen  to 
twenty.  The  country  in  which  the  fight  took  place  was  entirely 
new,  never  having  been  visited  before,  and  is  represented  as  a 
pleasant  and  well-watered  region. 

In  September,  1855,  G-eneral  Harney  gained  a  complete  vic 
tory,  over  the  Sioux  Indians.  It  struck  terror  into  the  whole 
of  the  savage  tribes  occupying  that  extended  section  of  the 
country. 

In  the  early  part  of  August,  General  Harney's  command  left 
Fort  Leavens  worth,  and  arrived  at  Ash  Hollow  on  the  2d  of 
September,  at  which  point  the  general  ascertained  that  a  band 
of  forty  or  fifty  Brule  lodges  were  encamped  on  the  Blue  Water 
tJreek,  a  fine  tributary  of  the  North  Platte,  about  six  miles  from 
Ash  Hollow. 

The  general  at  once  determined  to  attack  the  camp  early  on 
the  morning  of  the  3d,  and  in  order  to  be  more  sure  of  his 
game,  he  dispatched  the  principal  portion  of  his  mounted  force 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  to  gain  a  position  in  the  rear 
of  the  Indians — a  movement  which  had  to  be  made  in  the  dark 
of  course,  and  over  an  exceedingly  rugged  country.  It  was, 
however,  eminently  successful,  being  effected  without  rousing 
the  suspicion  of  the  Indians. 

General  Harney  left  his  camp  about  four  or  five  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  with  the  infantry  portion  of  his  command,  merely 
leaving  a  sufficient  force  to  guard  the  train,  which  remained  at 
Ash  Hollow  during  the  operations.  He  moved  directly  upon 
the  first  Indian  village,  (for  it  afterwards  turned  out  that  there 
were  two,)  but  before  he  could  reach  it,  the  lodges  were  al] 
struck  and  their  occupants  in  rapid  retreat  up  the  valley  of  *ho 


HARNEY   DEFEATS    THE    BRULE    SIOUX.  403 

Blue  Water.  This,  however,  was  just  what  was  expected  and 
desired,  for  if  the  cavalry  gained  the  position  designed  it,  the 
Indians  would  be  brought  to  a  stand  andjbe  compelled  to  fight. 

They  finally  halted  and  took  up  a  position  on  the  bluffs,  which 
skirted  the  banks  of  the  stream,  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of 
our  cavalry,  which  had  concealed  themselves  so  adroitly,  that 
the  general  himself  doubted  very  much  whether  they  had  suc 
ceeded  in  gaining  the  point  assigned  them.  It  was  for  this  rea 
son  that  in  a  parley  which  here  ensued  between  General  Harney 
and  the  Brule  chief,  "Little  Thunder,"  the  general's  principal 
object  was  to  amuse  the  Indians  until  he  became  satisfied  of  the 
presence  of  the  cavalry. 

At  last  it  became  pretty  obvious,  from  the  commotion  among 
the  Indians,  that  something  had  been  observed  by  them  that 
made  them  very  uneasy ;  so  the  general  at  once  cut  short  the 
parley,  and  opened  the  ball  to  the  music  of  the  Minie  rifle  from 
the  skirmishers  of  the  sixth  infantry.  The  bluffs  were  scaled 
by  these  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time  and  cleared  of  the 
Indians,  who  had  scarcely  left  their  stronghold  before  they 
found  themselves  intercepted  by  the  cavalry  and  placed  between 
two  fires. 

The  affair  had  by  this  time  become  exceedingly  lively.  The 
Indians  plunged  down  the  bluffs  with  their  light,  sure-footed 
ponies,  and  darted  off  through  the  only  avenue  not  closed  against 
them,  being  pursued  in  most  gallant  style  by  the  mounted  troops, 
who  followed  four  or  five  miles,  sabring  and  shooting  a  large 
number  of  them  on  the  way. 

It  is  quite  impossible,  owing  to  the  extent  and  nature  of  the 
country  covered  by  the  two  parties,  to  ascertain  precisely  the 
loss  of  the  Indians  in  killed  and  wounded ;  but  from  observa 
tions  subsequently  made  on  the  ground  of  principal  combat,  the 
number  killed  cannot  fall  very  short  of  sixty  or  seventy.  About 
fifty  women  and  children  were  captured,  and  some  sixty  ponies 


404  INDIAN    NARRAlfVES. 

and  mules  taken.  As  for  lodges,  buffalo  meat,  robes,  camp  fur- 
niture  of  various  descriptions,  the  end  has  not  been  seen  yet, 
although  a  number  of  wagons  have  been  employed  in  bringing 
this  booty  into  the  camp. 

The  entire  loss  sustained  by  the  command  was  four  men  killed, 
three  dangerously  wounded,  one  slightly,  and  one  missing,  sup 
posed  to  have  been  killed  or  captured. 

On  the  1st  of  September,  news  was  received  that  Major 
Neighbors,  the  supervising  Indian  agent  for  Texas,  had  con 
cluded  a  treaty  with  the  Anadahka,  Waco,  Toncahua,  Camanche, 
Tahwaccaro,  and  Caddo  Indians,  which  was  intended  as  supple 
mental  to  the  treaty  of  May  15th,  1846.  The  Indians  agreed 
to  abandon  their  roving  or  hunting  life,  and  to  settle  on  the 
reservations  set  apart  by  the  Texas  legislature ;  to  adopt  laws 
and  police  regulations ;  not  to  leave  the  reservation  without  the 
consent  of  the  agent,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting  all  rights  as 
settlers  under  the  treaty ;  to  break  off  all  communication  with 
bands  of  Indians  outside  the  reservation,  who  refuse  to  settle 
down,  unless  by  consent  of  the  agent.  The  United  States  go 
vernment  to  protect  them,  feed  them,  furnish  them  with  farmers, 
and  to  take  all  the  steps  necessary  to  aid  them  in  adopting  a 
civilized  life. 

The  Lipans,  a  band  of  roving  Indians,  were  not  included  in 
this  treaty.  They  are  west  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  regularly 
enrolled  as  Indians  of  Mexico.  Three  companies  of  mounted 
riiemen,  have  been  ordered  to  this  part  of  the  frontiers,  under 
the  command  of  General  Smith. 

In  the  meantime,  Captain  Calahan,  had  been  authorized  by 
Governor  Pease,  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  hunt  these  Lipans, 
in  Mexico,  and  put  a  stop  to  their  devastations  if  possible.  The 
captain,  with  one  hundred  and  eleven  men,  encountered  the 
enemy  at  Eagle  Pass,  on  the  2d  of  October,  1855,  and  we  givo 
bis  own  account  of  the  ba^:le. 


CAPTAIN  CALAHAN'S  EXPEDITION.  405 

At  n#on  we  encamped  on  a  small  stream  ten  miles  west  of 
Jie  Rio  Grande,  where  we  refreshed  ourselves  and  horses.  Up 
to  this  time  the  Mexican  authorities  and  citizens  had  shown  us 
much  kindness,  and  evinced  their  good  wishes  as  to  the  success 
of  the  expedition,  and  many  even  volunteered  to  enlist  under 
me,  but  none  were  received. 

After  resting  an  hour  or  two,  we  marched  off  towards  San 
Fernando,  beyond  which  were  the  Indian  camps.  Having  pro 
ceeded  some  ten  miles  along  the  highway  to  the  city,  over  a 
widely  extended  prairie,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
while  marching  leisurely  along,  we  descried  three  horsemen 
approaching  us  from  a  mot  of  timber,  about  a  mile  to  the  north 
ward.  At  first  these  men  were  not  noticed ;  we  supposed  them 
to  be  Mexican  herdmen — but  on  their  approaching  within 
two  hundred  yards  of  us,  we  discovered  them  to  be  Indian  chiefs, 
ready  dressed  and  painted  for  battle ;  and  they  were  trying  to 
decoy  us  from  our  position. 

Forming  my  men  in  a  line  along  the  road,  I  waited  for  the 
enemy  to  begin  the  battle ;  for  by  this  time  large  numbers  had 
emerged  from  the  timber,  seemingly  with  the  intention  of  at 
tacking  us  j  they  soon  spread  out  in  front  of  us,  and  to  our 
right  ancUleft,  to  the  amount  of  several  hundred  horsemen,  and 
commenced  to  fire  on  us.  About  this  time  one  of  our  men 
fired  on  a  chief,  about  two  hundred  yards  distant,  ana  broke  a 
leg  of  his  horse.  Perceiving  that  the  enemy,  composed  of  both 
Indians  and  Mexicans,  were  trying  to  outflank  us,  I  ordered  my 
men  to  charge,  which  was  executed  in  fine  style,  and  thirty  of 
the  enemy  were  slain. 

While  making  our  cffirge  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  which 
extended  for  nearly  half  a  mile,  came  in  our  rear  and  opened  on 
us  a  very  severe  fire,  during  which  four  of  our  gallant  men  were 
killed.  The  front  and  right  flank,  on  which  we  charged,  after 
a  gallant  fire,  fled  before  us,  leaving  us  in  possession  of  the  posi 


406  INDIAN    NARRATIVES. 

tion  which  it  was  our  object  and  determination  to  gain.  *  Then 
we  discovered  that  our  enemy  numbered  some  six  or  seven  hun- 
dred,  as  all  their  footmen  were  concealed  in  the  timber,  and  had 
not  advanced  in  view  on  the  prairie. 

My  men  formed  in  a  strong  position  beneath  the  bank  of  a 
small  creek,  on  which  the  enemy  had  been  encamped,  and  their 
whole  force  coming  up  against  us,  we  continued  the  battle  for 
about  three  hours,  when  they  fled  in  the  direction  of  San  Fer 
nando,  leaving  sonie  eighty-five  killed,  and  with  the  loss  of 
one  hundred  wounded.  This  we  learned  from  some  Mexicans, 
who  were  engaged  in  the  battle,  and  from  other  sources,  since 
my  report  to  his  excellency,  the  Hon.  E.  M.  Pease. 

The  same  Mexicans  have  also  informed  me  that  the  actual 
number  of  our  enemy  was  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men.  After 
the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  which  was  about  dark,  we,  supposing 
that  they  would  come  on  us  again  before  day  with  large  rein 
forcements,  fell  back  to  the  Rio  Grande,  where  we  would  be 
safe  from  any  number  .of  men  and  any  quantity  of  artillery  they 
might  bring  against  us. 

Approaching  the  town  of  Piedras  Negras  about  sunrise,  we 
took  possession  of  it,  and  now  occupy  a  position  opposite  Eagle 
Pass,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  *• 

Captain  Calahan,  in  this  engagement,  lost  five  men  killed  and 
two  wounded. 

The  Indian  War  in  Oregon,  in  the  meantime  is  assuming  a 
threatening  aspect.  All  the  Indian  tribes  in  that  region,  with 
but  few  exceptions,  are  in  arms  against  the  United  States,  anfl 
murders  are  very  frequent.  But  a  small  force  has  as  -yet  been 
sent  against  them,  yet  active  preparations  are  in  progress  by 
which  we  hope  to  see  the  savages  submissive  to  the  rule  of  the 
whites,  and  engaging  quietly  in  the  pursuits  common  to  civilized 
life.  In  October,  1855,  information  was  received  that  an  In 
dian  war  was  in  progress,  in  Rogue  River  Valley,  caused  by  the 


•  INDIAN    WAR   IN    OREGON.  407 

murder  of  several  packers,  teamsters,  &c.,  on  the  different  routes 
near  the  Oregon  boundary  line.  The  military,  at  Fort  Lane, 
seemed  powerless  to  restrain  or  punish  the  marauders,  and  the 
population  forced  to  rise  for  their  own  protection.  A  company 
of  volunteers,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  men, 
was  formed,  and  started  on  the  7th,  for  the  scene  of  hostilities, 
under  the  command  of  Major  Lupton,  and  Captain  Williams. 
They  encountered  the  Indians  near  the  Rancherias,  and  an 
engagement  ensued,  which  ended  in  the  total  defeat  of  the  In 
dians,  who  left  forty  of  their  number  dead  upon  the  ground. 
Of  the  volunteers,  twelve  were  wounded,  one  of  whom,  Major 
Lupton,  died  the  same  night.  The  Indians  committed  many 
depredations,  in  their  flight.  They  burnt  the  house  of  a  Mr. 
Jones,  killing  him,  and  mortally  wounding  his  wife. 

An  account  received  about  the  same  time,  stated  that  Major 
Haller,  with  a  body  of  troops  under  his  command,  had  been 
completely  surrounded  by  the  Indians,  at  a  point  about  twenty- 
five  miles  from,  the  Dalles.  He  occupied  a  position  upon  a  hill, 
with  ravines  and  brush  around  him,  from  which  the  Indians 
were  constantly  firing  upon  his  devoted  band.  They  were  in  a 
complete  state  of  siege,  and  had  been  for  forty-eight  hours  without 
water.  Major  Haller,  managed  to  send  a  messenger  to  Dalles 
in  the  night,  who  arrived  safely,  and  reported  the  condition  of 
affairs,  and  that  at  least  one  thousand  men  would  be  necessary  to 
dislodge  the  enemy.  Lieutenant  Day  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  immediately  marched  to  his  relief,  and  measures  were 
taken  to  raise  the  required  number  of  soldiers. 

There  still  remains  much  doubt  about  the  extent  of  the  hos 
tile  feeling  among  the  Indians.  In  a  letter  from  General  Palmer, 
it  is  stated  that  the  chief  of  the  Wacos  reports  that  proposals 
have  been  made  to  all  the  tribes  east  of  the  Cascades  to  unite 
in  a  general  war  for  exterminating  the  whites,  but  that  many 
refuse  to  enter  an  alliance  to  fight  the  Americans.  And  yet 


408  INDIAN   NARRATIVES.         • 

among  nearly  all  the  tribes  are  found  some  restless  spirits  ready 
to  join  in  a  general  war.  The  Yakinias  seem  well  united  in  a 
feeling  of  hostility.  The  Clikitats  are  divided.  All  sorts  of 
Indian  tales  of  wrongs  are  reported  to  inaace  a  war  spirit,  and 
threats  of  hostility  made  against  such  tribes  as  will  not  join  the 
Yakinias.  Those  best  acquainted  with  the  Indian  character  are 
disposed  to  think  that  disaffection  has  been  so  widely  diffused 
that  one  flush  of  victory  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  in  a  contest 
with  the  United  States  troops  would  induce  nearly  all  the  tribes 
to  unite  in  a  general  war.  Hence  much  anxiety  is  now  felt  in 
the  result  of  Haller's  expedition  against  them.  We  are  satis 
fied  that  unless  the  Indians  have  greatly  the  advantage  in  posi 
tion,  his  troops  will  be  enabled  to  route  the  Yakimas.  We  re 
gret,  however,  that  his  command  had  not  been  increased 'to  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  half  of  whom  should  have  been 
mounted.  He  then  would  have  been  able  to  make  a  demon 
stration  so  formidable  as  to  have  appalled  the  Indians  in  the 
first  attack,  and  followed  them  so  closely  and  effectually  that 
they  would  gladly  have  yielded  all  hopes  of  success  against  the 
whites. 


